作者：John Haldon約翰·哈爾頓

出版商：Routledge Taylor & Francis Group

自翻：流瀲紫琳

Warring sides：Neighbours and enemies

交戰(zhàn)雙方：鄰居和敵人

????????? We have already referred to the strategically very awkward situation of the Byzantine state, with enemies or potential enemies on virtually every front and with a constant need to fight wars on more than one front at a time. In the north and west the situation was especially complex as a result of the variety of neighbouring states and political powers. From its establishment in the 680s, the Bulgar Khanate rapidly grew in power, and until its extinction at the hands of the emperor Basil 11, known as the 'Bulgar-slayer' (976-1025), represented a constant threat to the security of imperial territory in the Balkans. Throughout the 8th and 9th centuries and into the early 10th century, Bulgar power and influence grew, in spite of successful counter-attacks under the emperor Constantine V in the 760s and 770s. The nadir of Byzantine fortunes was probably the year 811, when the Khan Krum defeated and destroyed an imperial army, killing the emperor Nikephoros 1. Conversion to Christianity of elements of the ruling elite in the 860s was intended to stabilise the situation in favour of Byzantium; but the gradual Byzantinisation of this elite only contributed to the growth of an imperialistic Bulgar politics which hoped to bring the two states together under a Bulgar dynasty. But Bulgar successes under the Christian Tsar Symeon in the first 15 years of the 10th century were as dangerous; while the reassertion of Bulgar imperial ideology under Tsar Samuel inaugurated a conflict - after a relatively peaceful period in the middle of the 10th century - and led finally to the eradication of Bulgar independence and the recovery of much of the Balkans up to the Danube in the early 11th century. In spite of occasional rebellions, the region remained firmly in Byzantine hands until just before the fourth crusade in 1203-1204. The Latin division of the empire after 1204 resulted in the rapid growth of local Balkan cultural independence and the evolution of new states - the Serbian empire of Stefan Dushan being perhaps the most remarkable. Only the arrival of the Ottomans in the 14th century put an end to this development.

（我們已經(jīng)提到了拜占庭國家在戰(zhàn)略上非常尷尬的局面，幾乎在每條戰(zhàn)線上都有敵人或潛在的敵人，并且經(jīng)常需要一次在不止一條戰(zhàn)線上打仗。在北部和西部，由于鄰國政治力量的多樣性，情況尤其復雜。自680年代建立以來，保加利亞汗國的權(quán)力迅速增長，直到它在被稱為“保加利亞殺手”（976-1025）的皇帝巴西爾十一世（Basil 11）手中滅亡之前，它一直是巴爾干半島帝國領(lǐng)土安全的威脅。從8、9世紀一直到10世紀初，盡管君士坦丁五世(emperor Constantine V)在760和770年代進行了成功的反擊，但保加利亞的權(quán)力和影響力還是不斷增長。拜占庭命運的最低點可能是811年，當時可汗克魯姆擊敗并摧毀了一支帝國軍隊，殺死了皇帝尼基弗魯斯一世。860年代統(tǒng)治精英分子皈依基督教是為了穩(wěn)定局勢，有利于拜占庭 ; 但這些精英的逐漸拜占庭化只會助長保加利亞帝國主義政治的發(fā)展，這種政治希望將兩個國家合并到一個保加利亞王朝之下。但在10世紀前15年，保加利亞在信奉基督教的沙皇西米翁統(tǒng)治下取得的成功同樣危險;在保加利亞人帝國意識形態(tài)的再主張沙皇塞繆爾就職沖突——10世紀是一個相對和平的時期,最終根除保加利亞人獨立和使巴爾干半島多瑙河經(jīng)濟復蘇的時間是在11世紀早期。盡管偶爾發(fā)生叛亂，但該地區(qū)一直牢牢掌握在拜占庭手中，直到1203-1204年第四次十字軍東征之前。? 1204年后帝國的拉丁分裂導致巴爾干當?shù)匚幕毩⒌目焖僭鲩L和新國家的演變——塞爾維亞的斯特凡·杜尚帝國也許是最引人注目的。只有14世紀奧斯曼帝國的到來才結(jié)束了這種發(fā)展。）

????????? Relations with Italy and the west were similarly complicated. As we have noted already, Italy, north Africa and the south-eastern corner of the Iberian Peninsula had been reconquered under Justinian, at enormous cost, from the Ostrogoths, Vandals and Visigoths respectively. But the appearance of the Lombards in Italy (pursued by the Avars, at Byzantine request) soon resulted in the fragmentation of imperial possessions into a number of distinct regions under military commanders or duces. Imperial territory in the north-east and central regions was represented by the exarch, an officer with military and civil authority. But distance from Constantinople, local cultural differentiation and political conditions, together with the spiritual and political power of the Popes in Rome soon led to the gradual but inevitable diminution of imperial power. The extinction of the exarchate with the capture of Ravenna, its capital, at the hands of the Lombards in 751; increased papal dependence on the Franks for support against the Lombards, and increasingly autonomous and mutually competing local polities in the Italian peninsula had led to the reduction of imperial power to the regions of Calabria, Bruttium and Sicily by the early 9th century. Other political centres such as Naples remained technically Byzantine, but were in practice quite independent. Venice, which grew in importance from the early 9th century, likewise remained nominally an imperial territory.

（與意大利和西方世界的關(guān)系也同樣復雜。正如我們已經(jīng)注意到的，意大利、北非和伊比利亞半島的東南角在查士丁尼的統(tǒng)治下分別從東哥特人、汪達爾人和西哥特人手中以巨大的代價重新征服。但是，意大利倫巴第人的出現(xiàn)（在拜占庭的要求下被阿瓦爾人追逐）很快導致帝國財產(chǎn)在軍事指揮官或公爵的領(lǐng)導下分裂成許多不同的地區(qū)。東北和中部地區(qū)的帝國領(lǐng)土由具有軍事和民事權(quán)威的官員代表。 但與君士坦丁堡的距離、當?shù)氐奈幕町惡驼螚l件，以及羅馬教皇的精神和政治權(quán)力很快導致皇權(quán)逐漸地減弱。751年，倫巴第人占領(lǐng)了首都拉文納（Ravenna），使總督區(qū)滅絕；羅馬教皇越來越依賴法蘭克人以支持對抗倫巴第人，而意大利半島日益自治和相互競爭的地方政體導致了9世紀初卡拉布里亞、布魯?shù)倌泛臀魑骼飴u地區(qū)的皇權(quán)減少。其他政治中心，如那不勒斯，在模式上仍然是拜占庭式的，但實際上是相當獨立的。威尼斯從9世紀初開始變得越來越重要，同樣名義上仍然是帝國的領(lǐng)土。）

????????? The coronation by the pope of Charles the Great — Charlemagne — as (western) Roman emperor in Rome in 800 set the seal on the political and cultural separation of east Rome and the west. Cultural differences, expressed in particular through ecclesiastical politics and the struggle between Franks, Byzantines and the papacy for dominance in the central and western Balkans, became increasingly apparent, complicated by rivalry within the eastern Church. Despite various attempts at marriage alliances between the Byzantine and various western courts, the growing political, cultural and military strength of the western world precluded any serious reassertion of east Roman imperial power in the central Mediterranean basin.

公元800年，查理曼大帝的教皇加冕成為羅馬(西)皇帝，標志著東羅馬和西羅馬在政治和文化上的分離。文化差異，尤其是通過教會政治，以及法蘭克人、拜占庭人和教皇在巴爾干半島中部和西部爭奪統(tǒng)治權(quán)的斗爭表現(xiàn)出來，變得越來越明顯，而東方教會內(nèi)部的競爭則使其變得更加復雜。盡管拜占庭帝國和西方各大朝廷曾多次嘗試聯(lián)姻，但隨著西方世界政治、文化和軍事實力的不斷增強，東羅馬帝國在地中海盆地中部的權(quán)力無法得到真正的重新確立。

????????? Byzantine influence was struck a further blow by the loss of Sicily to Islamic forces during the 9th century. The weakening of the empire in the civil wars of the middle and later 11th century and the growth of the Crusading movement further complicated matters: caricatures of western arrogance and ignorance on one side were matched by equally inaccurate caricatures of Byzantine treachery and effeteness on the other. Although the imperial revival under the Komnenos dynasty during the late 11th and 12th centuries made a rapprochement possible, including the development of a strong pro-western faction at Constantinople (promoted by the emperor Manuel (1143-80)), the conflict between imperial interests in controlling trade and commerce and Italian merchant expansionism, coupled with cultural suspicion and Venetian political intrigue and opportunism, resulted in the launching of the fourth crusade, the sack of Constantinople, and the partition of the eastern empire into a number of Latin kingdoms and principalities.

（9世紀西西里島被伊斯蘭勢力占領(lǐng)，拜占庭的影響進一步受到打擊。帝國在11世紀中后期內(nèi)戰(zhàn)中的衰落和十字軍運動的發(fā)展使事情變得更加復雜：一方面是西方傲慢和無知的諷刺，另一方面是同樣不準確的拜占庭背叛和軟弱的諷刺。盡管11世紀末和 12 世紀科姆尼諾斯王朝統(tǒng)治下的帝國復興使和解成為可能，包括在君士坦丁堡發(fā)展強大的親西方派系（由曼努埃爾皇帝（1143-80）推動），但帝國利益之間的沖突 控制貿(mào)易和商業(yè)和意大利商人擴張主義，再加上文化猜疑和威尼斯的政治陰謀和機會主義，導致發(fā)動第四次十字軍東征，洗劫君士坦丁堡，并將東部帝國分裂為多個拉丁王國和公國。）

????????? A somewhat different tone existed in relations between Byzantium and the Rus', Norse settlers from the central Russian river belt who entered the Black Sea to trade and raid for booty, but who had soon become close trading partners with the empire (by the 920s certainly), and provided mercenary household troops for the emperors - from the 980s, the famous Varangian guard. Acceptance of Christianity under Vladimir in the 980s and a marriage alliance between the latter and Basil 11 inaugurated a long period of Byzantine cultural and spiritual influence on the Rus', fundamentally inflecting the evolution of Russian culture, the Church and tsarist ideology. The enduring influence of Byzantine methods of cultural penetration in the Balkans was expressed most clearly in the structure, organisation and ideology of the Orthodox Church of the region.

（拜占庭和俄羅斯之間的關(guān)系存在某種不同的基調(diào)，來自俄羅斯中部河流帶的北歐定居者進入黑海進行貿(mào)易和掠奪以獲取戰(zhàn)利品，但他們很快成為帝國的密切貿(mào)易伙伴（到 920 年代肯定 )，并為帝王提供傭兵家庭部隊——980年代起，著名的瓦蘭吉衛(wèi)隊。980 年代弗拉基米爾 (Vladimir) 接受基督教以及后者與巴西爾11世的聯(lián)姻開啟了拜占庭文化和精神對俄羅斯的長期影響，從根本上影響了俄羅斯文化、教會和沙皇意識形態(tài)的演變。拜占庭文化滲透方法在巴爾干地區(qū)的持久影響在該地區(qū)東正教的結(jié)構(gòu)、組織和意識形態(tài)中表現(xiàn)得最為明顯。）

????????? The empire's main neighbours in the north and west until the 10th century were thus the Bulgars - with the various Serb and other Slav chiefdoms and principalities in the western Balkans supporting or being directly controlled by now one side, now the other; the Rus' beyond them, along with the various steppe peoples — Chazars from the 8th century, then during the 9th the Magyars (who go on to establish the Christianised kingdom of Hungary), the Pechenegs in the 10th and 11th centuries, and thereafter the Cumans, relations of the Seljuks in the east. In Italy and western and central Europe foreign relations were dominated by the papacy and the neighbouring Lombard Kingdom and duchies in the former region until the later 8th century, and thereafter by the Frankish empire in its various forms. In particular the `German' empire of the Ottonian dynasty dominated central Europe and Italy from the 10th century, and its rulers had a keen interest in eastern Europe and the Balkans. During the 11th century the rising power of the young kingdom of Hungary introduced a new element into this equation. Eastern Roman relations with the kingdom of Hungary were particularly strained during the 1150s and 1160s, for Hungary played an important role on the international political stage, in particular in relation to Byzantine policy with regard to the German empire. Hungarian interest in the north-western Balkans was perceived by Constantinople as a destabilising element and a threat to imperial interests. The emperor Manuel tried to address the issue by both military and diplomatic pressure, sending frequent expeditions to threaten dissident rulers in the region to follow the imperial line, and interfering in the dynastic politics of the Hungarian court. The rise of the Italian maritime cities, especially Venice, Pisa and Genoa with their powerful fleets and mercantile interests, was to play a key role in both the political and economic life of the empire from this time onward.

（直到 10 世紀，帝國在北部和西部的主要鄰國都是保加利亞人。巴爾干西部的塞爾維亞人和其他斯拉夫酋長領(lǐng)地和公國現(xiàn)在支持或直接受另一方控制；除了他們之外的羅斯人，還有各種草原民族——8 世紀的查扎爾人，然后是 9 世紀的馬扎爾人（他們繼續(xù)建立了基督教化的匈牙利王國），10 世紀和 11 世紀的佩切涅格人，以及此后的 Cumans，東部塞爾柱人保持關(guān)系。在意大利和西歐和中歐，外交關(guān)系由羅馬教皇和鄰近的倫巴第王國和前地區(qū)的公國主導，直到 8 世紀后期，此后由各種形式的法蘭克帝國主導。特別是奧托尼亞王朝的“德意志”帝國從 10 世紀起就統(tǒng)治了中歐和意大利，其統(tǒng)治者對東歐和巴爾干地區(qū)有著濃厚的興趣。在 11 世紀，年輕的匈牙利王國的崛起為這個等式引入了一個新元素。 東羅馬與匈牙利王國的關(guān)系在 1150 年代和 1160 年代特別緊張，因為匈牙利在國際政治舞臺上發(fā)揮了重要作用，尤其是在拜占庭對德意志帝國的政策方面。 君士坦丁堡認為，匈牙利對巴爾干西北部的興趣是破壞穩(wěn)定的因素，是對帝國利益的威脅。曼努埃爾皇帝試圖通過軍事和外交壓力來解決這個問題，頻繁派遣遠征軍威脅該地區(qū)持不同政見的統(tǒng)治者追隨帝國路線，并干涉匈牙利宮廷的王朝政治。 意大利海上城市的崛起，尤其是威尼斯、比薩和熱那亞及其強大的船隊和商業(yè)利益，從此以后在帝國的政治和經(jīng)濟生活中都發(fā)揮了關(guān)鍵作用。）

????????? Perhaps the most dangerous foe the Byzantines had to face in the west were the Normans of southern Italy, who had served originally as mercenaries in the Byzantine armies, but who by the last decades of the century had established an independent state of their own, and who invaded the Balkans from Italy during the reign of Alexios I in the 1090s and early 12th century. Eventually defeated on this front, they nevertheless went on to establish one of the most powerful states in the central Mediterranean, the Norman kingdom of Sicily, and presented a major threat to Byzantine interests throughout the century. Yet it was not the Normans who played the key role in diverting the fourth crusade in 1203-1204 from its original targets in the Muslim east to Byzantium, but rather the republic of Venice, and it was Venetian interests that dictated the form taken by the political fragmentation of the empire in the period immediately thereafter.

也許拜占庭人在西方不得不面對的最危險的敵人是意大利南部的諾曼人，他們最初在拜占庭軍隊中擔任雇傭兵，但到本世紀的最后幾十年，他們建立了自己的獨立國家，并且他在1090年代和12世紀初在阿萊克修斯一世統(tǒng)治期間從意大利入侵巴爾干半島。最終在這條戰(zhàn)線上被擊敗，但他們繼續(xù)建立了地中海中部最強大的國家之一，西西里諾曼王國，并在整個世紀對拜占庭的利益構(gòu)成了重大威脅。 然而，在 1203-1204 年將第四次十字軍東征從其最初的目標穆斯林東部轉(zhuǎn)移到拜占庭的過程中，發(fā)揮關(guān)鍵作用的并不是諾曼人，而是威尼斯共和國，而威尼斯人的利益決定了其采取的形式。 在此后的時期，帝國陷入政治分裂局面。

????????? Until the extinction of the Sassanid empire by the Islamic armies in the 630s and early 640s, the Persian state had been the main opponent of the Roman empire in the east. Thereafter, the Umayyad (661-750) and then Abbasid (751-1258) Caliphates posed a constant threat to the empire. But this complex history falls into several phases: 650s-720s, when Arab-Islamic invasions were a regular phenomenon aimed at the destruction of the east Roman state; 720s-750s, when a ',Wits vivendi had been established, but in which Muslim attacks remained a constant source of economic and political dislocation; and thereafter until the middle of the 11th century, when the collapse and fragmentation of Abbasid authority made it possible for the empire to re-establish a military and political pre-eminence in the region. The increasingly important role of Turkic slave and mercenary soldiers in the Caliphate from the 840s, and the eventual arrival of the Seljuk Turks in the 1050s, was to alter this picture drastically. A combination of internal political dissension and a relatively minor military defeat at the hands of the Seljuk Sultan Alp Asian in eastern Anatolia in 1071 (battle of Mantzikert, mod. Malazgirt) resulted in the imperial loss of central Asia Minor, which henceforth became dominated by groups of Turkic nomadic pastoralists (known as Turkmen) who presented a constant threat to all forms of sedentary occupation. The growth of a series of Turkic emirates in the region thereafter made recovery of the region impossible; and the rise of the dynasty of Osman - the Ottomans - from the later 13th century was eventually to prove fatal to the east Roman empire.

（直到公元630年代和640年代早期，伊斯蘭軍隊消滅了薩珊王朝，波斯一直是羅馬帝國在東方的主要對手。此后，倭馬亞王朝 (661-750) 和阿拔斯王朝 (751-1258) 的哈里發(fā)一直對帝國構(gòu)成威脅。但這段復雜的歷史分為幾個階段：650 年代至 720 年代，當時阿拉伯伊斯蘭入侵是旨在摧毀東羅馬國家的常規(guī)現(xiàn)象；? 720 年代至 750 年代，當時已經(jīng)建立了“維旺迪”，但穆斯林的襲擊仍然是經(jīng)濟和政治混亂的持續(xù)根源；此后直到 11 世紀中葉，當阿拔斯王朝的崩潰和分裂使帝國有可能在該地區(qū)重新建立軍事和政治優(yōu)勢。從 840 年代起，突厥奴隸和雇傭兵在哈里發(fā)國中扮演的越來越重要的角色，以及 1050 年代塞爾柱土耳其人的最終到來，徹底改變了這一局面。1071 年在安納托利亞東部的塞爾柱蘇丹阿爾卑斯亞洲人手中的內(nèi)部政治分歧和相對較小的軍事失?。澘铺刂畱?zhàn)，mod. Malazgirt）導致中小亞細亞的帝國喪失，此后小亞細亞被統(tǒng)治 突厥游牧民族（稱為土庫曼人）對所有形式的久坐職業(yè)構(gòu)成持續(xù)威脅。此后，該地區(qū)一系列突厥酋長國的發(fā)展使該地區(qū)無法恢復。奧斯曼王朝——奧斯曼帝國——從 13 世紀后期的崛起最終證明對東羅馬帝國是致命的。）

????????? The political world of Byzantium was thus complex and multifaceted. The government at Constantinople needed to run an efficient, intelligent and above all watchful diplomatic system, for it was on diplomacy, alliances, gifts and the careful use of intelligence that the empire depended. But when these failed, as they often did, it needed an army, and it is the imperial armies, the way they were maintained and how they fought, that is the main theme of this volume.

（因此，拜占庭的政治世界是復雜多樣的。君士坦丁堡政府需要運行一個高效、智能且最重要的是警惕的外交系統(tǒng)，因為帝國依賴于外交、聯(lián)盟、禮物和對情報的謹慎使用。但是當這些失敗時，就像他們經(jīng)常做的那樣，它需要一支軍隊，而正是帝國軍隊，他們的維持方式和戰(zhàn)斗方式，這就是本書的主題。）

未完待續(xù)