上一章

VENICE AND THE CRUSADERS

威尼斯與十字軍

One state eventually dominated the story of the Fourth Crusade: the Republic of Venice. Until 1204 Venice remained theoretically part of the Byzantine Empire, though in practical terms its elected duke, or ‘doge’, was by now an independent ruler. On the other hand, a close and ancient association with Constantinople gave Venice huge commercial advantages over its rivals – to some extent even over the indigenous merchants of the Byzantine Empire. Lying along the vital Venetian trade route down the Adriatic Sea lay the rugged coast and multiple islands of Dalmatia, where a largely Italianized population had dominated towns and some stretches of coast since Roman times. For most of the early medieval period Dalmatia was dominated by the Byzantine Empire, often through its proxy, the Doge of Venice, as ‘Dux Dalmatie’. In practical terms this could result in Dalmatian towns promising fidelity to Venice in return for Venetian protection, while at the same time remaining effectively autonomous.

? ? ? ? ? ?一個(gè)國(guó)家最終主導(dǎo)了第四次十字軍東征的故事：威尼斯共和國(guó)。直到1204年，威尼斯在理論上仍然是拜占庭帝國(guó)的一部分，盡管在實(shí)際情況中，它選出的公爵，或稱為 "doge"的，已是一個(gè)獨(dú)立的統(tǒng)治者。另一方面，與君士坦丁堡密切且古老的聯(lián)系使得威尼斯在商業(yè)上對(duì)其競(jìng)爭(zhēng)對(duì)手具有巨大的優(yōu)勢(shì)——在某種程度上甚至超過了拜占庭帝國(guó)的本土商人。沿著威尼斯在亞得里亞海的重要貿(mào)易路線，是達(dá)爾馬提亞崎嶇不平的海岸和多個(gè)島嶼，自羅馬時(shí)代以來，那里的城鎮(zhèn)和一些海岸線上的居民基本上都是意大利人。在中世紀(jì)早期的大部分時(shí)間里，達(dá)爾馬提亞被拜占庭帝國(guó)所控制，經(jīng)常通過其代理人威尼斯總督作為 "達(dá)爾馬提亞公爵 "進(jìn)行統(tǒng)治。從實(shí)際情況來看，這可能導(dǎo)致達(dá)爾馬提亞城鎮(zhèn)承諾忠于威尼斯，以換取威尼斯的保護(hù)，但同時(shí)又保持有效的自治。

During the 12th century however, the joint Kingdom of Hungary and Croatia dominated much of Dalmatia. This the Venetians saw as a threat to their trade routes, and as a result two port-cities, Zadar (Zara) and Split (Spalato), became the focal points in a bitter rivalry; Venice generally dominated the former while Hungary dominated the latter. A short-lived Byzantine revival under the Comnenid emperors pushed back the Hungarians in the 1160s and 1170s, but Byzantine authority then collapsed again, leaving Venice to face a dangerous situation.

? ? ? ? ? ?然而，在12世紀(jì)，匈牙利和克羅地亞的聯(lián)合王國(guó)統(tǒng)治了達(dá)爾馬提亞的大部分地區(qū)。威尼斯人認(rèn)為這是對(duì)其貿(mào)易路線的威脅，因此，兩個(gè)港口城市扎達(dá)爾（Zara）和斯普利特（Spalato）成為激烈競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的焦點(diǎn)；威尼斯通常主宰前者而匈牙利主宰后者。在康涅狄格皇帝的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下，拜占庭在1160年代和1170年代擊退了匈牙利人，并實(shí)現(xiàn)了短暫的復(fù)興，但拜占庭的權(quán)威隨后再次崩潰，這使威尼斯面臨著非常危險(xiǎn)的局面。

Elsewhere in Europe, internal problems or hostility between major states meant that no king or emperor was available to take command of the new crusade. There had, for example, been a notable deterioration in relations between the Byzantine and Holy Roman Empires during the second half of the 12th century. The former was the direct heir of the eastern half of the ancient Roman Empire, while the latter claimed to be heir to the western half, as revived by Charlemagne in the 8th century. Nevertheless, the ruling dynasties of the Holy Roman and Byzantine Empires did forge dynastic links, which, though they achieved little, had an influence upon the course of the Fourth Crusade.

? ? ? ? ? ?在歐洲其他地方，主要國(guó)家之間的內(nèi)部問題或敵意意味著沒有國(guó)王或皇帝可以指揮新的十字軍東征。例如，在12世紀(jì)下半葉，拜占庭帝國(guó)和神圣羅馬帝國(guó)之間的關(guān)系明顯惡化了。前者是古羅馬帝國(guó)東半部的直接繼承人，而后者則聲稱是西半部的繼承人，由查理曼大帝在8世紀(jì)恢復(fù)榮光。盡管如此，神圣羅馬帝國(guó)和拜占庭帝國(guó)的統(tǒng)治王朝確實(shí)建立了王朝間的聯(lián)系，這些聯(lián)系雖然成果不大，但對(duì)第四次十字軍東征的進(jìn)程產(chǎn)生了影響。

The situation in France and England was even less encouraging for Pope Innocent III’s new crusade. King Richard of England died in 1199 and his brother, King John, inherited his quarrel with King Philip Augustus of France. As a result of this, official French and English participation in the expedition was impossible, though large numbers of French, Anglo-French and Anglo-Norman knights did take the cross. In fact, the year 1204, when the Byzantine capital fell under Crusader control, was also a very significant year in French and English history – Philip Augustus expelling his Anglo-Angevin rivals from all of France except for Gascony in the far south-west and the Channel Islands in the far north-west.

? ? ? ? ? ?對(duì)比教皇英諾森三世的新十字軍，法國(guó)和英國(guó)的情況更不樂觀。英格蘭國(guó)王理查德于1199年去世，他的弟弟約翰國(guó)王繼承了他與法國(guó)國(guó)王菲利普-奧古斯都的矛盾。由于這個(gè)原因，法國(guó)和英國(guó)官方不可能參與遠(yuǎn)征，盡管大量的法國(guó)、英法和英諾曼騎士確實(shí)走上了十字軍東征的道路。事實(shí)上，拜占庭首都落入十字軍控制之下的1204年，也是法國(guó)和英國(guó)歷史上非常重要的一年——菲利普-奧古斯都將他的對(duì)手盎格魯-安格文從整個(gè)法國(guó)驅(qū)逐出去，除了最西南的加斯科尼和最西北的海峽群島。

Another area that would play a major role in the forthcoming crusade, and its leadership, was Flanders. Though a feudal fiefdom of the Kingdom of France rather than an independent state, Flanders had become an important, wealthy and strongly urbanized part of Western Europe. During the decade before the Fourth Crusade the Count of Flanders’ power had declined and, despite being economically very developed, the area remained politically somewhat anarchic. The situation was further complicated by the neighboring counties of Flanders and Hainault having being ruled by one person since 1191, despite Flanders being within the Kingdom of France and Hainault being part of the German Empire.

? ? ? ? ? ?另一個(gè)在即將到來的十字軍東征中發(fā)揮重要作用的地區(qū)是佛蘭德斯。雖然法蘭德斯是法蘭西王國(guó)的一個(gè)封地、而不是一個(gè)獨(dú)立的國(guó)家，但它已成為西歐重要的、富有的和強(qiáng)烈城市化的一部分。在第四次十字軍東征前的十年間，弗蘭德斯伯爵的權(quán)力有所下降，盡管經(jīng)濟(jì)非常發(fā)達(dá)，但該地區(qū)在政治上仍然有些無政府的狀態(tài)。盡管佛蘭德斯屬于法蘭西王國(guó)，而海諾屬于德意志帝國(guó)，但相鄰的佛蘭德斯和海諾郡自1191年以來一直由一個(gè)人統(tǒng)治，這使情況更加復(fù)雜。

Dalmatia was part of Croatia, which had been a joint kingdom with Hungary since 1102, and became the first victim of the Fourth Crusade despite the fact that King Imre of Hungary and Croatia had himself taken the cross. Much of Dalmatia was nevertheless outside any government’s control. Here the Latin aristocracy of the coastal cities despised the surrounding Slav peasantry and tribesmen. Each of the old Roman cities also retained their autonomy and frequently competed with each other, while loyalties were very localized, much as they were in Italy.

? ? ? ? ? 達(dá)爾馬提亞是克羅地亞的一部分，自1102年以來，克羅地亞一直是匈牙利的一個(gè)聯(lián)合王國(guó)，盡管匈牙利和克羅地亞的國(guó)王伊姆雷自己拿著十字架（基督教徒），但還是成為了第四次十字軍東征的第一個(gè)受害者。然而，達(dá)爾馬提亞的大部分地區(qū)卻不在任何政府的控制之下。在這里，沿海城市的拉丁貴族鄙視周圍的斯拉夫人農(nóng)民和部落成員。每座古老的羅馬城市也都保留著自己的自治權(quán)，并經(jīng)常相互競(jìng)爭(zhēng)，而忠誠(chéng)度則非常地方化，就像在意大利一樣。

Meanwhile, the relationship between Catholic Hungary and Orthodox Byzantium had long been close, though not always friendly. During the first half of the 12th century these two huge realms had been allies, after which Hungary found itself resisting Byzantine expansion until a sudden collapse of Byzantine power in the later 12th century. It was during these years that Hungary seized extensive territory in ex-Byzantine Serbia and regained much of Dalmatia, where it found itself in competition with Venice. The glorious reign of King Béla III ended in 1196, being followed by that of Béla’s son Imre (1196–1204), which saw civil war between the king and his younger brother Andrew. Meanwhile the pope urged Imre to lead a crusade against Bogomil heretics who had established themselves in Bosnia and various other parts of the Balkans.

? ? ? ? ? 與此同時(shí)，天主教匈牙利和東正教拜占庭之間的關(guān)系長(zhǎng)期以來一直很密切，盡管并不總是友好。在12世紀(jì)上半葉，這兩個(gè)巨大的王國(guó)曾是盟友，此后匈牙利發(fā)現(xiàn)自己在抵制拜占庭的擴(kuò)張，直到12世紀(jì)后期拜占庭勢(shì)力的突然崩潰。正是在這些年里，匈牙利在前拜占庭塞爾維亞奪取了大量領(lǐng)土，并重新獲得了達(dá)爾馬提亞的大部分地區(qū)，在那里它發(fā)現(xiàn)自己在與威尼斯競(jìng)爭(zhēng)。貝拉三世的輝煌統(tǒng)治于1196年結(jié)束，緊隨其后的是貝拉的兒子伊姆雷（1196-1204）的統(tǒng)治，該國(guó)王和他的弟弟安德魯之間發(fā)生了內(nèi)戰(zhàn)。與此同時(shí)，教皇敦促伊姆雷領(lǐng)導(dǎo)十字軍東征，打擊在波斯尼亞和巴爾干半島其他地區(qū)建立起來的博戈米爾異端分子。

The sudden decline of Byzantine imperial power in the later 12th century permitted the re-emergence of independent or autonomous entities across much of the Balkans. The first Albanian state emerged around 1190 under its own ‘a(chǎn)rchons’, or local leaders; this independence then being lost to the Byzantine Despotate of Epirus in 1216. In most of the Balkan Peninsula Orthodox Christianity provided a regional identity but no real unity, while this separateness from their western and northern neighbours was also reinforced by the Balkan peoples’ essentially Byzantine cultural heritage.

? ? ? ? ? ?12世紀(jì)后期，拜占庭帝國(guó)力量的突然衰落使得巴爾干大部分地區(qū)重新出現(xiàn)了獨(dú)立或自治的實(shí)體。第一個(gè)阿爾巴尼亞國(guó)家大約在1190年出現(xiàn)，由其自己的 "大主教 "或地方領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人領(lǐng)導(dǎo)；這種獨(dú)立性在1216年被拜占庭的伊庇魯斯專制國(guó)家所取代。在巴爾干半島的大部分地區(qū)，東正教提供了一個(gè)區(qū)域身份，但沒有真正的統(tǒng)一，而這種與西部和北部鄰國(guó)的分離也因巴爾干人民本質(zhì)上的拜占庭文化遺產(chǎn)而得到加強(qiáng)。

Like Albania, Bosnia and Serbia emerged as separate entities. However, much of what would later be the southern part of medieval Serbia initially exchanged Byzantine for Bulgarian domination. Furthermore, as Byzantine authority declined, so Hungarian pressure continued and a Hungarian army actually reached Sofia in the late 1180s. Indeed, competition between Byzantium and Hungary for domination over the lower-Danube region remained a feature of this period.

? ? ? ? ? ?與阿爾巴尼亞一樣，波斯尼亞和塞爾維亞也是作為獨(dú)立實(shí)體出現(xiàn)的。然而，后來成為中世紀(jì)塞爾維亞南部地區(qū)的大部分地區(qū)最初以拜占庭換取保加利亞的統(tǒng)治。此外，隨著拜占庭權(quán)威的下降，匈牙利的壓力也在持續(xù)，一支匈牙利軍隊(duì)在1180年代末實(shí)際上已經(jīng)到達(dá)索菲亞。事實(shí)上，拜占庭和匈牙利對(duì)多瑙河下游地區(qū)的統(tǒng)治權(quán)的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)仍然是這一時(shí)期的一個(gè)特點(diǎn)。

The outbreak of a revolt in what is now Bulgaria in the mid-1180s then forced the Byzantines back to the Danube Delta on the Black Sea coast. Credit for initiating and leading this revolt, which resulted in the establishment of the ‘Second Bulgarian Empire’, remains a source of heated nationalistic debate between Bulgarians and Romanians, three peoples actually being involved: Romanian-speaking Vlachs, Turkish-speaking Kipchaqs (Cumans) and Slav-speaking Bulgarians. By the time of the Fourth Crusade a Byzantine counter-attack had faltered and the new state had emerged in the northern part of what is now Bulgaria, while Byzantine authority was restricted to the lowlands of eastern Thrace. In 1201 or 1202, as the Crusaders were mustering in the west, the Vlachs and Kipchaqs again raided Byzantine territory, getting dangerously close to Constantinople. This was followed by a peace agreement between the Byzantine emperor Alexios III and Bulgarian King Ivan II, otherwise known as Ioannitsa or as ‘Kaloyan the Romanslayer’. This remained the situation when the Fourth Crusade suddenly appeared on the scene in 1203.

? ? ? ? ? 11世紀(jì)80年代中期，保加利亞爆發(fā)了一場(chǎng)叛亂，然后迫使拜占庭人回到了黑海沿岸的多瑙河三角洲。發(fā)起和領(lǐng)導(dǎo)這次起義的首領(lǐng)，建立了"第二保加利亞帝國(guó) "，這是保加利亞人和羅馬尼亞人之間激烈的民族主義辯論的來源，實(shí)際上有三個(gè)民族參與其中。說羅馬尼亞語的瓦拉幾人、說土耳其語的基普查克人（庫(kù)曼人）和說斯拉夫語的保加利亞人。到第四次十字軍東征時(shí)，拜占庭的反擊已經(jīng)失敗，新的國(guó)家出現(xiàn)在如今保加利亞北部，而拜占庭的權(quán)力輻射則被限制在色雷斯東部的低地。1201年或1202年，當(dāng)十字軍在西部集結(jié)時(shí)，瓦拉幾人和基普查克人再次襲擊了拜占庭領(lǐng)土，危險(xiǎn)地接近了君士坦丁堡。此后，拜占庭皇帝阿列克西奧三世與保加利亞國(guó)王伊萬二世（又稱伊奧尼察或 "羅馬屠夫卡洛揚(yáng)"）達(dá)成了和平協(xié)議。當(dāng)?shù)谒拇问周姈|征于1203年突然出現(xiàn)時(shí)，情況仍然如此。

The Byzantine Empire has naturally been the subject of intense historical research to discover quite how and why a once-mighty (and still extensive) state with its massively fortified and hugely wealthy capital fell so suddenly to a handful of crusading adventurers and their Venetian allies. No simple answer has been agreed, because there is no simple answer. The weaknesses of Byzantium at the time of the Fourth Crusade were manifold, though none of them fully accounts for this collapse. On the other hand, there are a number of basic facts. During the 12th century the Byzantine Empire made significant territorial gains in the Balkans and this is believed to have resulted in a shift of emphasis from the Anatolian or Asian provinces to the European provinces. Nevertheless, it is far from clear how important the regions north of the Rhodope Mountains were, either economically, politically or militarily.

? ? ? ? ? 拜占庭帝國(guó)自然成為歷史研究激烈的主題，以發(fā)現(xiàn)一個(gè)曾經(jīng)強(qiáng)大（而且仍然廣泛）的國(guó)家及其巨大的防御和巨大的財(cái)富的首都是如何以及為什么突然倒在一小撮十字軍冒險(xiǎn)家和他們的威尼斯盟友手中。沒有一個(gè)簡(jiǎn)單的答案被認(rèn)同，因?yàn)闆]有如此簡(jiǎn)單的答案。第四次十字軍東征時(shí)，拜占庭的弱點(diǎn)是多方面的，盡管其中沒有一個(gè)能完全說明這種崩潰的原因。另一方面，有一些基本事實(shí)被認(rèn)同。在12世紀(jì)，拜占庭帝國(guó)在巴爾干地區(qū)取得了巨大的領(lǐng)土收益，這被認(rèn)為導(dǎo)致了重點(diǎn)從安納托利亞或亞洲省份轉(zhuǎn)移到歐洲省份。然而，羅多彼山脈以北的地區(qū)在經(jīng)濟(jì)、政治或軍事上有多重要還不清楚。

Similarly, emperor Manuel’s massive defeat at the hands of the Saljuq Turks at the battle of Myriokephalon in 1176 may not have been as important as once thought. Certainly, the Saljuqs chose not to follow up their success by conquering additional Byzantine territory. Similarly, the Byzantine army continued to defend the empire’s frontiers with reasonable success until its collapse in the late 12th and early 13th centuries.

? ? ? ? ? 同樣，曼努埃爾皇帝在1176年的米里奧克法隆戰(zhàn)役中大敗于薩爾朱克土耳其人之手，這可能并不像人們?cè)?jīng)認(rèn)為的那樣重要。當(dāng)然，薩爾朱克人沒有選擇通過征服更多的拜占庭領(lǐng)土來跟進(jìn)他們的成功。同樣，拜占庭軍隊(duì)繼續(xù)保衛(wèi)帝國(guó)的邊境，并取得了合理的成功，直到12世紀(jì)末和13世紀(jì)初帝國(guó)崩潰。

Tensions between the indigenous, largely Greek, population of the empire and the Latin, largely Italian, merchant communities in the major cities also seem exaggerated. In fact, the Byzantine populace turned against these economically dominant foreigners only when the latter got drawn into Byzantine political rivalries. Then, of course, there were appalling massacres such as that of 1182. Michael Angold, the renowned historian of this period, summarized the situation immediately prior to 1204 as follows: ‘Ever since the death of Manuel I Komnenos in 1180 the weaknesses of the Byzantine Empire had become increasingly apparent. By the end of the century there was an atmosphere of complete demoralization. There was vicious intrigue and corruption in the capital, anarchy in the provinces, and growing external pressure on the boundaries of the empire’. However, the Fourth Crusade was more than merely another element in this disintegration, instead it converted a threatening situation into a complete catastrophe.

? ? ? ? ? 帝國(guó)的本土人口（主要是希臘人）與主要城市的拉丁人（主要是意大利人）商人群體之間的緊張關(guān)系似乎也被夸大了。事實(shí)上，只有當(dāng)這些經(jīng)濟(jì)上占主導(dǎo)地位的外國(guó)人被卷入拜占庭的政治競(jìng)爭(zhēng)時(shí)，拜占庭的民眾才會(huì)轉(zhuǎn)而反對(duì)這些人。然后，當(dāng)然還有駭人聽聞的大屠殺，如1182年的大屠殺。處于這一時(shí)期的著名歷史學(xué)家邁克爾-安戈?duì)柕拢∕ichael Angold）對(duì)1204年之前的情況總結(jié)如下。自從1180年曼努埃爾一世（Manuel I Komnenos）去世后，拜占庭帝國(guó)的弱點(diǎn)變得越來越明顯。到本世紀(jì)末，出現(xiàn)了一種完全喪失士氣的氣氛。首都出現(xiàn)了邪惡的陰謀和腐敗，各省出現(xiàn)了無政府狀態(tài)，帝國(guó)的邊界面臨著越來越大的外部壓力"。然而，第四次十字軍東征不僅僅是這一瓦解中的另一個(gè)因素，相反，它將一個(gè)有威脅的局面變成了一場(chǎng)徹底的災(zāi)難。

未完待續(xù)！