巴布爾三戰(zhàn)定印度，滅信得和德里，伏旁遮普和孟加拉。統(tǒng)一印度河流域和恒河流域。 A reason that is commonly given for this is that there was no united stand by Indian kings against invaders. There could in fact be no such united stand by them, because, from the Indian point of view, there was no we/they divide between Indians and invaders. The Indian ruling class viewed Turks not as foreigners but as a component in the ever-shifting population conglomeration of India. And the establishment of the Turkish rule in India was seen by them as just an aspect of the normal political turmoil in India. As for the common people, it made virtually no difference in their lives whether rajas or sultans ruled over them. 一個(gè)經(jīng)常提到的原因是，面對(duì)入侵者，印度的諸王國(guó)沒(méi)有基本的團(tuán)結(jié)。實(shí)際上印度諸王國(guó)自己不可能團(tuán)結(jié)。因?yàn)?，在印度視角看?lái)，印度人和入侵印度的民族沒(méi)有什么區(qū)別。印度本土統(tǒng)治集團(tuán)（注：防和諧替換原文）視（泛）突厥入侵為競(jìng)爭(zhēng)者而非外國(guó)人。（泛）突厥統(tǒng)治者和印度本土統(tǒng)治者爭(zhēng)取不斷變動(dòng)的印度民族聚合物。突厥人在印度確立的新統(tǒng)治模式被印度本土統(tǒng)治階級(jí)開了只不過(guò)是尋常的印度政治騷動(dòng)。而對(duì)于普通人印度教公王還是穆斯林蘇丹騎在他們頭上，沒(méi)有本質(zhì)的區(qū)別

印度王爺狡猾又殘忍，外國(guó)蘇丹殘忍又狡猾 ---------------------------------------- There was no concept of India as a nation at this time. Indians did not look like one people or speak like one people—the language of the people of one region of India was entirely unintelligible to the people of the other regions of India. And each of these regional groups was itself divided into several discrete socio-cultural groups based on caste and sect. India in medieval times was just a geographical region, like Europe, not a nation. At best India could be considered as a distinct civilisation, but in this too India was not much different from Europe. India was in fact even more fragmented than Europe, because of the innumerable sectarian and caste divisions among each of its regional people. 當(dāng)時(shí)還沒(méi)有印度作為一個(gè)國(guó)家的概念。印度人看起來(lái)不像一個(gè)民族，說(shuō)話也不像一個(gè)民族。印度一個(gè)地區(qū)的人說(shuō)的語(yǔ)言對(duì)印度其他地區(qū)的人來(lái)說(shuō)是完全聽不懂的。而每一個(gè)地區(qū)群體本身又根據(jù)種姓和教派劃分為幾個(gè)獨(dú)立的社會(huì)文化群體。中世紀(jì)的印度只是一個(gè)地理區(qū)域不是一個(gè)國(guó)家。就像歐洲大陸一樣。在最好的情況下，印度可以被認(rèn)為是一個(gè)獨(dú)特的文明。但在這一點(diǎn)上，印度與歐洲并沒(méi)有太大的不同。事實(shí)上，印度比歐洲更分裂，因?yàn)槊總€(gè)地區(qū)人民之間存在著恒河沙數(shù)的宗派和種姓分歧。

英屬印度的行政區(qū)劃。英屬印度是由印度各地貴族組成的殖民地。是以印治印的典范，突出的核心思想就是地方高度自治，然后政治互相糾葛完全混亂。英國(guó)人作為調(diào)停人干涉印度邦國(guó)內(nèi)政。 ---------------------------------------- In any case, the lack of political unity is hardly a convincing reason for the dismal military performance of Indian kings against invaders, for many of the Indian kings had under their command greater resources in men and materials than the invaders. But what mattered in battles was not the numerical strength of the army, but its martial spirit and energy, and in this the Indian armies were inferior to the invading armies, perhaps because of the sweltering, debilitating climate of India. 在任何情況，缺少政治團(tuán)結(jié)都不能令人信服地說(shuō)明印度諸王對(duì)付入侵者的糟糕表現(xiàn)。很多印度王公指揮著比入侵者更有人力戰(zhàn)力優(yōu)勢(shì)的武裝。但在戰(zhàn)斗中，重要的不是軍隊(duì)的數(shù)量，而是它的武德和武魂，在這兩點(diǎn)上，印度軍隊(duì)不如入侵者。這也許是因?yàn)橛《鹊膼灍幔谷颂撊醯臍夂颉? The awareness of this adverse effect of Indian climate on people made some of the invaders conduct their campaigns into India only during the relatively cool months of the year. Mahmud Ghazni, for instance, conducted his raids into India mostly during the cool, rainless months between October and February; similarly, Timur took care to restrict his Indian campaign to the six months between September and March. 由于意識(shí)到印度氣候?qū)θ藗兊牟焕绊?。一些侵略者只在一年中相?duì)涼爽的月份才在印度用兵。例如，馬哈茂德·加茲尼皇帝在本年10月至次年2月間涼爽、少雨的月份對(duì)印度發(fā)動(dòng)襲擊。同樣，帖木兒.伯克小心翼翼地將他的印度戰(zhàn)役限制在9月到3月之間的六個(gè)月。 ------------------------------------------------------- 長(zhǎng)舌翁注： 來(lái)一段Mahmud Ghazni征服北印度的簡(jiǎn)介 By 1001, Mahmud had turned his attention to the fertile lands of the Punjab, now in?India, which lay southeast of his empire. The target region belonged to fierce but fractious Hindu?Rajput?kings, who refused to coordinate their defense against the Muslim threat from Afghanistan. In addition, the Rajputs used a combination of infantry and elephant-mounted cavalry, a formidable but slower-moving form of army than the Ghaznavids' horse cavalry. 在公元1001年，Mahmud Ghazni開始注意印度旁遮普地區(qū)肥沃的土壤（旁遮普意譯是五河，印度河左岸中游地區(qū)，是印度河流域最好的耕地。）。旁遮普在伽色尼帝國(guó)的東南。旁遮普地區(qū)的統(tǒng)治者屬于武德充沛但分裂成渣的印度教拉其普特王公。這些拉其普特諸侯王在面對(duì)阿富汗穆斯林入侵軍威脅時(shí)，拒絕聯(lián)合抵抗。另外，拉其普特諸侯王勇戰(zhàn)象騎兵和步兵聯(lián)合作戰(zhàn)，形成堅(jiān)固但緩慢的軍陣。而伽色尼王雄的馬騎兵更快。 Over the next three decades, Mahmud of Ghazni would make more than a dozen military strikes into Hindu and Ismaili kingdoms to the south. By the time of his death, Mahmud's empire stretched to the shores of the Indian Ocean at southern Gujarat. 縱橫三十載，馬哈茂德.伽色尼皇帝討伐印度和南方穆斯林王國(guó)超過(guò)12次。在皇帝駕崩之時(shí)，伽色尼帝國(guó)的南部邊界到達(dá)了到南古吉拉特邦的印度洋沿岸。

一張圖解釋兩件事。 1.拉杰普特諸侯王碎片到什么程度。拉賈斯坦邦就是原來(lái)西拉杰普特諸侯王的領(lǐng)土。在印度獨(dú)立之前有18家印度教王公和2家阿富汗薩拉達(dá)爾軍閥統(tǒng)治這片土地。這20家諸侯都是有軍隊(duì)的。拉賈斯坦邦的意思就是王爺特別多的邦。同時(shí)代同面積的中國(guó)青海省，軍閥就一家。要是算上面積稍大一點(diǎn)的四川，城連縣跨州府的軍閥不過(guò)超過(guò)十個(gè)。比拉賈斯坦邦少得多。 2.Mahmud Ghazni皇帝第一次在古吉拉特看見海，非常高興。因?yàn)榭梢栽O(shè)立海關(guān)收關(guān)稅了。

英國(guó)統(tǒng)治印度時(shí)期，各小邦國(guó)軍隊(duì)的老槍，現(xiàn)在還在給民兵使用。 ---------------------------------------- Mahmud appointed local vassal kings to rule in his name in many of the conquered regions, easing relations with non-Muslim populations. He also welcomed Hindu and Ismaili soldiers and officers into his army. However, as the cost of constant expansion and warfare began to strain the Ghaznavid treasury in the later years of his reign, Mahmud ordered his troops to target Hindu temples and strip them of vast quantities of gold. 在很多征服地區(qū)馬哈茂德任命當(dāng)?shù)厥酪u國(guó)王以馬哈茂德皇帝的名義統(tǒng)治，以緩和與非穆斯林人口的關(guān)系。馬哈茂德皇帝也歡迎印度教徒和伊斯瑪儀派信徒在他的軍隊(duì)里擔(dān)任士兵和軍官。但持續(xù)不斷擴(kuò)張和作戰(zhàn)的巨大花銷還是侵蝕了馬哈茂德皇帝的國(guó)庫(kù)。在馬哈茂德皇帝統(tǒng)治的晚年，他命令自己的士兵去搶印度教神廟并掠奪了大量黃金。

印度神廟現(xiàn)在還保留著金頂。

印度黑魔法防御道具：純潔的黃金。印度教認(rèn)為黃金神圣純潔是象征。純金的貢品是對(duì)神靈的尊重。所以在印度教寺院，有保存大量黃金器物的保險(xiǎn)柜。另外印度貴族的骨灰盒也是純金的，保存在寺院里。