At its fullest extent, the Roman Empire stretched from around modern-day Aswan, Egypt at its southernmost point to Great Britain in the north but the influence of the Roman Empire went far beyond even the borders of its provinces as a result of commerce and population movements. Contrary to popular belief which holds that the Sahara Desert was an impossible obstacle to trade prior to the Middle Ages, the Romans had a robust and dynamic network of connections to Sudanic and Sub-Saharan Africa. Slaves, gold, foodstuffs, and spices were transported from complex urban settlements on the Niger river, onwards to oasis cities in the Sahara, before finally reaching Rome's bustling ports on the coast of North Africa. Going in the opposite direction, gemstones, textiles, and coins reached cities along the fertile banks of the Middle Niger.

? ? ? ? ? 羅馬帝國的疆域最廣時(shí)，從最南端的現(xiàn)代埃及阿斯旺附近一直延伸到北部的大不列顛，但由于商業(yè)和人口流動(dòng)，羅馬帝國的影響甚至遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)超出其行省的邊界。人們普遍認(rèn)為撒哈拉沙漠是中世紀(jì)之前的“貿(mào)易溝塹”，與此相反，羅馬人與蘇丹和撒哈拉以南非洲地區(qū)建立了強(qiáng)大而活躍的貿(mào)易網(wǎng)絡(luò)。奴隸、黃金、食品和香料從尼日爾河上復(fù)雜而發(fā)達(dá)的城市定居點(diǎn)運(yùn)往撒哈拉沙漠的綠洲城市，最后運(yùn)往北非海岸繁華的港口。反之，寶石、紡織品和錢幣則運(yùn)往尼日爾河中游肥沃河岸的城市。

Classical Greek and Roman writers refer to all of Sudanic and Sub-Saharan Africa as 'Aethiopia', while the term 'Africa' originally referred only to the Maghreb region on the northwestern coast of the continent. Most Aethiopians in the Roman Empire likely came from East Africa through Egypt and Nubia but new evidence has also highlighted the role of trade and military interactions between West Africa and the Roman Empire.

? ? ? ? ? 古典希臘和羅馬作家將整個(gè)蘇丹和撒哈拉以南非洲稱為“埃塞俄比亞 (Aethiopia)”，而“非洲（Africa）”一詞最初僅指非洲大陸西北海岸的馬格里布地區(qū)。羅馬帝國大多數(shù)埃塞俄比亞人可能來自東非，途經(jīng)埃及和努比亞，但新的證據(jù)也揭示了西非與羅馬帝國之間貿(mào)易和軍事互動(dòng)的作用。

羅馬人對西非的探索

Roman expeditions into the Sahara were well documented beginning in the early Imperial period, though they decreased in Late Antiquity as a result of the accelerating desertification of North Africa. In 19 BCE, the Roman proconsul Cornelius Balbus led a force of 10,000 legionaries into Libya to punish the Garamantes, a Berber people who inhabited the Fezzan region of the Libyan Desert in the northeast Sahara, for rebellious activity. Balbus conquered the city of Ghadames before marching on Garama (Germa) and conquering it. After this, he penetrated the continent further south until reaching what is believed to be the Niger River.

? ? ? ? ? 羅馬人在撒哈拉的探險(xiǎn)活動(dòng)在帝國早期就有詳細(xì)記載，但由于北非沙漠化的加速，在古代晚期，羅馬人對撒哈拉的探險(xiǎn)活動(dòng)有所減少。公元前19年，羅馬總督科盧修斯·科尼利厄斯·巴爾布斯（Cornelius Balbus）率領(lǐng)10000名軍團(tuán)士兵進(jìn)入利比亞，討伐居住在撒哈拉東北部利比亞沙漠費(fèi)贊地區(qū)的柏柏爾人加拉曼特（Garamantes）的叛亂活動(dòng)。巴爾布斯征服了加達(dá)梅斯城（古達(dá)米斯），然后向加拉馬（杰爾馬）進(jìn)軍并征服了該城。后來，他進(jìn)一步向南深入非洲大陸，據(jù)信到達(dá)尼日爾河。

The Roman general Suetonius Paulinus quelled a rebellion in Mauretania in 40 CE, before embarking on a celebrated expedition across the Atlas Mountains and into the Fezzan region of the Sahara (c. 41 CE). In 50 CE a general named Septimius Flaccus led a military expedition against nomadic bandits who were troubling Leptis Magna in modern-day Libya. His expedition proved successful but what was most impressive was that his journey went far further south than the Saharan desert. In fact, Flaccus made it as far as an enormous lake surrounded by elephants and rhinoceroses (Lake Chad) before returning.

? ? ? ? ? 公元前40年，羅馬將軍蓋烏斯·蘇托尼烏斯·保利努斯（Gaius Suetonius Paulinus，公元40-69年）鎮(zhèn)壓了毛里塔尼亞的叛亂，隨后開始了一次著名的遠(yuǎn)征，穿越阿特拉斯山脈，進(jìn)入撒哈拉的費(fèi)贊地區(qū)（約公元前41年）。公元50年，一位名叫塞普蒂米烏斯·弗拉庫斯 (Septimius Flaccus)?的將軍率領(lǐng)軍隊(duì)遠(yuǎn)征游牧土匪，這些土匪在今利比亞的大萊波蒂斯（拉丁語：Leptis Magna，阿拉伯語：?????）一帶活動(dòng)。他的遠(yuǎn)征取得了成功，但最令人印象深刻的是，他的征途遠(yuǎn)比撒哈拉沙漠更南。事實(shí)上，弗拉庫斯到達(dá)一個(gè)被大象和犀牛包圍的巨大湖泊（乍得湖）才返回。

According to the 2nd-century CE Alexandrian historian Ptolemy, a Roman merchant named Julius Maternus led an expedition to retread Flaccus' footsteps and open up new trade routes in West Africa. This journey is thought to have been sometime around 83 CE and plotted through what is now Libya to the city of Garama. The Garamantian king allowed Maternus to accompany him on an expedition south and sent letters of introduction to the African kings in the south on behalf of the Roman. Maternus ultimately travelled to Lake Chad before returning to Rome with a two-horned rhinoceros which was displayed in the Colosseum. This animal would have been either a black or white rhinoceros from Central Africa and was a sensation in Rome - due to its performance in the arena. The Roman Emperor Domitian (81-96 CE) was so impressed with the beast and its reception that he minted coins bearing its image sometime between 83 and 85 CE.

? ? ? ? ? 根據(jù)公元 2 世紀(jì)亞歷山大歷史學(xué)家托勒密的記載，一位名叫朱利葉斯·馬特諾（Julius Materno）的羅馬商人率領(lǐng)一支探險(xiǎn)隊(duì)，重走弗拉庫斯的足跡，在西非開辟新的貿(mào)易路線。這次探險(xiǎn)發(fā)生在公元83年前后，途經(jīng)現(xiàn)在的利比亞，到達(dá)加拉馬城。加拉曼特國王允許朱利葉斯·馬特諾隨行南征，并代表羅馬人向南部非洲國王發(fā)出了介紹信。馬特諾最終來到乍得湖，然后帶著一頭雙角犀牛返回羅馬，這頭犀牛被陳列在羅馬斗獸場。這只犀牛應(yīng)該是來自中非的黑犀?；虬紫?，由于在競技場上的出色表現(xiàn)，它在羅馬引起了轟動(dòng)。羅馬皇帝提圖斯·弗拉維烏斯·多米提安努斯（Domitian，公元前81-96年）對這頭犀牛及其受到的歡迎印象深刻，因此在公元83-85年間鑄造了印有犀牛形象的硬幣。

尼日爾河上的貿(mào)易來源

Ancient cities and polities in West Africa which had developed along the Middle Niger were participants in the sporadic trans-Saharan trade relations of antiquity. These settlements developed independently in West Africa and are based on a radically different economic, social, and architectural model than the urban centres of Mesopotamia, North Africa, and the Mediterranean. These cities and settlements traded goods like locally grown crops with Saharan contacts for rare foreign imports.

? ? ? ? ? ?沿尼日爾河中游發(fā)展起來的西非古城和古國參與了古代零星的跨撒哈拉貿(mào)易關(guān)系。這些定居點(diǎn)在西非獨(dú)立發(fā)展，其經(jīng)濟(jì)、社會(huì)和建筑模式與美索不達(dá)米亞、北非和地中海的城市中心截然不同。這些城市和定居點(diǎn)通過與撒哈拉人接觸，用當(dāng)?shù)胤N植的農(nóng)作物等商品換取稀有的外國進(jìn)口商品。

Djenne-Djenno, built near modern-day Djenne, Mali by the Iron Age Nok culture in the early 3rd century BCE, has some of the oldest known evidence of Classical Mediterranean trade in West Africa. Traders in Djenne-Djenno were importing glass beads of Roman or Hellenistic origin as early as the 3rd century BCE. Evidence of trans-Saharan trade has been found in Kissi, Burkina Faso and Dia Shoma, Mali which means that this trade did not deal exclusively with the cities of the Middle Niger but extended to the Niger Bend as well.

? ? ? ? ? 杰內(nèi)-杰諾（Djenne-Djenno）位于現(xiàn)代馬里杰內(nèi)(Djenne)附近，由鐵器時(shí)代的諾克文化于公元前3世紀(jì)初建造，擁有西非已知最古老的地中海古典貿(mào)易證據(jù)。早在公元前 3世紀(jì)，杰內(nèi)-杰諾的貿(mào)易商就開始進(jìn)口源于羅馬或希臘的玻璃珠。后人在基西（布基納法索）和迪亞紹馬（馬里）發(fā)現(xiàn)了跨撒哈拉貿(mào)易的證據(jù)，這意味著這種貿(mào)易并不只與尼日爾中部的城市打交道，還延伸到了尼日爾河灣。

撒哈拉中間商：加拉曼特人

The extent of trans-Saharan contact between the peoples inhabiting the Sahara Desert has long been debated despite the frequent allusions of the Greek and Roman accounts, including sources like The Histories by the 5th-century BCE Greek author Herodotus and Pliny the Elder's 1st-century CE Natural History.

? ? ? ? ? 盡管希臘和羅馬的記載（包括公元前 5 世紀(jì)希臘作家希羅多德的《歷史》和公元前 1 世紀(jì)老普林尼的《自然史》等資料）經(jīng)常提到撒哈拉沙漠居民之間跨撒哈拉接觸的程度，但長期以來一直存在爭議。

Between the 1st and 4th centuries CE, Rome was trading closely with the Garamante Kingdom, which had become a client state of Rome. Graeco-Roman stereotypes of the Garamantes often dismissed them as unruly nomads:

? ? ?On its [Libya's] borders dwell the Garamantians, a lightly clad, agile tribe of tent-dwellers subsisting mainly by the chase. (Lucian of Samosata, Dipsas the Thirst-Snake, Ch. 2, translated by Fowler, p. 27)

? ? ? ? ? 公元1世紀(jì)到4世紀(jì)期間，羅馬與加拉曼特王國的貿(mào)易往來非常密切，加拉曼特王國已成為羅馬的一個(gè)客戶國。古希臘羅馬人對加拉曼特人的刻板印象往往將他們視為桀驁不馴的游牧民族：

? ? ? ? ? 在其（利比亞）邊境居住著加拉曼特人，這是一個(gè)衣著輕便、行動(dòng)敏捷的部落，住在帳篷里，主要靠狩獵為生。(Lucian of Samosata, Dipsas the Thirst-Snake, Ch. 2, translated by Fowler, p. 27)

Archaeologists have uncovered a different picture by demonstrating that they had permanent settlements which were supported by advanced irrigation techniques. Excavations at Garama have revealed a dynamic trade centre with a population of around 10,000.

? ? ? ? ? 考古學(xué)家提出了不同的觀點(diǎn)，證明他們擁有由先進(jìn)灌溉技術(shù)維持的永久定居點(diǎn)。在加拉馬進(jìn)行的發(fā)掘揭示了一個(gè)充滿活力的商業(yè)中心的存在，估計(jì)人口為10000人。

Mediterranean amphorae containing olive oil and wine as well as imported pottery attest to frequent trade with the Roman Empire. Further evidence of Roman influences comes in the form of Roman-style marble, concrete, and wine presses. Most striking, however, is the presence of a large mausoleum with very clear architectural inspiration from its Roman counterparts.

? ? ? ? ? 裝有橄欖油和葡萄酒的地中海雙耳瓶以及進(jìn)口陶器證明了與羅馬帝國的頻繁貿(mào)易。羅馬風(fēng)格的大理石、混凝土和榨酒器也進(jìn)一步證明了羅馬的影響。不過，最引人注目的還是一座大型陵墓，其建筑風(fēng)格明顯受到羅馬同類建筑的啟發(fā)。

紅玉髓、黃金和傳統(tǒng)谷物

One of the most important items that the Garamantes had to offer both Roman and West African traders were semi-precious stones like carnelian and amazonite. These small stones (referred to as carbuncles) were highly prized by Romans and are the primary commodity referenced in literary accounts of this exchange. Carbuncles and other semi-precious stones are the most well-represented objects from the trans-Saharan trade in West Africa. These carbuncles likely acted as a regional commodity and status symbol to locals of the Niger Bend given their rarity and the difficulty involved in obtaining them.

? ? ? ? ? 加拉曼特人向羅馬和西非商人提供的最重要商品之一是紅玉髓和亞馬遜石（天河石）等半寶石。羅馬人非常珍視這些小石頭（稱為霰石），在有關(guān)這種交換的文學(xué)記載中，它們是最主要的商品。紅玉髓和其他半寶石是西非跨撒哈拉貿(mào)易中最具代表性的物品。對于尼日爾河流域的當(dāng)?shù)厝藖碚f，這些紅玉髓很可能是一種地區(qū)商品和身份的象征，因?yàn)樗鼈兎浅Ｏ∮?，而且很難獲得。

In addition to this, the Garamantes provided the Romans with foodstuffs, exotic Sub-Saharan slaves, and possibly textiles, salt, gold, and ivory in exchange for Roman wine, olive oil, and pottery. Although a large amount of Sub-Saharan goods made it to the Mediterranean, Mediterranean goods did not reach the Sub-Sahara in the same volume. The reason for this was that the Garamantes and other intermediaries tended to keep the expensive Roman products for themselves rather than exchanging them with their contacts in the south. Instead, they provided their West African neighbours with salt, food, and textiles. Glass beads and copper items from the Roman Mediterranean were also traded but only occasionally.

? ? ? ? ? 除此之外，加拉曼特人還向羅馬人提供食品、撒哈拉以南的異國奴隸，可能還有紡織品、鹽、黃金和象牙，以換取羅馬的葡萄酒、橄欖油和陶器。雖然大量撒哈拉以南地區(qū)的商品進(jìn)入了地中海，但地中海商品卻沒有以同樣的數(shù)量進(jìn)入撒哈拉以南地區(qū)。原因是加拉曼特人和其他中間人傾向于將昂貴的羅馬產(chǎn)品據(jù)為己有，而不是與他們在南方的聯(lián)系人交換。相反，他們向西非鄰國提供鹽、食品和紡織品。來自羅馬地中海的玻璃珠和銅制品也有交易，但只是偶爾為之。

The Garamantes imported a wide range of West African crops like rice, sorghum, cotton, and pearl millet, and some of these crops were cultivated at Garama. Leather and ivory from animals like hippopotami were also imported from Sub-Saharan Africa. Domesticated animals from North Africa such as camels, chickens, and donkeys were first brought across the Western Sahara in the 4th century CE as a result of trans-Saharan trade.

? ? ? ? ? 加拉曼特人進(jìn)口了多種農(nóng)產(chǎn)品，如水稻、高粱、棉花和珍珠粟，其中一些作物在加拉馬種植。河馬等動(dòng)物的皮革和象牙也從撒哈拉以南非洲進(jìn)口。公元4世紀(jì)，由于跨撒哈拉貿(mào)易，來自北非的家養(yǎng)動(dòng)物，如駱駝、雞和驢首次被帶到西撒哈拉。

A West African gold trade route is thought to have opened up to the Roman Empire for a brief time during Late Antiquity. Gold ore was mined in the Niger Bend before being transported upriver and ultimately reaching Roman cities in North Africa. The existence of this pre-Islamic gold trade has been reinforced by the fact that Roman gold coin mintage in Carthage and Alexandria only began in 295 CE and lasted until 429 CE when it was disrupted by the Vandal invasion of North Africa. This gold trade explains the appearance of Roman glass, carnelian, and textiles in Kissi, near the Sirba goldfields on the Niger Bend during the late 3rd century CE. This trade was a precursor to the medieval gold trade which was carried out in West Africa by Islamic traders beginning in the 7th century CE.

? ? ? ? ? 據(jù)信，通往羅馬帝國的黃金貿(mào)易路線在古代晚期曾短暫開放。黃金在尼日爾河灣開采，然后沿河而上，最終到達(dá)北非的羅馬城市。迦太基和亞歷山大的羅馬金幣鑄造始于公元前295年，一直持續(xù)到公元前429年因汪達(dá)爾人入侵北非而中斷，這一事實(shí)進(jìn)一步證實(shí)了伊斯蘭統(tǒng)治前的黃金貿(mào)易的存在。這種黃金貿(mào)易解釋了為什么在公元3世紀(jì)晚期，尼日爾河畔西爾巴金礦附近的基西會(huì)出現(xiàn)羅馬玻璃、紅玉髓和紡織品。這種貿(mào)易是中世紀(jì)黃金貿(mào)易的先驅(qū)，伊斯蘭商人從公元7世紀(jì)開始在西非接手這種貿(mào)易。

Archaeological finds of Roman coins in Sub-Saharan Africa are extremely rare but the same is true of Arabic coins, despite the enormous scale of the medieval Islamic trans-Saharan trade. This is largely due to the fact that West African societies did not use a system of minted coinage as currency and so any imported coins would most likely be recirculated back north or melted down for their precious metals.

? ? ? ? ?在撒哈拉以南非洲考古發(fā)現(xiàn)的羅馬錢幣極為罕見，但阿拉伯錢幣的情況也是如此，盡管中世紀(jì)伊斯蘭跨撒哈拉貿(mào)易規(guī)模巨大。這主要是由于西非社會(huì)并不使用鑄造的貨幣作為交換媒介，因此任何進(jìn)口的錢幣都很可能在北方重新流通或被熔化以獲得貴金屬。

奴隸貿(mào)易

More than rice and gemstones were brought north of the Sahara, however, and, in many ways, the movement of people has left a more enduring impact on the archaeological record than gold. Sub-Saharan slaves fulfilled an important role as labourers in Garama, where vast amounts of manpower were needed to maintain the expansive canal systems. Garamantian raiding activity against their Sub-Saharan neighbours may well have been an important source for the trans-Saharan slave trade of antiquity, more so than voluntary exchange. The Garamantes were reported to routinely hunt their southern neighbours from horse-drawn chariots:

? ? ?These Garamanteans of whom I speak hunt the "Cave-dwelling" Aethiopians [Troglodytes] with their four-horse chariots... (Herodotus, The Histories, Book IV, Ch. 183, translated by Godley p. 387)

? ? ? ? ? 然而，從撒哈拉以北運(yùn)來的不僅僅是大米和寶石，在許多方面，人口流動(dòng)對考古記錄的影響比黃金更持久。撒哈拉以南的奴隸在加拉馬發(fā)揮了重要的勞動(dòng)力作用，那里需要大量的人力來維護(hù)廣闊的運(yùn)河系統(tǒng)。加拉曼特人對撒哈拉以南鄰國的襲擊活動(dòng)很可能是古代跨撒哈拉奴隸貿(mào)易的重要來源，比自愿交換造成的遷移更重要。據(jù)記錄，加拉曼特人經(jīng)常使用馬拉戰(zhàn)車狩獵他們的南部鄰居：

? ? ? ? ? 我所說的這些加拉曼特人，用他們的戰(zhàn)車獵殺埃塞俄比亞的“穴居人”（希羅多德，《歷史》，第四卷，第183章，由博德利翻譯，第387頁）

Saharan rock paintings which portray Garamantian chariots have been pointed to as evidence of periodic raids. The Garamantes also exported slaves to their Roman trading partners. Certain “Aethiopians” within the Roman Empire were associated with the Garamantes which implies Roman familiarity with Sub-Saharan Africans in Garamantian society. These slaves were transported as part of trade caravans which embarked from cities like Garama and travelled through the Sahara to the North African coast.

? ? ? ? ? 有人指出，描繪加拉曼特戰(zhàn)車的撒哈拉巖畫是定期襲擊的證據(jù)。加拉曼特人還向他們的羅馬貿(mào)易伙伴出口奴隸。羅馬帝國的某些“埃塞俄比亞人”與加拉曼特人有聯(lián)系，這意味著羅馬人熟悉加拉曼特社會(huì)中的撒哈拉以南非洲人。這些奴隸作為貿(mào)易商隊(duì)的一部分，從加拉馬等城市出發(fā)，穿越撒哈拉沙漠到達(dá)北非海岸。

The Roman trade in Sub-Saharan slaves dealt primarily in children and was conducted through port cities like Alexandria and Roman Carthage before reaching Europe and the Near East. In the Imperial Period, this trade seems to have been heavily weighted towards the Roman sex industry as there were far less expensive sources of slaves for agricultural or other manual labour, such as Italy, Gaul, and the Near East.

? ? ? ? ? 羅馬的撒哈拉以南奴隸貿(mào)易主要以兒童為交易對象，他們通過亞歷山大和羅馬迦太基等港口城市到達(dá)歐洲和近東。在帝國時(shí)期，由于意大利、高盧和近東等地用于農(nóng)業(yè)或其他體力勞動(dòng)的奴隸價(jià)格要低廉得多，因此這種貿(mào)易似乎在很大程度上偏重于羅馬的性產(chǎn)業(yè)。

While most West Africans in the Roman Empire likely ended up in the Mediterranean as a result of slavery, doubtless others lived within the borders of the empire as free people. “Aethiopians” are known to have served in the Roman military, were living in territories captured by the Romans, and travelled to Roman territories under their own initiative as traders or envoys. Even foreigners originally enslaved by Rome could find themselves freed and enfranchised. “Aethiopian” scholars, soldiers, athletes, and performers are known to have contributed to Roman society based on art, literature, remains, and inscriptions from throughout the Roman world.

? ? ? ? ? 雖然羅馬帝國境內(nèi)的大多數(shù)西非人可能是由于被奴役而流落到地中海的，但無疑也有一些西非人作為自由人生活在羅馬帝國境內(nèi)。“埃塞俄比亞人”曾在羅馬軍隊(duì)服役，居住在被占領(lǐng)的領(lǐng)土上，并以商人或特使的身份主動(dòng)游歷帝國。即使是原本被羅馬奴役的外國人也可以成為自由民。根據(jù)羅馬世界的藝術(shù)、文學(xué)、遺跡和碑文，“埃塞俄比亞”的學(xué)者、士兵、運(yùn)動(dòng)員和藝術(shù)家似乎對羅馬社會(huì)做出了貢獻(xiàn)。

兩個(gè)古老世界的新視角

In the popular imagination, European and Middle Eastern contact with Sub-Saharan Africa is a relatively recent development but this is clearly not so; the intermittent relationship between the Roman Mediterranean and West Africa discussed above shows how very different cultures attempted to reach far outside the horizons of their known world much earlier than many suppose. Through trade networks like these, ancient civilisations were able to overcome the Sahara Desert, one of the greatest natural barriers in the world, an achievement which was rewarded by material and cultural wealth for those involved.

? ? ? ? ? 在大眾的想象中，歐洲和中東與撒哈拉以南非洲的接觸是最近才發(fā)展起來的，但顯然事實(shí)并非如此。上文討論的羅馬地中海與西非之間時(shí)斷時(shí)續(xù)的關(guān)系表明，迥然不同的文化是如何在比許多人想象的要早得多的時(shí)候，就試圖深入到其已知世界的范圍之外。通過這樣的貿(mào)易網(wǎng)絡(luò)，古代文明得以跨越撒哈拉沙漠（世界上最大的天然屏障之一），這一成就為參與者帶來了物質(zhì)和文化財(cái)富。

參考書目：

Dowler, A. and Galvin, E.R. (eds.). Money, Trade and Trade Routes in Pre-Islamic North Africa. British Museum Press, 2011.

Fage, J.D. and Oliver, R.A. (eds.). The Cambridge History of Africa. Cambridge University Press, 1979.

Fowler, H. W. The Works of Lucian of Samosata. Palala Press, 2015.

Herodotus. With an English translation by A.D. Godley Volume 4. Ulan Press, 2012.

Roderick J. McIntosh and Susan Keech McIntosh. "The Inland Niger Delta before the Empire of Mali: Evidence from Jenne-Jeno." The Journal of African History, 1/22/1981, pp. 1-22.

Snowden Jr., F. M. (ed.). Blacks in Antiquity. Belknap Press: An Imprint of Harvard University Press, 1971.

T. V. Buttrey. "Domitian, the Rhinoceros, and the Date of Martial's Liber De Spectaculis." The Journal of Roman Studies, 1/97/2007, pp. 101-112.

Thomas R. Fenne, David J. Kilick, John Chesley, Sonja Magnavita, Joaquin Ruiz. "Contacts Between West Africa and Roman North Africa: Archaeometallurgical Results from Kissi, Northeastern Burkina Faso." Journal of African Archaeology, Crossroads: Cultural and Technological Developments in First Millennium BC/AD West Africa/2009, pp. 119-146.

原文作者：Arienne King

原文網(wǎng)址:https://www.worldhistory.org/article/1199/the-roman-empire-in-west-africa/