翻譯自https://www.workerscontrol.net/authors/worker-management-barcelona-public-transit-system-1936-1939，作者Tom Wetzel

The history of worker management of Barcelona's transit system during the revolution and civil war is an illustration of the ability of workers to directly manage the industries where they work.

在革命和內(nèi)戰(zhàn)期間，巴塞羅那公共交通的系統(tǒng)的工人自治展示了工人直接管理他們所工作的產(chǎn)業(yè)的能力。

In the years leading up to the revolution in Spain in 1936 there had been bitter struggles of the workers...such as the long but defeated streetcar strike in 1935. A number of leading activists in that strike were sent to prison. With the victory of the liberals and social-democrats in Spain's national elections in February 1936, imprisoned unionists were freed, and the workers on the Barcelona transit system began rebuilding their union, which was to play an important role in the city during the revolutionary events of 1936.

在1936年西班牙革命前的幾年里，工人們進(jìn)行了艱苦的斗爭(zhēng)，例如堅(jiān)持很久但以失敗告終的1935年電車罷工。罷工中的一些主要的活動(dòng)人士被送進(jìn)了監(jiān)獄。隨著1936年2月西班牙全國(guó)大選中自由派和社民主義者的勝利，被囚禁的工會(huì)成員獲釋，巴塞羅那公交系統(tǒng)的工人也開始重建他們的工會(huì)，后者在1936年革命時(shí)在城市中發(fā)揮了重要作用。

In Barcelona in 1936 the main part of the transit system was a large streetcar system, operated by Barcelona Tramways (Tranvias de Barcelona), a company owned mainly by Belgian investors. The streetcar company operated 60 routes that criss-crossed the city and ran into the nearby suburbs. Of the 7,000 workers for this company in 1936, 6,500 belonged to the Transport Union of the National Confederation of Labor, known by its Spanish initials as the CNT. The CNT was a libertarian syndicalist labor organization. The Transport Union was a highly democratic organization, run through worker assemblies (general meetings) and councils of elected shop stewards (delegados). Being syndicalist means that the union was part of a revolutionary social movement that aimed to have the workers take over direct, collective management of the industries, replacing the bosses and the capitalist investors, and creating an economy based on ownership of industry by the whole society.

1936年的巴塞羅那公交系統(tǒng)主要由一個(gè)大型電車系統(tǒng)組成，該系統(tǒng)由主要由比利時(shí)投資商掌控的巴塞羅那電車公司（Tranvias de Barcelona）運(yùn)營(yíng)。這家電車公司運(yùn)營(yíng)著60條在城市中縱橫交錯(cuò)，一直通向附近的郊區(qū)的線路。1936年在這家公司工作的7000名工人中，有6500名全國(guó)勞工聯(lián)合會(huì)（Confederación Nacional del Trabajo，CNT）下屬運(yùn)輸工會(huì)的成員。CNT是一個(gè)自由意志工團(tuán)主義的勞工組織。運(yùn)輸工會(huì)是一個(gè)高度民主的組織，由工人全體大會(huì)和選舉產(chǎn)生的工會(huì)代表（delegados）委員會(huì)運(yùn)營(yíng)。工團(tuán)主義者認(rèn)為工會(huì)是社會(huì)革命運(yùn)動(dòng)的一部分，其目的在于讓工人對(duì)產(chǎn)業(yè)行使直接集體管理，取代老板和投資者，并建立以產(chǎn)業(yè)被全社會(huì)所擁有為基礎(chǔ)的經(jīng)濟(jì)形式。

In response to the mass mobilization and strikes of the Spanish workers, the heads of Spain's army, with direct support of the country's capitalist elite, attempted to overthrow the liberal government, beginning July 19 1936, so as to crush the country's radical labor movement. Union defense groups fought back with the support of much of the rank and file of the police, defeating the army in two thirds of the country initially. The worker unions then formed their own "People's Army" to fight the fascist Spanish army. In the days following the defeat of the army in Barcelona, the unions moved to expropriate most of the country's industry and new organizations of direct worker management were created.

作為對(duì)西班牙工人的大規(guī)模集會(huì)和罷工的回應(yīng)，西班牙的軍隊(duì)頭目在資產(chǎn)階級(jí)精英的直接支持下，從1936年7月19日開始，企圖推翻自由派政府，以粉碎國(guó)內(nèi)的激進(jìn)工人運(yùn)動(dòng)。工會(huì)防御小組在許多普通警察的支持下進(jìn)行反擊，起初在全國(guó)三分之二的地區(qū)擊退了軍隊(duì)。工會(huì)隨后建立了自己的人民軍來對(duì)抗法西斯西班牙軍隊(duì)。在軍隊(duì)在巴塞羅那被打敗后的幾天里，工會(huì)采取行動(dòng)沒收了全國(guó)大部分產(chǎn)業(yè)，并建立了新的由工人進(jìn)行直接管理的組織。

The workers of the Transport Union participated in the fighting.?They seized an armored car that the company used to haul streetcar fares and deployed it as an armored car in the fighting with the army.

運(yùn)輸工會(huì)的工人們參與了戰(zhàn)斗。?他們奪取了公司用于運(yùn)輸電車票款的一輛運(yùn)鈔車，并將其作為裝甲車投入到與軍隊(duì)的戰(zhàn)斗中。

On July 20th an armed group from the CNT transport union discovered that the top management of Barcelona Tramways had fled.?A mass meeting of the transit workers was held the following day and the assembly voted overwhelmingly to expropriate the transit companies in the name of the people.?Three private bus companies, two funiculars, and the Metropolitan Railway (subway) were taken over along with the streetcar company.

6月20日一支CNT運(yùn)輸工會(huì)的武裝小組發(fā)現(xiàn)巴塞羅那電車公司的高層管理人員已經(jīng)逃走了。次日公交工人舉行了群眾大會(huì)，以壓倒性優(yōu)勢(shì)通過了以人民的名義沒收所有公交公司的決定。三家私人公共汽車公司，兩家地面纜車公司，大都會(huì)鐵路公司（地鐵）和有軌電車公司都被接管了。

The streetcar system had been badly mauled in the street fighting — tracks were damaged, overhead wires were knocked down in places, equipment boxes were shot up, and streetcar tracks were blocked by barricades. Working night and day, the transit workers got the streetcar network working within five days. Over time the streetcars were repainted in the diagonally divided red and black paint scheme of the syndicalist movement (photo below). Prior to July 19th, equipment boxes of the electric power company in the middle of streets made it necessary for Barcelona streetcars to negotiate tight curves around them; this had been a source of derailments. After the union takeover, the workers arranged with the worker-run public utility federation to relocate the electric power equipment so that the tracks could be straightened out. Under private management, the private electric utility had built power boxes in the middle of the street and streetcar tracks were curved around them. Workers arranged to move these power boxes to the sidewalk. On a number of lines center line poles in the street had been used for suspension of the overhead wire and these were replaced with crossspans from poles on the sidewalk, as this was considered safer.

有軌電車系統(tǒng)在街道上的戰(zhàn)斗中被嚴(yán)重破壞了——軌道被損壞，一些地方的高架電纜被撞倒，設(shè)備箱被射毀，電車軌道被街壘阻擋。公交工人們晝夜不停工作，只用五天就恢復(fù)了電車網(wǎng)線的運(yùn)作。隨著時(shí)間推移，電車的顏色被重新噴涂成了代表工團(tuán)主義運(yùn)動(dòng)的，以對(duì)角線分割的紅色與黑色。在7月19日之前，電力公司的設(shè)備箱在街道中間，巴塞羅那的電車必須繞著它們拐急彎；這導(dǎo)致了一系列脫軌事故。工會(huì)接管后，公交工人們與工人運(yùn)營(yíng)的公用事業(yè)聯(lián)合會(huì)設(shè)法遷移了電力設(shè)備，電車軌道得以疏通。在私人管理下，私人電力公司將配電箱建在街道中間，電車軌道也在其周圍繞行。工人們?cè)O(shè)法將這些配電箱移動(dòng)到了人行道上。在一些電車線路上，街道中心線上的電線桿被用于懸掛高架電纜，這些電纜被改到人行道上的電線桿上，因?yàn)槿藗冋J(rèn)為這樣更安全。

The various modes — buses, subway, streetcars — were separate union "sections", as were the repair depots. These all were managed through elected committees, answerable to assemblies of the workers. An engineer was elected to each administrative committee, to facilitate consultation between manual workers and engineers. There was an overall assembly for decisions that affected the transit-system as a whole. There was no top manager or executive director. A 7-member elected worker committee was responsible for overall coordination.

各種交通工具，如公交車、地鐵、有軌電車，都由獨(dú)立的工會(huì)支部運(yùn)營(yíng)，修理廠也是如此。他們都通過由選舉產(chǎn)生的，對(duì)工人大會(huì)負(fù)責(zé)的委員會(huì)進(jìn)行管理。每個(gè)管理委員會(huì)都選出一名工程師，以協(xié)助體力勞動(dòng)者和工程師進(jìn)行協(xié)商。對(duì)于影響運(yùn)輸系統(tǒng)整體的決定，由全體大會(huì)進(jìn)行討論。 沒有高管或是執(zhí)行董事。一個(gè)由選舉產(chǎn)生的七人工人委員會(huì)負(fù)責(zé)總體的協(xié)調(diào)。

Barcelona Tramways had operated with a fare zone system which meant that it cost more for people in the outer working class suburbs to get into the city center. The worker-run transit operation switched to a flat fare throughout the metropolitan area, to equalize fare costs to riders. Despite this lowering of the fare, the worker-run transit system operated at a profit. A sizeable part of this profit was donated to the anti-fascist war effort. Workers also donated their time on Sundays to work in factories set up in transit system workshops to make munitions for the People's Army.

巴塞羅那電車公司過去實(shí)行票價(jià)區(qū)間制，這意味著住在多由工人階級(jí)居住的郊區(qū)的人想進(jìn)入市中心就要花更多的錢。工人自治的公交系統(tǒng)在整個(gè)都會(huì)區(qū)改用統(tǒng)一票價(jià)，以均衡乘客的車費(fèi)。盡管這種做法降低了車費(fèi)，工人自治的公交系統(tǒng)還是能夠盈利。這些收入中可觀的一部分被用于支援反法西斯戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。此外，工人們自愿獻(xiàn)出星期日的時(shí)間，在設(shè)立在公交系統(tǒng)車間的工廠中為人民軍生產(chǎn)彈藥。

A large amount of French and American machine tools were purchased, to make the transit operation largely self-sufficient in spare parts. This included an automated American machine tool that could make multiple copies of identical parts — the only machine of its kind in Spain. A furnace for melting down used bearings was acquired. The new equipment meant that the system had an enhanced ability to build its own streetcars. Before the revolution, the private company had only made about 2 percent of the repairs through its own workshops and were set up only to deal with the most urgent repairs. But within a year under workers management, the workshops were manufacturing 98 percent of the parts used. They were able to do this and still make a profit, despite a 150 percent increase in prices of raw materials.

購(gòu)買了大量法國(guó)和美國(guó)的機(jī)床，使公交系統(tǒng)很大程度上實(shí)現(xiàn)了零部件的自給自足。這包括一臺(tái)可以制作多份相同零件的美國(guó)自動(dòng)機(jī)床——西班牙唯一的同類機(jī)器。獲取了一臺(tái)用于熔化廢舊軸承的熔爐。新的設(shè)備意味著該體系自主生產(chǎn)電車的能力增強(qiáng)了。在革命前，這家私有企業(yè)只能通過其車間進(jìn)行2%左右的修理，并且僅僅用于處理緊急情況。但在工人自治的一年內(nèi)，98%的零部件都由車間生產(chǎn)了。即使原材料的價(jià)格已經(jīng)上漲了150%，他們還是能如此運(yùn)作，并從中獲利。

The CNT transport union entered into an arrangement with the new CNT health workers union to ensure free medical care for transit workers and their families. The health workers union was set up to take over the hospitals and create a network of free clinics as part of a new socialized health care system in Spain, created on the initiative of people working in health care. The agreement between the public transit collective and the health care federation involved direct payments for services for workers and their families. This included access to a health clinic that had previously only been available to the rich.

CNT運(yùn)輸工會(huì)和新成立的CNT醫(yī)護(hù)工作者工會(huì)簽訂了協(xié)議，以確保公交工人及其家屬能獲得免費(fèi)醫(yī)療保障醫(yī)護(hù)工作者工會(huì)應(yīng)醫(yī)療衛(wèi)生從業(yè)者的要求而建立，其目的為接管醫(yī)院及建立免費(fèi)診所網(wǎng)絡(luò)，這是西班牙新的社會(huì)化醫(yī)療系統(tǒng)的一部分。公共交通合作社和醫(yī)務(wù)工作者聯(lián)合會(huì)的協(xié)議涉及對(duì)工人及其家人的服務(wù)報(bào)酬的直接支付。這包括進(jìn)入一所以前僅對(duì)富人開放的診所的權(quán)利。

Due to war-time restrictions on automobile travel and increased employment in war industries, ridership increased by 62 percent the first year on the worker-managed transit network. It was not possible to obtain new streetcars. To accommodate the increased ridership, the workers redesigned the layout of the maintenance facility, to reduce the downtime for streetcars during routine maintenance. A number of junked streetcars were rebuilt and put back into service. New, light-weight cars were built for the two funiculars.

由于戰(zhàn)時(shí)對(duì)機(jī)動(dòng)車出行的限制以及軍工行業(yè)就業(yè)人數(shù)的增加，工人自治的公交網(wǎng)絡(luò)第一年的乘客量增加了62%。沒有辦法獲取新的電車。為了適應(yīng)增加的乘客量，工人們重新設(shè)計(jì)了維護(hù)設(shè)施的布局，以減少電車?yán)芯S護(hù)造成的停工時(shí)間。一些廢舊電車被修繕后重新投入使用。為兩條地面纜車線路建造了新的輕型纜車。

In September-October 1936 there was an intense political fight between the syndicalists and the Communists over the worker-managed industries. The syndicalists wanted to create a socialized, democratically coordinated economy "from below," managed through worker and neighborhood assemblies, with plans developed for whole regions through congresses of delegates. The Communists were interested in rebuilding the power of the traditional bureaucratic state...with an aim to eventual state takeover of the economy. Thus the Communists were opposed to the syndicalists' plan for direct worker management of the economy, and aimed to create roadblocks. In this they were aided by the professional, small business and managerial classes who saw their class privileges slipping away. As the result of a major political struggle, the Generalitat — the regional government in Catalonia — issued a collectivization decree in October 1936 that required the expropriated industries to be re-organized as worker cooperatives.

1936年9月至10月，工團(tuán)主義者和康米主義者針對(duì)工人自治產(chǎn)業(yè)問題爆發(fā)了激烈的政治斗爭(zhēng)。 工團(tuán)主義者希望自下而上地建立一種社會(huì)化的、民主協(xié)商的經(jīng)濟(jì)體制，由工人大會(huì)和社區(qū)大會(huì)管理，通過代表大會(huì)制定全地區(qū)的計(jì)劃。康米主義者則意圖重建一個(gè)傳統(tǒng)的官僚國(guó)家，其目的是最終由國(guó)家接管經(jīng)濟(jì)。因此康米主義者反對(duì)工團(tuán)主義者工人直接管理經(jīng)濟(jì)的計(jì)劃，并意圖制造障礙。在這一方面，他們接受了階級(jí)特權(quán)受到威脅的專家、小商販和管理階層的幫助。作為一場(chǎng)重大政治斗爭(zhēng)的結(jié)果，加泰羅尼亞地區(qū)政府（Generalitat）于1936年10月頒布了一項(xiàng)集體化法令，要求將被沒收的產(chǎn)業(yè)重組為工人合作社。

After the passage of this decree, the transit network, which was being managed by the union, was re-organized as the United Public Service Collective, formally separate from the CNT union. In some sections of the collective where there was a UGT union — as on the subway. The UGT was a social-democratic union federation — more bureaucratic than the CNT, and allied with the Socialist and Communist parties. In sections of the collective where the UGT union had a presence, the UGT elected its own delegates to the administrative committees.

該法令通過后，由工會(huì)管理的公交網(wǎng)絡(luò)被重組為聯(lián)合公共服務(wù)合作社，正式從CNT工會(huì)中分離出來。在該合作社的一些部門，例如地鐵，存在有UGT工會(huì)。UGT是一個(gè)社民主義工會(huì)聯(lián)盟——比CNT更官僚主義，并與社會(huì)主義和康米主義政黨結(jié)盟。在有UGT工會(huì)存在的合作社部門，UGT選舉自己的代表參加管理委員會(huì)。

Before July 19th, the peones (track laborers) were the lowest paid workers and the skilled workers made 50 percent more. After the seizure of the industry, all workers other than the skilled workers received the same pay, and the skilled workers (such as machinists) received only 6 percent more. The workers volunteered on Sundays in workshops set up by the transit union to build war materials for the labor militia fighting the Spanish army. Also, showers and washup facilities were installed in all the workshops and depots...something that had never been done before.

在7月19日前，peones（養(yǎng)路工人）是收入最低的工人，而技術(shù)工人的收入要高出50%。在產(chǎn)業(yè)被奪取后，所有技術(shù)工人以外的工人收到同樣多的工資，而技術(shù)工人（如機(jī)械師）僅多拿6%。工人自愿在星期天在公交工會(huì)設(shè)立的車間中為與西班牙軍隊(duì)作戰(zhàn)的工人民兵生產(chǎn)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)資料。此外，在所有車間和倉(cāng)庫(kù)設(shè)立了淋浴和衛(wèi)生設(shè)施——這是以前從未有過的事情。

Issues of worker discipline were dealt with by the worker assemblies. There were a few cases of workers showing up drunk for work. In these cases typically the worker would be suspended for a time and the man's pay would be handed over to his wife (if he was married).

工人紀(jì)律問題由工人大會(huì)處理。有幾次工人上班時(shí)喝醉了。在這種情況下，工人通常會(huì)被暫時(shí)停職，他的工資會(huì)被移交給他的妻子（如果他已婚）。

Because of recruitment of workers to the "People's Army" fighting the fascist military, the worker-managed transit system also had to contend with a labor shortage. This led to a decision to hire women for the first time to do work on the transit system. But this soon led to another problem for the libertarian syndicalist movement, not only in public transit but in other industries as well.

由于工人被征募到了與法西斯軍隊(duì)作戰(zhàn)的人民軍中，工人自治的公交系統(tǒng)也不得不應(yīng)對(duì)勞動(dòng)力短缺的問題。這促成了首次在公交系統(tǒng)中招募女性的決定。然而這很快就給自由意志工團(tuán)主義運(yùn)動(dòng)帶來了另一個(gè)問題，不僅僅在公交系統(tǒng)中，在其他行業(yè)也一樣。

The Anti-fascist Women’s Association (Asociación de Mujeres Anti-fascistas — AMA) was organizing among the women working in industry. The AMA was a “transmission belt” of the Communist Party. With the AMA gaining influence in industries, the syndicalist activists of the CNT feared that women would be recruited to the UGT unions. This would also bolster the influence of the Communists in industry. The libertarian CNT unions could be pushed aside.

反法西斯婦女協(xié)會(huì)（Asociación de Mujeres Anti-fascistas — AMA）在女工中組織起來。AMA是西共的傳聲筒。隨著AMA在各行業(yè)中的影響力越來越大，CNT的工團(tuán)主義活動(dòng)家擔(dān)心婦女們會(huì)加入UGT的工會(huì)。這也會(huì)加強(qiáng)西共在業(yè)界的影響力。自由意志的CNT工會(huì)可能會(huì)被排擠。

To counter this, the local unions of the CNT opened their union halls to Mujeres Libres (Free Women). During the revolution and civil war Mujeres Libres organized over 20,000 poor and working class women to be actively engaged in social issues and struggles and participate as the equals of men in unions and other organizations.

為了對(duì)此進(jìn)行反制，CNT的地方工會(huì)將他們的工會(huì)大廳向Mujeres Libres（自由女性組織）開放。在革命和內(nèi)戰(zhàn)期間，自由女性組織組織了超過20000名貧困婦女和工人階級(jí)女性積極參與社會(huì)問題和斗爭(zhēng)，并以與男性同等的地位參加工會(huì)和其他組織。

The unions provided space for child care centers, women’s study groups, and literacy classes and apprenticeship programs for women. In collectivized factories, work would be stopped to allow activists from Mujeres Libres to give presentations. An industry where Mujeres Libres had a strong presence was public transit. Pura Pérez was a member of Mujeres Libres who was one of the first women to drive streetcars in Barcelona. According to Pérez, the men of the CNT transport union took women on “as apprentices, mechanics, and drivers, and really taught us what to do.” The CNT compa?eros, Pérez recalled, “really got a kick out of” the amazed looks on the faces of passengers when they realized that a woman was at the controls of the streetcar. By the end of the civil war women were a very large part of the workforce on the Barcelona transit system.

工會(huì)為托兒中心、婦女學(xué)習(xí)小組、婦女掃盲班和學(xué)徒項(xiàng)目提供場(chǎng)地。在集體化的工廠中人們會(huì)停止工作以便自由女性組織的活動(dòng)家進(jìn)行演講。自由婦女組織在公共交通行業(yè)占有重要地位。Pura Pérez是自由女性組織的成員，她是巴塞羅那首批女性電車駕駛員之一。據(jù)Pérez說，CNT運(yùn)輸工會(huì)的男性把女性當(dāng)作學(xué)徒、機(jī)械師和司機(jī)，并真正教會(huì)了她們?nèi)绾尾僮鳌?/span>Pérez回憶說，CNT的同志們“真的很享受”乘客在意識(shí)到電車是由女性操作時(shí)露出的驚訝的表情。截至內(nèi)戰(zhàn)結(jié)束，女性占據(jù)了巴塞羅那公交系統(tǒng)工作人員的很大一部分。