作者生平：

? ? ? ? ? 安德魯·達(dá)爾比（Andrew Dalby）是一位古典學(xué)者、歷史學(xué)家、語言學(xué)家和翻譯家，以他關(guān)于食物史（尤其是希臘和羅馬帝國）的書籍而聞名。 《Siren Feasts》 是安德魯·達(dá)爾比的第一本美食書籍，獲得了 Runciman（朗西曼）獎，他的第二本書《dangerous Tastes》在2001年獲得了美食作家協(xié)會年度美食書籍。他還是《The Classical Cookbook》和《Empire of Pleasures》以及巴克斯和維納斯的傳記的作者。

《Tastes of Byzantium ：The Cuisine of a Legendary Empire》于 2003 年首次出版

ISBN: 978 1 84885 165 8

本書完整的 CIP 記錄可從大英圖書館、美國國會圖書館獲得

由 Thomson Press India Ltd 在印度印刷和裝訂?

Humoral theory and the need for spices

體液理論和對香料的需求

The system of nutrition spelt out by Galen, in his second-century manual On the Properties of Foods, has been among the most influential of all scientific theories. It has two branches.

? ? ? ? ? 蓋倫在其 2 世紀(jì)的《食品特性》手冊中闡述的營養(yǎng)系統(tǒng)一直是所有科學(xué)理論中最有影響力的。它有兩個分支。

The first branch is 'humoral theory'. The human body has four humours, blood, phlegm, yellow bile and black bile. Ideally these humours should be in balance, but in practice they are not. According as each one of them rules a particular individual's constitution, he or she may be described as sanguine (ruled by blood), phlegmatic (ruled by phlegm), choleric (ruled by yellow bile) or melancholy (ruled by black bile). We still remember the words, even if we forget the theory that lay behind them. According to the thory, an unbalanced constitution causes one to be subject to ill health. The aim of the physician-dietician, or of the self-prescriber, is to balance the humours and to keep them balanced, which will ensure good health. To do this one must correctly identify the individual's temperament, and one must know the dietary properties of foods.

? ? ? ? ? 第一個分支是“體液理論”。 人體有四種體液，血、痰、黃膽汁和黑膽汁。 理想情況下，這些體液應(yīng)該是平衡的，但實際上卻并非如此。 根據(jù)他們每個人的特定個體的體質(zhì)，他或她可以被描述為多血（由血液支配），粘液（由痰支配），膽汁（由黃膽汁支配）或憂郁（由黑膽汁支配）。我們?nèi)匀挥浀眠@些詞，即使我們忘記了它們背后的理論。 根據(jù)該理論，不平衡的體質(zhì)會導(dǎo)致身體不健康。醫(yī)師-營養(yǎng)師或自我處方者的目標(biāo)是平衡體液并保持它們的平衡，這將確保身體健康。要做到這一點，必須正確識別個人的氣質(zhì)，并且必須了解食物的飲食特性。

That brings us to the second branch: the 'powers of foods'. Each dietary ingredient can be located on several scales, and the two most practically important are these: What humours does it assist in producing or assist in eliminating? How easily and quickly does it act at each stage in its passage through the digestive system? Once the 'power' of each foodstuff is known, an appropriate range of foods and drinks can be prescribed in a daily regimen whose purpose is both to give sufficient nourishment and to establish the ideal balance of humours.

? ? ? ? ? 這就把我們帶到了第二個分支：“食物的力量”。 每種膳食成分都可以分為多個等級，其中最重要的兩個是：它有助于產(chǎn)生或消除哪些體液？它在通過消化系統(tǒng)的每個階段的作用有多容易和快速？一旦知道每種食物的“力量”，就可以在日常飲食中食用適當(dāng)范圍的食物和飲料，其目的是提供足夠的營養(yǎng)并建立理想的體液平衡。

That is the general purpose of the texts translated in chapter 6. Specifically, text 2 is arranged under 'Categories of Foods'; text 3 is arranged by humoral and dietary effects; text 4 is arranged as a monthly calendar. The fact that these little handbooks use the technical language of Greek humoral and dietary theory does not mean that they were intended for physicians alone. On the contrary, the manuscript compilation known as De cibis (the basis of text 3) is addressed to a seventh-century emperor, presumably by a court physician. Inconclusive as it is, the evidence suggests that numerous Byzantines - among those who had any choice of food at all - were more or less conscious of their 'constitution' and 'temperament' and gave attention to the good and bad effects of foods and drinks on these. They took advice from private physicians and dieticians, just as modern sporting and media personalities do, or they read books about diet, just as many of the rest of us do. Their reading might consist of short texts like those translated in full in chapter 6; or they might go further and study the longer works (by Simeon Seth and others) from which occasional extracts are quoted in this book. However, the really extensive textbooks on diet, such as those of Galen or the one embedded in the Medical Collections gathered in the fourth century by Oribasius, were quite evidently written for physicians and were probably read by them almost exclusively.

? ? ? ? ? 這就是第 6 章中翻譯文本的總體目的。具體而言，文本 2 被安排在“食品類別”下；文本 3 按體液和飲食效果排列；文本 4 按月歷排列。這些小手冊使用希臘體液和飲食理論的技術(shù)語言這一事實并不意味著它們僅適用于醫(yī)生。相反，被稱為 De cibis 的手稿匯編（文本 3 的基礎(chǔ)）是寫給 7 世紀(jì)的一位皇帝的，作者可能是一位宮廷醫(yī)生。盡管尚無定論，但證據(jù)表明，許多拜占庭人——在那些完全可以選擇食物的人中——或多或少地意識到自己的“體質(zhì)”和“性情”，并關(guān)注食物和飲料的好壞。他們聽取私人醫(yī)生和營養(yǎng)師的建議，就像現(xiàn)代體育和媒體人士所做的那樣，或者他們閱讀有關(guān)飲食的書籍，就像我們其他人一樣。他們的閱讀可能包括短文，如第 6 章中的全文翻譯；或者他們可能會走得更遠(yuǎn)，研究本書中偶爾引用摘錄的較長的作品（Simeon Seth 和其他人的作品）。然而，真正廣泛的關(guān)于飲食的教科書，例如蓋倫的教科書或奧里巴修斯在 4 世紀(jì)收集的醫(yī)學(xué)收藏中的教科書，顯然是為醫(yī)生寫的，而且可能幾乎只由他們閱讀。

We should notice the special place of spices and other powerful flavours and aromas in this system. They had greater 'powers' than ordinary foodstuffs, as might be guessed from their strong taste and aroma. Therefore, they were used, by anyone who could afford them, to make rapid and perhaps radical adjustments to the diet. Such adjustments were needed partly in response to the climate and the seasons, but also for more irregular reasons - either to treat a sudden illness or digestive problem, or to counteract the effect of inappropriate foods, or to compensate for a sudden change in life style or regimen. Travellers, for example, need greater-than-usual stamina and may not be able to eat the same foods, or at the same times, as usual. Athletes in training, or facing a major competition, equally must make adjustments to their diet.

? ? ? ? ? 我們應(yīng)該注意到香料和其他強(qiáng)烈味道在這個系統(tǒng)中的特殊位置。從它們濃郁的味道和香氣中可以猜到，它們比普通的食物具有更大的“力量”。 因此，任何能夠負(fù)擔(dān)得起的人都使用它們來對飲食結(jié)構(gòu)進(jìn)行快速甚至徹底的調(diào)整。這種調(diào)整部分是為了應(yīng)對氣候和季節(jié)，但也有一些不規(guī)律的原因——要么是為了治療突發(fā)疾病或消化問題，要么是為了抵消不適當(dāng)食物的影響，或者是為了彌補(bǔ)生活方式的突然變化或養(yǎng)生法。例如，旅行者需要擁有比平時更多的耐力，并且可能無法像往常一樣吃相同的食物，或在相同的時間吃。運動員在訓(xùn)練中或面臨重大比賽時，同樣必須調(diào)整飲食。

Those who still live by a version of humoral theory - as do many millions of people in southern and eastern Asia - still make such adjustments to their diet, and they make much use of spices in particular in doing so. But even in modern Europe and North America, where humoral theory no longer rules, it is fashionable, under newer theories of nutrition, to make similar quick and radical adjustments to the diet with what are now called 'health foods' and 'dietary supplements'. Oddly enough, one or two of them are actually identical with herbs and spices used in medieval Constantinople.

? ? ? ? ? 那些仍然以體液理論為生的人——就像南亞和東亞的數(shù)百萬人一樣——仍然對他們的飲食進(jìn)行這樣的調(diào)整，而且他們在這樣做時會大量使用香料。 但即使在體液理論不再占主導(dǎo)地位的現(xiàn)代歐洲和北美，在新的營養(yǎng)理論下，用現(xiàn)在所謂的“健康食品”和“膳食補(bǔ)充劑”對飲食做出類似的快速和徹底的調(diào)整也是一種時尚。奇怪的是，其中一兩種做法實際上與中世紀(jì)君士坦丁堡使用的草藥和香料相同。

In chapter 6 there is a handy summary (text 2 'Categories of Foods', sections vi-vii) of the dietary powers of some major aromatics - including some so powerful that we would call them 'drugs' rather than 'foods', and some that were not eaten at all but contributed, as wreaths, to the atmosphere of the dining room. Aromas as well as flavours were a part of dining. Medicinally, aromas were significant in their own right. Already in classical Greece manuals had been compiled detailing the health effects of aromatics - both spices and fresh plants - with special attention to their presence at banquets. When the Roman emperor Elagabalus strewed the floor of his dining room with roses, or arranged for a rain of violets to fall upon the diners, he intended the effect to be both pleasurable and health-giving. Incidentally, both roses and violets, which come first among the 'medicinal plants' in the list in text 2, were also taken internally as constituents of flavoured wines. They are accompanied in text 2 by jasmine, an aromatic plant that had by now spread both east and west from its original habitat in southwestern Asia. Basil and marjoram are also there; both are nowadays often regarded as food herbs, but they were probably not used in food or wine in medieval Constantinople.

? ? ? ? ? ?在第 6 章中，有一個方便的總結(jié)（文本 2“食物類別”，第 vi-vii 節(jié)）。一些主要的芳香劑的飲食功效——包括一些功效非常強(qiáng)大以至于我們稱它們?yōu)椤八幬铩倍皇恰笆澄铩?，以及有些根本沒有被吃掉，而是像花圈一樣為餐廳的氣氛做出了貢獻(xiàn)。香氣和風(fēng)味是用餐的一部分。在醫(yī)學(xué)上，香氣本身就很重要。古典希臘的手冊中已經(jīng)編制了詳細(xì)說明芳香劑（包括香料和新鮮植物）對健康的影響的手冊，并特別注意它們在宴會上的存在。當(dāng)羅馬皇帝埃拉加巴魯斯在他餐廳的地板上撒上玫瑰花，或者安排一場紫羅蘭雨灑在用餐者身上時，他希望這種效果既令人愉悅又有益健康。順便說一句，玫瑰和紫羅蘭，在文本 2 列表中的“藥用植物”中排在首位，在內(nèi)部也被視為調(diào)味葡萄酒的成分。在文本 2 中伴隨著茉莉花，這是一種芳香植物，現(xiàn)已從其在亞洲西南部的原始棲息地向東西方傳播。羅勒和馬郁蘭也在那里；兩者現(xiàn)在通常被視為食用藥草，但在中世紀(jì)的君士坦丁堡，它們可能并未用于食品或葡萄酒中。

Of the true spices listed in text 2, three - saffron, cloves and nutmeg - are relatively familiar in modern Europe as food spices. All the rest have sometimes been used in food or drink: musk, ambergris, camphor and attar of roses more frequently; sandalwood and aloeswood much more rarely. It will be seen that though the majority of spices are 'hot and dry', camphor and attar of roses have exactly the opposite power, and the list as a whole allows the user to select spices with any desired combination of effects.

? ? ? ? ? 在文本 2 中列出的真正香料中，三種——藏紅花、丁香和肉豆蔻——在現(xiàn)代歐洲作為食用香料較為熟悉。 其余的有時都被用于食品或飲料中：麝香、龍涎香、樟腦和玫瑰焦油； 檀香木和沉香木很少見。 可以看出，盡管大多數(shù)香料是“干熱”的，但樟腦和玫瑰的焦油卻具有完全相反的功效，并且整個列表允許用戶選擇具有任何所需效果組合的香料。

Because of the different circumstances in which dietary adjustments were needed, there were several ways of making them. Everybody needed to adjust to the seasons - see next section - so, as far as that was concerned, suitable choices of ingredients could be made when dishes and spiced wines were prepared for a whole household. But some people, depending on their 'constitutions', might have more need for certain spices than others: for these, sauces could be offered in the form of dips, giving each person the choice of how much to take. An individual who was ill, or had very particular dietary needs, might require a special dish, a specially formulated digestive to take after dinner, or a special flavoured salt to add to food. A traveller might carry a mixed spice powder to stir into whatever wine was available, or a supply of spices to improve the nutritional qualities of food cooked at inns. Rose sugar, a popular medieval confection, may well have originated in Byzantium as an easy way of harnessing the cold, moist, headache preventing power of roses to the heat of sugar. Spoon sweets, now so typical of traditional Greece, were already known (as glykismata me tas apalareas) in the twelfth century and played a similar dietary role.' Aromatic soft drinks (required on fast days) and aromatic wines were perennially popular, or, at least, continually prescribed: the ones flavoured with mastic, aniseed, rose and absinthe were especially well known. In the specimen recipes given in chapter 7, from manuscripts of the fourth-century Medical Collections of the Imperial physician Oribasius, three favourite Byzantine aromatics - saffron, mastic and storax - figure prominently. Storax boasts its own unique 'storax wine', unknown to civilizations before or after the Byzantine. Saffron and mastic are both included in the 'anise wine', if that heady concoction is truly a single recipe (some editors believe that at least two recipes have been conflated under this heading).

? ? ? ? ? ?由于需要調(diào)整飲食的情況不同，有幾種方法可以做出調(diào)整。每個人都需要適應(yīng)季節(jié)——見下節(jié)——因此，就這一點而言，當(dāng)為全家準(zhǔn)備菜肴和香料酒時，可以做出合適的配料選擇。但是有些人，根據(jù)他們的“體質(zhì)”，可能比其他人更需要某些香料：對于這些，醬汁可以以蘸料的形式提供，讓每個人選擇吃多少。生病或有特殊飲食需求的人可能需要一道特殊的菜肴、晚餐后服用的特殊配方的消化劑或添加到食物中的特殊調(diào)味鹽。旅行者可能會攜帶混合香料粉攪拌到任何可用的葡萄酒中，或者攜帶香料以改善旅館烹制的食物的營養(yǎng)品質(zhì)。玫瑰糖，一種流行的中世紀(jì)甜點，很可能起源于拜占庭，作為一種利用玫瑰的寒冷、潮濕、預(yù)防頭痛的能力來加熱糖的簡單方法。勺子糖果，現(xiàn)在是傳統(tǒng)希臘的典型，在 12 世紀(jì)就已為人所知（作為軟糖），并發(fā)揮了類似的飲食作用。芳香軟飲料（禁食日需要）和芳香葡萄酒一直很受歡迎，或者至少是不斷開處方：用乳香、大茴香、玫瑰和苦艾酒調(diào)味的飲料尤其出名。在第 7 章給出的食譜樣本中，來自帝國醫(yī)師奧里巴修斯 (Oribasius) 的四世紀(jì)醫(yī)學(xué)收藏手稿，三種最喜歡的拜占庭芳香劑——藏紅花、乳香和斯托拉克斯——占據(jù)了顯著位置。斯托拉克斯擁有自己獨特的“斯托拉克斯酒”，在拜占庭之前或之后的文明中都不為人知。藏紅花和乳香都包含在“茴香酒”中，如果這種令人陶醉的混合物真的是一個單一的配方（一些編輯認(rèn)為至少有兩個配方在這個標(biāo)題下混為一談）。

There is a real connection between - on the one hand - medieval anise wine, mastic wine and other versions of conditum, and - on the other hand - modern vermouth, absinthe, ouzo and other spiced wines and spirits. And it is still widely accepted in 2003 that, when taken at a certain time of day as part of a daily regimen, such drinks contribute to health. Yet the connection is not easy to trace in the historical record - because beliefs of this kind have not, for quite some time now, corresponded with current scientific opinion. They have been driven underground. For a different reason, as shown by the following quotation, the drinking of aromatic spirits had already become an underground affair in the Ottoman centuries that followed the fall of Constantinople.

? ? ? The art [of fermenting date wine] is still remembered in Anatolia, though less commonly and rather secretively practised because it contravenes Islamic rule. It was specifically forbidden by the lawgiver Jafar, who listed wine among the 'ten pollutions'. Although outlawed, spirits are often distilled, being described as medicine to cure indigestion and colic. To improve their medicinal qualities the richer people have China root, ambergris and spices added before distillation; the common people, licorice root and the herb afiinthin or Persian wormwood, a plant that differs somewhat from the wormwood known in Europe (to whichever of them the name absinthium truly belongs). I have seen others add the root of nagir or ischir, schoenanthus verus, a plant native to Persia.

? ? ? ? ? 一方面，中世紀(jì)茴香酒、乳香酒和其他版本的 conditum，另一方面，現(xiàn)代苦艾酒、苦艾酒、茴香酒和其他香料酒和烈酒之間存在真正的聯(lián)系。 并且在 2003 年仍然被廣泛接受，當(dāng)在一天中的某個時間作為日常養(yǎng)生的一部分服用時，這種飲料有助于健康。 然而，這種聯(lián)系在歷史記錄中并不容易追溯——因為這種信念在相當(dāng)長的一段時間內(nèi)都與當(dāng)前的科學(xué)觀點不符。這種信念被埋沒于塵土之中。 出于不同的原因，正如下面的引文所示，在君士坦丁堡淪陷后的奧斯曼帝國的幾個世紀(jì)里，飲用芳香烈酒已經(jīng)成為一種地下活動。

? ? ? ? ? [發(fā)酵棗酒]的技藝在安納托利亞仍然被人們銘記，盡管它不那么普遍而且相當(dāng)隱秘，因為它違反了伊斯蘭規(guī)則。立法者賈法爾明確禁止這種做法，他將葡萄酒列為“十大污染”之一。 雖然被取締，但烈酒經(jīng)常被蒸餾，被描述為治療消化不良和絞痛的藥物。有錢人為了提高藥用價值，在蒸餾前會加入龍涎香和香料； 普通人，甘草根和草本植物 afiinthin 或波斯艾草，這種植物與歐洲已知的艾草有些不同（苦艾的名稱真正屬于它們中的哪一個）。 我看到其他人添加了 nagir 或 ischir、schoenanthus verus 的根，這是一種原產(chǎn)于波斯的植物。

未完待續(xù)！