注：由于哈里森總統(tǒng)的演講稿過長，超出單個(gè)專欄字?jǐn)?shù)上限，演講全文將分為兩期專欄發(fā)布。本專欄為下半部分。

上半部分專欄：https://www.bilibili.com/read/cv21981574

There is no part of the means placed in the hands of the Executive which might be used with greater effect for unhallowed purposes than the control of the public press. The maxim which our ancestors derived from the mother country that "the freedom of the press is the great bulwark of civil and religious liberty" is one of the most precious legacies which they have left us. We have learned, too, from our own as well as the experience of other countries, that golden shackles, by whomsoever or by whatever pretense imposed, are as fatal to it as the iron bonds of despotism. The presses in the necessary employment of the Government should never be used "to clear the guilty or to varnish crime." A decent and manly examination of the acts of the Government should be not only tolerated, but encouraged.

總統(tǒng)可以采取的手段中，沒有任何可用于控制公眾輿論等骯臟目的的措施。我們祖先受祖國啟發(fā)，為我們留下的最寶貴遺產(chǎn)之一便是“新聞自由是公民自由和宗教自由的堅(jiān)實(shí)壁壘”(譯者注:引用自1809年麥迪遜總統(tǒng)的就職演講)。我們從我國和他國歷史上都可以學(xué)到，無論任何人以任何理由給我們戴上多么珠光寶氣的枷鎖，其都與專制主義的鐵鏈一樣致命。媒體在對政府重要工作進(jìn)行報(bào)道時(shí)，絕不能幫助其“粉飾錯誤和消匿罪名”。政府不僅應(yīng)容忍新聞媒體對其進(jìn)行適當(dāng)檢查，還應(yīng)該鼓勵這種行為。

Upon another occasion I have given my opinion at some length upon the impropriety of Executive interference in the legislation of Congress——that the article in the Constitution making it the duty of the President to communicate information and authorizing him to recommend measures was not intended to make him the source in legislation, and, in particular, that he should never be looked to for schemes of finance. It would be very strange, indeed, that the Constitution should have strictly forbidden one branch of the Legislature from interfering in the origination of such bills and that it should be considered proper that an altogether different department of the Government should be permitted to do so. Some of our best political maxims and opinions have been drawn from our parent isle. There are others, however, which can not be introduced in our system without singular incongruity and the production of much mischief, and this I conceive to be one.?

我曾在其他場合就總統(tǒng)干涉國會立法的行為發(fā)表了一些觀點(diǎn)——根據(jù)憲法規(guī)定，總統(tǒng)有義務(wù)向國會做出報(bào)告，并有權(quán)建議采取其相關(guān)措施，這并不代表總統(tǒng)就成為了立法權(quán)的來源，更不應(yīng)該由總統(tǒng)主管財(cái)政計(jì)劃。的確很奇怪，憲法本應(yīng)該嚴(yán)格禁止立法部門干涉財(cái)政，財(cái)政計(jì)劃應(yīng)交由其他政府部門負(fù)責(zé)才恰當(dāng)。我們最出色的部分政治格言和觀點(diǎn)都汲取自我們的祖先之地，即不列顛島。但是也有些觀點(diǎn)是不該引入的，否則不利于我國制度的和睦健全，我相信財(cái)政觀點(diǎn)是其中之一。

No matter in which of the houses of Parliament a bill may originate nor by whom introduced——a minister or a member of the opposition—— by the fiction of law, or rather of Constitutional principle, the sovereign is supposed to have prepared it agreeably to his will and then submitted it to Parliament for their advice and consent. Now the very reverse is the case here, not only with regard to the principle, but the forms prescribed by the Constitution. The principle certainly assigns to the only body constituted by the Constitution (the legislative body) the power to make laws, and the forms even direct that the enactment should be ascribed to them. The Senate, in relation to revenue bills, have the right to propose amendments, and so has the Executive by the power given him to return them to the House of Representatives with his objections. It is in his power also to propose amendments in the existing revenue laws, suggested by his observations upon their defective or injurious operation. But the delicate duty of devising schemes of revenue should be left where the Constitution has placed it——with the immediate representatives of the people. For similar reasons the mode of keeping the public treasure should be prescribed by them, and the further removed it may be from the control of the Executive the more wholesome the arrangement and the more in accordance with republican principle.

不管一項(xiàng)法案由議會的上院還是下院提出——也無論是政府大臣還是反對黨成員等任何人提出，也不論是根據(jù)法律擬制還是根據(jù)憲章原則，英王都會先使該方案順從自己的意愿，再交由議會征求意見和認(rèn)可。而我們現(xiàn)在的情況和英國恰好相反，不僅是原則不同，憲章的形式也不同。我們的原則認(rèn)為憲法只應(yīng)該將制定法律內(nèi)容、形式和允許法律通過的權(quán)力交于一個(gè)機(jī)構(gòu)(即立法機(jī)構(gòu))。參議院有權(quán)對財(cái)政法案提出修正案，總統(tǒng)若對法案不滿，也有權(quán)將其交于眾議院進(jìn)一步商議。如果總統(tǒng)認(rèn)為現(xiàn)行的財(cái)政法案有缺陷、害處，也有權(quán)提出修正案。但是制定財(cái)政計(jì)劃的偉大使命應(yīng)交于憲法指定的人——人民的直接代表們。出于同樣的原因，人民代表們應(yīng)該設(shè)法保管好國庫資金，尤其是防止總統(tǒng)將其據(jù)為己有，保險(xiǎn)措施越健全，也就越符合共和原則。

Connected with this subject is the character of the currency. The idea of making it exclusively metallic, however well intended, appears to me to be fraught with more fatal consequences than any other scheme having no relation to the personal rights of the citizens that has ever been devised. If any single scheme could produce the effect of arresting at once that mutation of condition by which thousands of our most indigent fellow-citizens by their industry and enterprise are raised to the possession of wealth, that is the one. If there is one measure better calculated than another to produce that state of things so much deprecated by all true republicans, by which the rich are daily adding to their hoards and the poor sinking deeper into penury, it is an exclusive metallic currency. Or if there is a process by which the character of the country for generosity and nobleness of feeling may be destroyed by the great increase and neck toleration of usury, it is an exclusive metallic currency.

談到這個(gè)話題，我們不得不提到貨幣的特性。有人提出應(yīng)當(dāng)完全采用硬通貨，盡管這種想法可能用意十分美好，但是我認(rèn)為其帶來的后果之嚴(yán)重，遠(yuǎn)超任何無關(guān)公民權(quán)利的事務(wù)。我國廣大的貧苦同胞在自己的行業(yè)通過勤勞和進(jìn)取獲得財(cái)富，如果我們采用了這種想法，那么他們的努力成果就會瞬間化為泡影。全面硬通貨應(yīng)當(dāng)引起全體共和派人士的抵制，因?yàn)樗鼤垢蝗嗽絹碓礁?，窮人越來越窮。還有，我國人民追求慷慨和高尚情感的特性也可能會被無法遏制、被迫容忍的高利貸摧毀。

Amongst the other duties of a delicate character which the President is called upon to perform is the supervision of the government of the Territories of the United States. Those of them which are destined to become members of our great political family are compensated by their rapid progress from infancy to manhood for the partial and temporary deprivation of their political rights. It is in this District only where American citizens are to be found who under a settled policy are deprived of many important political privileges without any inspiring hope as to the future. Their only consolation under circumstances of such deprivation is that of the devoted exterior guards of a camp——that their sufferings secure tranquillity and safety within. Are there any of their countrymen, who would subject them to greater sacrifices, to any other humiliations than those essentially necessary to the security of the object for which they were thus separated from their fellow-citizens? Are their rights alone not to be guaranteed by the application of those great principles upon which all our Constitutions are founded??

美國總統(tǒng)還有其他任務(wù)，比如需要監(jiān)督美國各領(lǐng)地的政府。成為我們這個(gè)偉大政治家族的一部分是這些領(lǐng)土的天命，雖然這些領(lǐng)土?xí)簳r(shí)沒有獲得政治權(quán)利，但是隨著它們快速發(fā)展成長，終有一天會作為州加入我們。只有在哥倫比亞特區(qū)居住的美國公民因?yàn)橐豁?xiàng)政策被剝奪了許多重要政治權(quán)利，且在未來也無望獲得這些權(quán)利。雖然被剝奪了權(quán)利，但他們是我們營地外的衛(wèi)士，他們的犧牲維護(hù)了營地內(nèi)的安寧，這是他們唯一的慰藉。他們?yōu)榇吮黄扰c同胞分離，蒙受了許多羞辱，做出了許多必要犧牲，難道我們的同胞們有人愿意讓他們付出進(jìn)一步犧牲嗎？難道捍衛(wèi)他們權(quán)利的，只有憲法中的偉大原則嗎？

We are told by the greatest of British orators and statesmen that at the commencement of the War of the Revolution the most stupid men in England spoke of "their American subjects." Are there, indeed, citizens of any of our States who have dreamed of their subjects in the District of Columbia? Such dreams can never be realized by any agency of mine. The people of the District of Columbia are not the subjects of the people of the States, but free American citizens. Being in the latter condition when the Constitution was formed, no words used in that instrument could have been intended to deprive them of that character. If there is anything in the great principle of unalienable rights so emphatically insisted upon in our Declaration of Independence, they could neither make nor the United States accept a surrender of their liberties and become the subjects——in other words, the slaves——of their former fellow-citizens. If this be true——and it will scarcely be denied by anyone who has a correct idea of his own rights as an American citizen——the grant to Congress of exclusive jurisdiction in the District of Columbia can be interpreted, so far as respects the aggregate people of the United States, as meaning nothing more than to allow to Congress the controlling power necessary to afford a free and safe exercise of the functions assigned to the General Government by the Constitution. In all other respects the legislation of Congress should be adapted to their peculiar position and wants and be conformable with their deliberate opinions of their own interests.

一位偉大的英國演說家和政治家曾對我們說過，獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭剛開始時(shí)，英國最愚蠢的人都在談及“他們的美洲臣民”。難道我們各州有人希望在哥倫比亞特區(qū)擁有自己的臣民嗎？只要我在任，這種希望就永遠(yuǎn)不會變成現(xiàn)實(shí)。哥倫比亞特區(qū)的人民不是其他各州人民的臣民，他們一樣是自由的美國公民。根據(jù)美國憲法，只要他們是美國公民，他們的自由就神圣不可侵犯。自由是我們在《獨(dú)立宣言》中反復(fù)強(qiáng)調(diào)不可剝奪的權(quán)利，他們既不能，美國也不會接受他們交出自己的自由，選擇成為他們前同胞的臣民——或者說，奴隸。既然如此，任何對美國公民權(quán)利有正確認(rèn)知的人都不該否認(rèn)這一點(diǎn)——尊重美國全體人民的前提下，授權(quán)國會在哥倫比亞特區(qū)擁有專屬管轄權(quán)是能夠理解的，其概念無非就是授予國會必要的管轄權(quán)，方便聯(lián)邦政府自由、安全地行使其職能。在除此之外的其他方面，國會其他立法就應(yīng)當(dāng)考慮哥倫比亞特區(qū)的特殊地位和需求，仔細(xì)思考后做出符合其利益的決定。

I have spoken of the necessity of keeping the respective departments of the Government, as well as all the other authorities of our country, within their appropriate orbits. This is a matter of difficulty in some cases, as the powers which they respectively claim are often not defined by any distinct lines. Mischievous, however, in their tendencies as collisions of this kind may be, those which arise between the respective communities which for certain purposes compose one nation are much more so, for no such nation can long exist without the careful culture of those feelings of confidence and affection which are the effective bonds to union between free and confederated states. Strong as is the tie of interest, it has been often found ineffectual. Men blinded by their passions have been known to adopt measures for their country in direct opposition to all the suggestions of policy.?

我此前已經(jīng)談過，讓聯(lián)邦政府各部門在自己管轄范圍內(nèi)活動的必要性。有些時(shí)候這并非易事，因?yàn)樗麄兯?fù)責(zé)的權(quán)力往往并沒有明確的界限。但是這類沖突可能會造成危害，尤其是某些團(tuán)體可能為了一些特別目的而自己獨(dú)立建國的情況，這樣建立的國家是不可能長久存在的，因?yàn)樗鼰o法切斷自己和聯(lián)邦內(nèi)各自由州的聯(lián)系。雖然各州之間的利息聯(lián)系十分緊密，但也不見得可以有效阻止這種情況發(fā)生。眾所周知，人一時(shí)上頭就會被蒙蔽，不顧一切政策勸解，采取措施建國。

The alternative, then, is to destroy or keep down a bad passion by creating and fostering a good one, and this seems to be the corner stone upon which our American political architects have reared the fabric of our Government. The cement which was to bind it and perpetuate its existence was the affectionate attachment between all its members. To insure the continuance of this feeling, produced at first by a community of dangers, of sufferings, and of interests, the advantages of each were made accessible to all. No participation in any good possessed by any member of our extensive Confederacy, except in domestic government, was withheld from the citizen of any other member. By aprocess attended with no difficulty, no delay, no expense but that of removal, the citizen of one might become the citizen of any other, and successively of the whole.?

為抑制或消滅這種不利的感情，我們應(yīng)當(dāng)培養(yǎng)出一種利于我們的感情取而代之，這種方法似乎是美國政治締造者們創(chuàng)建聯(lián)邦政府形式的基石。聯(lián)邦內(nèi)各成員的相依相愛構(gòu)成了我們牢不可破的紐帶。我們最初因面臨共同威脅、經(jīng)歷過共同苦難，因共同利益而聯(lián)合到一起，想要將這種感情延續(xù)下去，就必須要做到有福同享。在我們廣闊的聯(lián)邦中，一州除自己州內(nèi)部的利益外，其他所有利益皆需分享給其他州的公民。一名公民僅需遷移，無需花費(fèi)，不會拖延，也不會遇到任何阻礙，即可從一州公民成為另一州的公民，自然也是聯(lián)邦公民。

The lines, too, separating powers to be exercised by the citizens of one State from those of another seem to be so distinctly drawn as to leave no room for misunderstanding. The citizens of each State unite in their persons all the privileges which that character confers and all that they may claim as citizens of the United States, but in no case can the same persons at the same time act as the citizen of two separate States, and he is therefore positively precluded from any interference with the reserved powers of any State but that of which he is for the time being a citizen. He may, indeed, offer to the citizens of other States his advice as to their management, and the form in which it is tendered is left to his own discretion and sense of propriety. It may be observed, however, that organized associations of citizens requiring compliance with their wishes too much resemble the recommendations of Athens to her allies, supported by an armed and powerful fleet.

而且一州公民和另一州公民的政治權(quán)利區(qū)別分明，不會有任何誤解的可能。 任何州的公民都同時(shí)享有作為本州公民和美國公民所有的權(quán)利，但是一個(gè)人在任何情況下都不能同時(shí)成為兩個(gè)州的公民，同樣因此，除他自己所在的州之外，他無權(quán)干涉其他州的保留權(quán)力。他確實(shí)可以向其他州的公民就管理問題提出一些建議，其提議的具體形式由他個(gè)人視情況合適而自行決定。也可以觀察到，有些公民團(tuán)體強(qiáng)迫別人接受他們的意愿，像極了以前雅典人憑借其強(qiáng)大的武裝艦隊(duì)威脅其盟友接受自己建議的樣子。

It was, indeed, to the ambition of the leading States of Greece to control the domestic concerns of the others that the destruction of that celebrated Confederacy, and subsequently of all its members, is mainly to be attributed, and it is owing to the absence of that spirit that the Helvetic Confederacy has for so many years been preserved. Never has there been seen in the institutions of the separate members of any confederacy more elements of discord. In the principles and forms of government and religion, as well as in the circumstances of the several Cantons, so marked a discrepancy was observable as to promise anything but harmony in their intercourse or permanency in their alliance, and yet for ages neither has been interrupted. Content with the positive benefits which their union produced, with the independence and safety from foreign aggression which it secured, these sagacious people respected the institutions of each other, however repugnant to their own principles and prejudices.

其實(shí)，這個(gè)著名的邦聯(lián)(譯者注:指伯羅奔尼撒戰(zhàn)爭中雅典領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的提洛同盟)及其所有成員國之所以最終會毀滅，就是因?yàn)樗麄冊噲D領(lǐng)導(dǎo)所有希臘國家，掌管其他國家國內(nèi)事務(wù)的野心，赫爾維蒂聯(lián)邦(譯者注:指瑞士)沒有這種野心，因此得以常年不倒，存在至今。赫爾維蒂聯(lián)邦中的各成員從來沒有因制度問題出現(xiàn)過什么爭端。你可以觀察到這個(gè)聯(lián)邦中各州的政府形式、宗教信仰有明顯的差異，看似這個(gè)聯(lián)邦不可能和睦來往、長期存在，然而這么長時(shí)間過去了，赫爾維蒂聯(lián)邦依舊相處和睦。因?yàn)檫@些聰明的人民對聯(lián)邦帶來的利益十分滿意，聯(lián)邦也能確保各州安全，不受外國侵略，他們不強(qiáng)加自己的原則，拋下自己的偏見，尊重彼此的制度。

Our Confederacy, fellow-citizens, can only be preserved by the same forbearance. Our citizens must be content with the exercise of the powers with which the Constitution clothes them. The attempt of those of one State to control the domestic institutions of another can only result in feelings of distrust and jealousy, the certain harbingers of disunion, violence, and civil war, and the ultimate destruction of our free institutions. Our Confederacy is perfectly illustrated by the terms and principles governing a common copartnership. There is a fund of power to be exercised under the direction of the joint councils of the allied members, but that which has been reserved by the individual members is intangible by the common Government or the individual members composing it. To attempt it finds no support in the principles of our Constitution.

同胞們，我們的聯(lián)邦也只能通過這種寬容精神來維系。我國公民必須對憲法賦予自己的權(quán)力感到知足。如果一州人民試圖操控其他州的制度，只會引起猜疑和敵視，也勢必導(dǎo)致國家出現(xiàn)分裂、暴動、內(nèi)戰(zhàn)的征兆，最終摧毀我們的自由制度。共同協(xié)作的條款和原則，在我國得到了完美體現(xiàn)。聯(lián)邦各州可以在聯(lián)邦政府共同會議的指導(dǎo)下行使部分權(quán)力，但是各州自行保留的權(quán)力，是聯(lián)邦政府和其他州都不可侵犯的。否則就違反了憲法原則。

It should be our constant and earnest endeavor mutually to cultivate a spirit of concord and harmony among the various parts of our Confederacy. Experience has abundantly taught us that the agitation by citizens of one part of the Union of a subject not confided to the General Government, but exclusively under the guardianship of the local authorities, is productive of no other consequences than bitterness, alienation, discord, and injury to the very cause which is intended to be advanced. Of all the great interests which appertain to our country, that of union——cordial, confiding, fraternal union——is by far the most important, since it is the only true and sure guaranty of all others.

我們要一直熱切地共同努力，在各州之間培養(yǎng)這種和諧妥協(xié)的精神。歷史已經(jīng)充分證明，部分公民煽動大家不要信任聯(lián)邦政府，只完全接受當(dāng)?shù)卣谋O(jiān)護(hù)，這種行為只會給我們的事業(yè)造成痛苦、隔閡、紛爭的傷害。團(tuán)結(jié)——友好和睦、相互信任、如兄弟一般的團(tuán)結(jié)才是我國所有利益中最重要的一環(huán)，因?yàn)樗俏覈嬷校ㄒ徽嬲\可靠的保險(xiǎn)。

In consequence of the embarrassed state of business and the currency, some of the States may meet with difficulty in their financial concerns. However deeply we may regret anything imprudent or excessive in the engagements into which States have entered for purposes of their own, it does not become us to disparage the States governments, nor to discourage them from making proper efforts for their own relief. On the contrary, it is our duty to encourage them to the extent of our Constitutional authority to apply their best means and cheerfully to make all necessary sacrifices and submit to all necessary burdens to fulfill their engagements and maintain their credit, for the character and credit of the several States form a part of the character and credit of the whole country. The resources of the country are abundant, the enterprise and activity of our people proverbial, and we may well hope that wise legislation and prudent administration by the respective governments, each acting within its own sphere, will restore former prosperity.

當(dāng)前我國的經(jīng)濟(jì)和貿(mào)易處境艱難，部分州的財(cái)政可能正面臨著難題。這些州為了自身利益而過于草率地采取了不合時(shí)宜的行動，對此我們深表遺憾，但是不該由我們來責(zé)怪各州政府，我們同樣不該阻止各州為使自己擺脫困境而做出努力。相反，我們應(yīng)當(dāng)鼓勵各州采取最合適的手段，在不違反憲法的前提下欣然做出必要的犧牲，承擔(dān)所負(fù)的責(zé)任，履行自己的諾言，維護(hù)自己的信譽(yù)，因?yàn)楦髦莸钠焚|(zhì)信譽(yù)也是聯(lián)邦集體信譽(yù)的一部分。我國資源豐富，我國人民的勤奮和活力使人交口稱贊，我們欣然期望，各州政府的議會和機(jī)構(gòu)在自己的下轄范圍內(nèi)機(jī)智決策、謹(jǐn)慎治理，使得各州重現(xiàn)往日繁華。

Unpleasant and even dangerous as collisions may sometimes be between the constituted authorities of the citizens of our country in relation to the lines which separate their respective jurisdictions, the results can be of no vital injury to our institutions if that ardent patriotism, that devoted attachment to liberty, that spirit of moderation and forbearance for which our countrymen were once distinguished, continue to be cherished. If this continues to be the ruling passion of our souls, the weaker feeling of the mistaken enthusiast will be corrected, the Utopian dreams of the scheming politician dissipated, and the complicated intrigues of the demagogue rendered harmless.?

我國公民組成的各級政府在劃分各自的下轄范圍時(shí)時(shí)常爆發(fā)沖突，這使得我們十分沮喪，甚至心驚膽戰(zhàn)，但是我們同胞向來熱愛祖國，追求自由，平易近人，寬容大度著稱，并引以為傲，所以我相信這些小沖突不會對我國造成太大傷害。只要我們的靈魂中一直充滿這些激情，那么持有錯誤看法的狂熱者的思想便會得到糾正，某些陰險(xiǎn)狡詐的政客的烏托邦幻想也會落空，各種陰謀詭計(jì)、惑眾妖言也無法傷我們分毫。

The spirit of liberty is the sovereign balm for every injury which our institutions may receive. On the contrary, no care that can be used in the construction of our Government, no division of powers, no distribution of checks in its several departments, will prove effectual to keep us a free people if this spirit is suffered to decay; and decay it will without constant nurture. To the neglect of this duty the best historians agree in attributing the ruin of all the republics with whose existence and fall their writings have made us acquainted. The same causes will ever produce the same effects, and as long as the love of power is a dominant passion of the human bosom, and as long as the understandings of men can be warped and their affections changed by operations upon their passions and prejudices, so long will the liberties of a people depend on their own constant attention to its preservation.?

自由精神可以撫平我們國家受到的一切創(chuàng)傷。但相反，如果自由精神被破壞的話，那么我們的政府便無法再有效地采取措施，無法三權(quán)分立，相互制衡，各部門也無法各司其職，我們也不再會是自由民族；如果我們不加以弘揚(yáng)，自由精神早晚會被毀壞。世界上最優(yōu)秀的史學(xué)家們都一致認(rèn)為，歷史上所有共和國的滅亡都是因?yàn)楹鲆暳俗杂删瘢@一說法可以在這些史學(xué)家的作品中得到作證。只要對權(quán)力的渴望仍在人內(nèi)心中占據(jù)主導(dǎo)，只要人們的激情和偏見一經(jīng)煽動就能夠扭曲自己的認(rèn)知，同樣的因素就一直會導(dǎo)致同樣的結(jié)果，一個(gè)民族能否享有自由，取決自己是否時(shí)刻注意保護(hù)自由。?

The danger to all well-established free governments arises from the unwillingness of the people to believe in its existence or from the influence of designing men diverting their attention from the quarter whence it approaches to a source from which it can never come. This is the old trick of those who would usurp the government of their country. In the name of democracy they speak, warning the people against the influence of wealth and the danger of aristocracy. History, ancient and modern, is full of such examples. Caesar became the master of the Roman people and the senate under the pretense of supporting the democratic claims of the former against the aristocracy of the latter; Cromwell, in the character of protector of the liberties of the people, became the dictator of England, and Bolivar possessed himself of unlimited power with the title of his country's liberator. There is, on the contrary, no instance on record of an extensive and well- established republic being changed into an aristocracy.?

對于立足已穩(wěn)的自由政府來說，最大的威脅就是人民的不信任，有些居心叵測的人會施加影響，刻意將人民的注意力轉(zhuǎn)移到某些和自由政府根本不沾邊的因素上。這些都是意圖顛覆政府的人所慣用的伎倆。他們嘴上高談民主，警告著人民遠(yuǎn)離財(cái)富影響和貴族威脅。無論是古代還是現(xiàn)代歷史，這種事情都屢見不鮮。凱撒謊稱保護(hù)羅馬人民的民主，對抗羅馬元老院的貴族寡頭政治，卻最終統(tǒng)治了元老院和羅馬人民；克倫威爾假借人民保護(hù)者的稱號，成為了英國的獨(dú)裁者，還有玻利瓦爾，他靠著解放者的頭銜獲得了至高無上的權(quán)力。相反的條件下，迄今尚未有哪個(gè)健全的共和國變成貴族政體的例子。

The tendencies of all such governments in their decline is to monarchy, and the antagonist principle to liberty there is the spirit of faction——a spirit which assumes the character and in times of great excitement imposes itself upon the people as the genuine spirit of freedom, and, like the false Christs whose coming was foretold by the Savior, seeks to, and were it possible would, impose upon the true and most faithful disciples of liberty. It is in periods like this that it behooves the people to be most watchful of those to whom they have intrusted power. And although there is at times much difficulty in distinguishing the false from the true spirit, a calm and dispassionate investigation will detect the counterfeit, as well by the character of its operations as the results that are produced.?

所有共和政府在衰落之時(shí)，都表現(xiàn)出向君主制發(fā)展的趨勢，而與自由思想相斥的則是派系思想——這種思想往往會以真正的自由思想的形象出現(xiàn)，并在極度動蕩時(shí)期將這種思想強(qiáng)加給人民，正如救世主所預(yù)料的一樣，偽基督必定出現(xiàn)，并尋找機(jī)會將其思想強(qiáng)加給真正虔誠的自由思想信徒。因此，處于動蕩時(shí)期之際，人們更有義務(wù)對自己的授權(quán)對象保持高度警惕。雖然有時(shí)這些思想真假難辨，但是只要保持冷靜，公正觀察這些思想的特征和其產(chǎn)生的結(jié)果，還是可以識別偽自由思想的。

The true spirit of liberty, although devoted, persevering, bold, and uncompromising in principle, that secured is mild and tolerant and scrupulous as to the means it employs, whilst the spirit of party, assuming to be that of liberty, is harsh, vindictive, and intolerant, and totally reckless as to the character of the allies which it brings to the aid of its cause. When the genuine spirit of liberty animates the body of a people to a thorough examination of their affairs, it leads to the excision of every excrescence which may have fastened itself upon any of the departments of the government, and restores the system to its pristine health and beauty. But the reign of an intolerant spirit of party amongst a free people seldom fails to result in a dangerous accession to the executive power introduced and established amidst unusual professions of devotion to democracy.

真正的自由思想雖然從原則上來講應(yīng)當(dāng)保持赤膽忠心，矢志不渝，勇敢無畏，毫不妥協(xié)，但是其實(shí)踐手段往往寬容大度，溫和謹(jǐn)慎，而黨派思想，則假裝自己是自由思想，且雷厲風(fēng)行，錙銖必較，零容忍，且在選擇幫助自己完成目的的盟友時(shí)莽撞至極。真正的自由思想會讓一個(gè)民族檢視自己的事務(wù)，還會切除政府各部門的累贅，讓制度恢復(fù)其初始的健全完美。但是如果狹隘獨(dú)斷的黨派思想在自由民族中占據(jù)主導(dǎo)，那么幾乎不可避免地會導(dǎo)致獨(dú)裁集權(quán)，危害我國原本的民主制度。

The foregoing remarks relate almost exclusively to matters connected with our domestic concerns. It may be proper, however, that I should give some indications to my fellow-citizens of my proposed course of conduct in the management of our foreign relations. I assure them, therefore, that it is my intention to use every means in my power to preserve the friendly intercourse which now so happily subsists with every foreign nation, and that although, of course, not well informed as to the state of pending negotiations with any of them, I see in the personal characters of the sovereigns, as well as in the mutual interests of our own and of the governments with which our relations are most intimate, a pleasing guaranty that the harmony so important to the interests of their subjects as well as of our citizens will not be interrupted by the advancement of any claim or pretension upon their part to which our honor would not permit us to yield.?

以上問題基本全部涉及我國國內(nèi)事務(wù)。不過我也應(yīng)當(dāng)向同胞們闡明我處理對外事務(wù)的策略方針。我保證使用我權(quán)力內(nèi)的一切手段保持我們同各國友好往來的歡欣現(xiàn)狀。當(dāng)然，我尚不知我國同各國計(jì)劃談判的相關(guān)細(xì)節(jié)，但是我了解各國君主的個(gè)人品質(zhì)，也深知我國政府和這些親密友邦有共同利益，我相信我們公民和他們臣民的共同利益有著令人欣喜的堅(jiān)實(shí)保障，他們絕不會進(jìn)一步提出令我國榮譽(yù)無法接受的條款。

Long the defender of my country's rights in the field, I trust that my fellow-citizens will not see in my earnest desire to preserve peace with foreign powers any indication that their rights will ever be sacrificed or the honor of the nation tarnished by any admission on the part of their Chief Magistrate unworthy of their former glory. In our intercourse with our aboriginal neighbors the same liberality and justice which marked the course prescribed to me by two of my illustrious predecessors when acting under their direction in the discharge of the duties of superintendent and commissioner shall be strictly observed. I can conceive of no more sublime spectacle, none more likely to propitiate an impartial and common Creator, than a rigid adherence to the principles of justice on the part of a powerful nation in its transactions with aweaker and uncivilized people whom circumstances have placed at its disposal.

我雖長期在疆場上捍衛(wèi)祖國的權(quán)利，但是我熱切地希望同世界列強(qiáng)保持和平，且我相信同胞們絲毫不會認(rèn)為我愿犧牲他們的權(quán)利，同樣，他們的最高行政官也不會允許國家榮譽(yù)受辱。兩位杰出的前總統(tǒng)曾命我擔(dān)任監(jiān)管和委員兩職，負(fù)責(zé)同原住民友邦進(jìn)行交流，同樣要求我要待他們以自由和公正，我嚴(yán)格執(zhí)行了這一要求。我認(rèn)為，我國身為世界列強(qiáng)之一，明明可以肆意處置這些未開化的原住民，但是我們在同他們交往時(shí)卻偏偏要堅(jiān)持公正原則，沒有什么更高尚的事情能讓我們共同的公正造物主感到欣慰了。

Before concluding, fellow-citizens, I must say something to you on the subject of the parties at this time existing in our country. To me it appears perfectly clear that the interest of that country requires that the violence of the spirit by which those parties are at this time governed must be greatly mitigated, if not entirely extinguished, or consequences will ensue which are appalling to be thought of.

同胞們，在我結(jié)束演講之前，我還需要就我國目前存在的黨派問題進(jìn)行發(fā)言。我毋庸置疑地認(rèn)為，當(dāng)前黨派思想表現(xiàn)出暴力傾向，嚴(yán)重危害了我國利益，即使不能完全消除，也要大力打壓這種思想，否則后果簡直不堪設(shè)想。

If parties in a republic are necessary to secure a degree of vigilance sufficient to keep the public functionaries within the bounds of law and duty, at that point their usefulness ends. Beyond that they become destructive of public virtue, the parent of a spirit antagonist to that of liberty, and eventually its inevitable conqueror. We have examples of republics where the love of country and of liberty at one time were the dominant passions of the whole mass of citizens, and yet, with the continuance of the name and forms of free government, not a vestige of these qualities remaining in the bosoms of any one of its citizens. It was the beautiful remark of a distinguished English writer that "in the Roman senate Octavius had a party and Anthony a party, but the Commonwealth had none."?

如果共和國需要政黨的存在，才能讓大家對公職人員的違反逾矩行為保持警惕的話，那么我希望其作用僅僅止步于此。如果進(jìn)一步發(fā)展的話，政黨必然會毀壞公眾道德，打壓自由精神，最終不可避免地成為人民的征服者。在我們舉例的那些共和國中，愛國和自由都曾一度是全體公民的主要思想，然而他們雖繼承了共和國的名字和政府形式，心中卻早已將這些品質(zhì)拋卻。對此，有一位英國作家曾犀利地評價(jià)道：“羅馬元老院中，屋大維有一個(gè)黨派，安東尼也有一個(gè)黨派，但是共和國卻一個(gè)黨派都沒有?！?譯者注:蓋烏斯·屋大維和馬克·安東尼是羅馬共和國末期的兩大獨(dú)裁者，前者成為了羅馬帝國第一位皇帝。)

Yet the senate continued to meet in the temple of liberty to talk of the sacredness and beauty of the Commonwealth and gaze at the statues of the elder Brutus and of the Curtii and Decii, and the people assembled in the forum, not, as in the days of Camillus and the Scipios, to cast their free votes for annual magistrates or pass upon the acts of the senate, but to receive from the hands of the leaders of the respective parties their share of the spoils and to shout for one or the other, as those collected in Gaul or Egypt and the lesser Asia would furnish the larger dividend. The spirit of liberty had fled, and, avoiding the abodes of civilized man, had sought protection in the wilds of Scythia or Scandinavia; and so under the operation of the same causes and influences it will fly from our Capitol and our forums.?

雖然元老院仍在自由的神殿里開會，談?wù)撝_馬共和國的神圣壯麗，注視著老布魯圖斯、科提和德西的雕像，人們?nèi)栽诠矆鏊瘯遣辉傧窨琢鹚购臀鞅影⒔y(tǒng)治時(shí)那樣，能夠每年自由投票選舉執(zhí)政官，亦或通過元老院法案，只能被動地從各黨派手中分到羅馬軍隊(duì)的戰(zhàn)利品，他們只能選擇其中一個(gè)黨派支持，以獲得羅馬軍團(tuán)在高盧、埃及和小亞細(xì)亞的更多戰(zhàn)利品。自由思想已經(jīng)不復(fù)存在，離開了文明世界，躲到了斯基泰和斯堪的納維亞的野蠻部落；因此，如果同樣的事情發(fā)生在我國，自由思想也不會繼續(xù)留在我們的國會大廈。

A calamity so awful, not only to our country, but to the world, must be deprecated by every patriot and every tendency to a state of things likely to produce it immediately checked. Such a tendency has existed——does exist. Always the friend of my countrymen, never their flatterer, it becomes my duty to say to them from this high place to which their partiality has exalted me that there exists in the land a spirit hostile to their best interests——hostile to liberty itself. It is a spirit contracted in its views, selfish in its objects. It looks to the aggrandizement of a few even to the destruction of the interests of the whole. The entire remedy is with the people. Something, however, may be effected by the means which they have placed in my hands. It is union that we want, not of a party for the sake of that party, but a union of the whole country for the sake of the whole country, for the defense of its interests and its honor against foreign aggression, for the defense of those principles for which our ancestors so gloriously contended.?

這是一場可怕的災(zāi)難，不僅對我國如此，甚至?xí)绊懭澜?，因此每一位愛國者都?yīng)旗幟鮮明地反對這種事情，并盡一切可能阻止這種傾向出現(xiàn)。這一趨勢目前已經(jīng)在我國出現(xiàn)——現(xiàn)在就存在著。我永遠(yuǎn)是同胞們的朋友，從不對同胞們阿諛奉承，我承蒙同胞們厚愛，得以身居高位，因此我認(rèn)為我有責(zé)任告知大家，我國目前存在著一種不利于大家利益，也不利于自由思想的思想。這是一種狹隘的思想，其只為滿足一己私利。它只會使少數(shù)人成為既得利益群體，為此甚至可以犧牲全體人民的利益。而應(yīng)對措施也在人民之手。不過人民賦予我手中的權(quán)力也可以發(fā)揮一定作用。我們希望國家能團(tuán)結(jié)一致，不是某個(gè)政黨為了自己的利益而團(tuán)結(jié)，而是整個(gè)聯(lián)邦為了全體人民的利益而團(tuán)結(jié)到一起，一同抵抗外來侵略，捍衛(wèi)自己的利益和榮譽(yù)，捍衛(wèi)我們祖輩們曾為之英勇奮斗的原則。

As far as it depends upon me it shall be accomplished. All the influence that I possess shall be exerted to prevent the formation at least of an Executive party in the halls of the legislative body.?I wish for the support of no member of that body to any measure of mine that does not satisfy his judgment and his sense of duty to those from whom he holds his appointment, nor any confidence in advance from the people but that asked for by Mr. Jefferson, "to give firmness and effect to the legal administration of their affairs."

我相信，這一目標(biāo)一定能完成。我將動用我的一切限權(quán)，防止國會中黨派架空行政部門的情況出現(xiàn)。我希望的不是在我的行政舉措違背了國會議員的判斷和使命感時(shí)，他們依然能給予我支持，也不是人民在我開始執(zhí)政之前就給予我信任，而是像杰斐遜總統(tǒng)所說的那樣“堅(jiān)定高效地對人民事務(wù)進(jìn)行合法處理”。

I deem the present occasion sufficiently important and solemn to justify me in expressing to my fellow-citizens a profound reverence for the Christian religion and a thorough conviction that sound morals, religious liberty, and a just sense of religious responsibility are essentially connected with all true and lasting happiness; and to that good Being who has blessed us by the gifts of civil and religious freedom, who watched over and prospered the labors of our fathers and has hitherto preserved to us institutions far exceeding in excellence those of any other people, let us unite in fervently commending every interest of our beloved country in all future time.

我認(rèn)為在當(dāng)前這一重要莊嚴(yán)的時(shí)刻，我應(yīng)當(dāng)在同胞們面前表達(dá)對基督教的深深敬意，我相信道德健全、宗教自由、對宗教責(zé)任同真正長期的幸福在本質(zhì)上乃是不可分割的；感謝仁慈的上帝賜予我們公民權(quán)和宗教自由權(quán)，守護(hù)我們祖輩的勞動成果，上帝保佑我們擁有迄今為止最優(yōu)越、遠(yuǎn)超其他民族的制度，讓我們團(tuán)結(jié)一致，在未來維護(hù)我們深愛的祖國的一切利益。

Fellow-citizens, being fully invested with that high office to which the partiality of my countrymen has called me, I now take an affectionate leave of you. You will bear with you to your homes the remembrance of the pledge I have this day given to discharge all the high duties of my exalted station according to the best of my ability, and I shall enter upon their performance with entire confidence in the support of a just and generous people.

同胞們，我完全是承蒙大家厚愛，才有資格身居此高位，現(xiàn)在請?jiān)试S我向大家深情告辭。你們回到家后要記住我今天作出的承諾，我將竭盡全力履行我崇高職位所賦予的一切艱巨重任，滿懷信心地服務(wù)我們正義、慷慨的美利堅(jiān)民族。

聲明：本人僅按照原文翻譯內(nèi)容，演講內(nèi)容不代表本人觀點(diǎn)。此專欄僅供歷史和英語交流學(xué)習(xí)使用，任何讀者皆可引用本人的譯本。

希望來學(xué)習(xí)英語的觀眾明白：我覺得這些專欄的主要精華在于英語原文，而并非我的譯本，我的譯本很大程度上只是供來學(xué)習(xí)歷史的觀眾使用的。本人的英語水平一般，翻譯得并不會多么精彩，只能在你看不懂時(shí)來幫助你了解這些演講內(nèi)容最基本的意思，而且翻譯時(shí)難免會出現(xiàn)差錯，切勿直接完全以我的譯本為標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。如發(fā)現(xiàn)有翻譯錯誤或者歧義內(nèi)容，歡迎指正。

希望來學(xué)習(xí)歷史的觀眾明白：任何歷史人物都有一定的局限性，隨著時(shí)代發(fā)展，很多觀點(diǎn)看法可能已經(jīng)不再適用今天的世界，西方的觀點(diǎn)也不一定適用于我們。通過了解這些演講，僅可給我們提供一個(gè)更全面了解過去和世界的渠道。我們可以從優(yōu)秀的歷史、當(dāng)代人物身上學(xué)到很多，但是請保持獨(dú)立思考，理性看待演講內(nèi)容，切勿全信或?qū)⑵浞顬檎胬怼?