幾年前曾做過此書的節(jié)譯，現(xiàn)在打算翻譯全書，發(fā)布在B站平臺上

作者：Ruth Kinna

譯者：A書翻譯平臺

索引: Kinna, R. (2005).?Anarchism: a beginner's guide. One word Publications.

What is Anarchism?

There?cannot?be a history of anarchism in the sense of establishing a permanent state of things called ‘a(chǎn)narchist’. It is always a continual coping with the next situation, and a vigilance to make sure that past freedoms are not lost and do not turn into the opposite ...

若旨在建立一種一成不變的“無政府主義者”的概念，那無政府主義的歷史根本無從考量。無政府主義是一種持續(xù)不斷的隨機(jī)應(yīng)變，它始終保持警惕，確保過去的自由不會喪失，也不會適得其反…

(Paul Goodman, in?A Decade of Anarchy, p. 39)

What do we anarchists believe? ... we believe that human beings can achieve their maximum development and fulfillment as individuals in a community of individuals only when they have free access to the means

of life and are equals among equals, we maintain that to achieve a society in which these conditions are possible it is necessary to destroy all that is authoritarian in existing society.

我們無政府主義者相信什么呢？…我們相信只有在每個人都完全平等，且能夠自由取得生活資料的情況下，社群中的每個人才能獲得最大程度的發(fā)展和滿足。我們堅(jiān)持認(rèn)為，要實(shí)現(xiàn)一個能滿足上述條件的社會，就必須摧毀現(xiàn)存社會中一切權(quán)威的東西。

(Vernon Richards,?Protest Without Illusions, p. 129)

Anarchism is a doctrine that aims at the liberation of peoples from political domination and economic exploitation by the encouragement of direct or non-governmental action. Historically, it has been linked to working-class activism, but its intellectual roots lie in the mid-nineteenth century, just prior to the era of mass organization. Europe was anarchism’s first geographical centre, and the early decades of the twentieth century marked the period of its greatest success. Yet the influence of anarchism has extended across the globe, from America to China; whilst anarchism virtually disappeared after 1939, when General Franco crushed the Spanish revolution to end the civil war, today it is again possible to talk about an anarchist movement or movements. The origins of contemporary anarchism can be traced to 1968 when, to the delight and surprise of activists – and disappointment and incredulity of critics – student rebellion put anarchism back on the political agenda.

無政府主義是在一種支持通過直接或非政府行動，將人民從政治統(tǒng)治和經(jīng)濟(jì)壓迫下解放的學(xué)說。在歷史上，無政府主義和工人階級的行動主義聯(lián)系緊密，但其在理論上的根基可追溯至十九世紀(jì)中葉，而早于群眾組織興起的時代。無政府主義首先以歐洲為地理中心，在二十世紀(jì)的頭幾個十年里取得了顯著的成果，而后進(jìn)一步擴(kuò)展到了從美國到中國的整個世界。雖然在1939年弗朗哥將軍撲滅西班牙革命，結(jié)束西班牙內(nèi)戰(zhàn)后，無政府主義從此似乎銷聲匿跡，但今日許多無政府主義運(yùn)動卻又出現(xiàn)在人們的視野中。當(dāng)代無政府主義的起源可以追溯到1968年：運(yùn)動家們又驚又喜，而批評者則大失所望，疑心重重地看到，學(xué)生運(yùn)動又把無政府主義推上了政治議程。

There is some dispute in anarchist circles about the character and composition of the late-twentieth and twenty-first-century anarchism and its relationship to the earlier twentieth-century movement. But all agree that anarchism has been revived and there is some optimism that anarchist ideas are again exercising a real influence in contemporary politics. This influence is detectable in numerous campaigns – from highly publicized protests against animal vivisection, militarization and nuclear arms, to less well-known programs for urban renewal, the development of alternative media, free education, radical democracy and co-operative labour. Anarchist ideas have also made themselves felt in the anti-capitalist, anti-globalization movement – sometimes dubbed by activists as the pro-globalization movement or the movement for globalization from below.

無政府主義者的圈子對二十世紀(jì)晚期至二十一世紀(jì)的無政府主義的性質(zhì)與構(gòu)成，以及其與二十世紀(jì)早期運(yùn)動的關(guān)系一直都有爭論。但有一個共識是，無政府主義在當(dāng)代重新復(fù)蘇了。一些較為樂觀的觀點(diǎn)認(rèn)為，無政府主義在當(dāng)代政治中已經(jīng)重新產(chǎn)生了真正的影響。我們在許多運(yùn)動中都可以察覺到這種影響——從反對動物活體解剖，反對擴(kuò)張軍事和核武器的高調(diào)游行，到更少為人知的市區(qū)更新計(jì)劃，另類媒體的發(fā)展，免費(fèi)教育，激進(jìn)民主和合作勞動形式。無政府主義也在反資本主義和反全球化的運(yùn)動中有所體現(xiàn)——這些運(yùn)動有時也被運(yùn)動的參與者稱為支持全球化運(yùn)動，或者說支持自下而上全球化運(yùn)動。

Anarchists are those who work to further the cause of anarchism. Like activists in other movements, those who struggle in the name of anarchism fall into a number of categories ranging from educationalists and propagandists to combatants in armed struggle. Anarchists work in local and international arenas, building networks for community action and showing solidarity with comrades locked in struggles in areas like Palestine and the Chiapas region of Mexico.

無政府主義者致力于推動無政府主義的事業(yè)。如同其他運(yùn)動中的參與者，以無政府主義為名進(jìn)行斗爭的人也各有不同，從進(jìn)行教育和宣傳的積極分子到進(jìn)行武裝斗爭的戰(zhàn)士，不一而足。無政府主義者在本地和國際舞臺上工作，建立社區(qū)行動網(wǎng)絡(luò)，與在巴勒斯坦和墨西哥恰帕斯地區(qū)艱苦斗爭的同志們團(tuán)結(jié)一致。

Because anarchists eschew party politics, their diversity is perhaps more apparent than it is in other organizations. The development of discrete anarchist schools of thought will be examined in some detail later on in the chapter. But as a starting point, it is useful to indicate three areas of difference to help to distinguish the concerns of contemporary anarchists. Some of those calling themselves anarchist consider anarchism to be a political movement directed towards the liberation of the working class. In the past, this struggle was centred on urban industrial workers, though in places like Spain it also embraced rural workers. Today, anarchists in this group also make appeals to women and people of colour within the working class and combine their traditional concern to overcome economic oppression with an interest to combat racism, sexism and fascism. Anarchists in this band include groups affiliated to the International Workers’ Association (IWA): the Solidarity Federation in Britain and the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) in Spain. In contrast, other anarchists see anarchism as a vast umbrella movement, importantly radicalized by feminists, ecologists, gays and lesbians. Anarchists in this group, often suspicious of being categorized by any?ism, tend to see anarchism as a way of life or a collective commitment to a counter-cultural lifestyle defined by interdependence and mutual support. Variations of this idea are expressed by anarchists linked to the journal?Social Anarchism?as well as by European ‘insurrectionists’ like Alfredo Bonanno. A third group similarly downplays the idea of working-class struggle to emphasize the aesthetic dimension of liberation, building on an association with art that has its roots in the nineteenth century. For these anarchists, anarchism is a revolutionary movement directed towards the need to overcome the alienation, boredom and consumerism of everyday life. Its essence lies in challenging the system through cultural subversion, creating confusion to highlight the oppressiveness of accepted norms and values. Anarchists in this group include self-styled anti-anarchist anarchists like Bob Black and primitivists like John Moore.

因?yàn)闊o政府主義者有意避免黨派政治，他們的多樣性比起其他組織來說更加明顯。各式各樣的無政府主義思想流派將在本章后面部分詳細(xì)研究。但首先來說，有必要指出以下三處不同理解，以幫助我們更好的了解當(dāng)代無政府主義者的思想差異。一些無政府主義者認(rèn)為無政府主義旨在解放工人階級。在過去，這種斗爭集中在城市工人上，雖然在像西班牙這樣的地方它也同樣接納鄉(xiāng)村勞動者。而在今天，這些無政府主義者同樣為工人階級中的女性和不同種族而呼吁，將傳統(tǒng)的反對經(jīng)濟(jì)壓迫的訴求與新的反對種族主義，性別歧視和法西斯主義的訴求結(jié)合了起來。這一類無政府主義者包括隸屬于國際工人協(xié)會（International Workers’ Association, IWA）的許多群體：如英國的團(tuán)結(jié)協(xié)作會（Solidarity Federation）和西班牙的全國勞工聯(lián)盟（Confederación Nacional del Trabajo, CNT）。相比之下，其他一些無政府主義者認(rèn)為無政府主義是一個龐大的保護(hù)傘運(yùn)動，特別是女權(quán)主義者，環(huán)保主義者和同性戀群體。這一類無政府主義者常常不愿被歸類為某種“主義”，他們將無政府主義視作一種生活方式，或是對一種由互相依存和團(tuán)結(jié)互助所定義的，反文化的生活方式的集體承諾。許多和《社會無政府主義》雜志相關(guān)的無政府主義者，以及阿爾弗雷德·博南諾（Alfredo Bonanno）等歐洲“暴動者”都表達(dá)了這種觀點(diǎn)的變體。第三類無政府主義者同樣淡化了工人階級斗爭的概念，而強(qiáng)調(diào)解放的美學(xué)層面，建立與藝術(shù)之間的聯(lián)系。這種聯(lián)系起源于十九世紀(jì)。對于這些無政府主義者，無政府主義是一種旨在克服日常生活中的異化，無聊和消費(fèi)主義的革命性的運(yùn)動。其本質(zhì)在于通過文化上的顛覆挑戰(zhàn)制度，制造混亂以凸顯出人們普遍認(rèn)可的共同范式和價值觀中的壓迫性。這一類無政府主義者包括像鮑勃·布萊克這樣自稱反無政府主義的無政府主義者，以及像約翰·摩爾這樣的原始主義者。

Anarchy is the goal of anarchists: the society variously described to be without government or without authority; a condition of statelessness, of free federation, of ‘complete’ freedom and equality based either on rational self-interest, co-operation or reciprocity. Though there are fewer conceptions of anarchy than there are anarchists, the anarchist ideal has been conceptualized in a variety of ways. What holds them together is the idea that anarchy is an ordered way of life. Indeed, the origin of the familiar graffiti – the ‘A’ in a circle – derives from the slogan ‘Anarchy is order; government is civil war’, coined by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon in 1848 and symbolized by the revolutionary Anselme Bellegarrigue. Notwithstanding the regularity with which Bellegarrigue’s graffiti appears on bus shelters and railway lines, anarchists have not been able to communicate their ideas very effectively and, instead of being accepted as a term that describes a possible set of futures, anarchy is usually taken to denote a condition of chaos, disorder and disruption. Indeed, ‘a(chǎn)narchy’ was already being used in this second sense before anarchists like Proudhon adopted it to describe their ideal. Whilst studies of the origins of the word ‘a(chǎn)narchy’ are part and parcel of most introductions to anarchist thought, this well-trodden territory helps to explain the difficulty anarchists have had+ in defining their position. As G.D.H. Cole noted, ‘the Anarchists ... were anarchists because they did not believe in an anarchical world’[1]. Common language, however, has always suggested otherwise.

無政府狀態(tài)是無政府主義者的目標(biāo)：一個各種意義上都沒有政府或者權(quán)威的社會；一種基于理性自利，合作共處或者互利互惠的，無國家的，自由聯(lián)合的，“完全”自由和平等的狀態(tài)。盡管無政府主義的概念少于無政府主義者的種類，但無政府主義理想已經(jīng)被以各種方式概念化了。而正是“無政府是一種有序的生活方式”這一觀點(diǎn)將無政府主義者們團(tuán)結(jié)在一起。其實(shí)，那個著名的無政府主義圖案——一個被圓圈圈住的A——正是來源于一句口號“無政府是秩序，而政府才是內(nèi)戰(zhàn)”。這個口號是皮埃爾-約瑟夫·蒲魯東在1848年所寫的，而革命者安塞爾·貝拉格里奇則將其作為了一種象征。盡管貝拉格里奇的圖案經(jīng)常出現(xiàn)在公交候車亭和鐵路線上，但無政府主義者并沒能非常有效地傳達(dá)自己的想法。“無政府”并沒有被廣泛用以表達(dá)一種可能的未來，而通常被用以表達(dá)混亂，無序和破壞性的狀態(tài)。事實(shí)上，在蒲魯東這樣的無政府主義者用“無政府”來描述他們的理想之前，這個詞已經(jīng)被用來表達(dá)第二種消極的意義了。盡管對“無政府”一詞起源的研究一直是大多數(shù)無政府主義思想介紹的一部分，但厘清這個老生常談的問題能使我們更好地解釋無政府主義者在界定立場時所面臨的困難。正如G.D.H科爾（G.D.H Cole）所說“無政府主義者…之所以是無政府主義者，是因?yàn)樗麄儾恍欧罨靵y無序的世界?！倍廊藚s總是對此有截然相反的誤解。