肯尼迪總統(tǒng) 美利堅大學(xué)畢業(yè)典禮 演講全文
1963年6月10日，位于美國華盛頓特區(qū)的美利堅大學(xué)迎來畢業(yè)典禮，時任美國總統(tǒng)約翰·肯尼迪來到美利堅大學(xué)為畢業(yè)生進(jìn)行演講。在演講中，肯尼迪主要圍繞和平的話題探討當(dāng)時的世界局勢與美蘇關(guān)系。
President Anderson, members of the faculty, board of trustees, distinguished guests, my old colleague, Senator Bob Byrd, who has earned his degree through many years of attending night law school, while I am earning mine in the next 30 minutes, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen:
安德森校長，全體教師成員，校長董事會，尊貴的各位來賓，以及我的老同事，鮑勃·伯德議員。他在貴校法學(xué)院夜校挑燈夜戰(zhàn)好幾年才拿到了學(xué)位，而我將在接下來的30分鐘里拿到他的學(xué)位。
尊敬的來賓們，女士們先生們：
It is with great pride that I participate in this ceremony of the American University, sponsored by the Methodist Church, founded by Bishop John Fletcher Hurst, and first opened by President Woodrow Wilson in 1914. This is a young and growing university, but it has already fulfilled Bishop Hurst's enlightened hope for the study of history and public affairs in a city devoted to the making of history and to the conduct of the public's business. By sponsoring this institution of higher learning for all who wish to learn, whatever their color or their creed, the Methodists of this area and the Nation deserve the Nation's thanks, and I commend all those who are today graduating.
我很榮幸能參加美利堅大學(xué)的畢業(yè)典禮，貴校受到基督教衛(wèi)理工會資助，由約翰·弗萊徹·赫斯特大主教創(chuàng)建，1914年由威爾遜總統(tǒng)宣布正式運營。這一個年輕且持續(xù)發(fā)展的學(xué)校，即便如此，這所學(xué)校也已經(jīng)達(dá)到了赫斯特大主教的理想預(yù)期，即在一座創(chuàng)造歷史、建設(shè)公共事務(wù)的城市里進(jìn)行歷史和公共事務(wù)的學(xué)習(xí)。本地的基督教衛(wèi)理工會資助本校的更高等教育，幫助了那些希望學(xué)習(xí)的人，不歧視學(xué)生的膚色和信仰，他們和政府都理應(yīng)得到全國的感謝，而我要贊揚今日所有的畢業(yè)生。
Professor Woodrow Wilson once said that every man sent out from a university should be a man of his nation as well as a man of his time, and I am confident that the men and women who carry the honor of graduating from this institution will continue to give from their lives, from their talents, a high measure of public service and public support.
伍德羅·威爾遜教授曾說過，每一個大學(xué)畢業(yè)生都應(yīng)該成為自己國家的人和自己時代的人。而我相信，從這所學(xué)校光榮畢業(yè)的男女將會將生命與才能貢獻(xiàn)于建設(shè)高水平的公共服務(wù)，獲得公眾高度支持。
"There are few earthly things more beautiful than a university," wrote John Masefield in his tribute to English universities—and his words are equally true today. He did not refer to towers or to campuses. He admired the splendid beauty of a university, because it was, he said, "a place where those who hate ignorance may strive to know, where those who perceive truth may strive to make others see."
約翰·梅斯菲爾德在向英國大學(xué)致敬時寫道，“這個世界上幾乎沒有比大學(xué)更美好的事物了”——他的話至今依然適用。他說的大學(xué)不是指教學(xué)樓或校園區(qū)，他欣賞大學(xué)的絕世美麗，原因如他所寫，“在大學(xué)，可以讓憎恨無知的人努力去學(xué)習(xí)，而已經(jīng)掌握真理的人可以將真理傳遞給他人”。
I have, therefore, chosen this time and place to discuss a topic on which ignorance too often abounds and the truth too rarely perceived. And that is the most important topic on earth: peace.
因此，我選擇此時此地來討論這個話題：無知已經(jīng)普遍掩埋了真理，我們幾乎看不到真理。而這也是世界最重要的話題：和平。
What kind of peace do I mean and what kind of a peace do we seek? Not a Pax Americana enforced on the world by American weapons of war. Not the peace of the grave or the security of the slave. I am talking about genuine peace, the kind of peace that makes life on earth worth living, and the kind that enables men and nations to grow, and to hope, and build a better life for their children—not merely peace for Americans but peace for all men and women, not merely peace in our time but peace in all time.
我指什么樣的和平？我尋求什么樣的和平？不是美國統(tǒng)治下的和平，不是讓全世界屈服于美國的戰(zhàn)爭武器之下。不是墳?zāi)估锏暮推?，也不是接受奴役換取和平。我是指真正意義上的和平，這種和平能讓世界上的生命都認(rèn)為生活值得，這種和平能讓人和國家不斷發(fā)展，充滿希望，并為自己的后代打造更加美好的生活——不僅是美國人的和平，是全世界所有男男女女的和平，不僅是這個時代的和平，而是永恒的和平。
I speak of peace because of the new face of war. Total war makes no sense in an age where great powers can maintain large and relatively invulnerable nuclear forces and refuse to surrender without resort to those forces. It makes no sense in an age where a single nuclear weapon contains almost ten times the explosive force delivered by all the allied air forces in the Second World War. It makes no sense in an age when the deadly poisons produced by a nuclear exchange would be carried by wind and water and soil and seed to the far corners of the globe and to generations yet unborn.
我談及和平，是因為戰(zhàn)爭露出了全新面貌。全面戰(zhàn)爭在這個時代沒有任何意義。在這個大國持有能夠摧毀一切的大量核武器，并且不動用武力絕不投降的時代。在這個單單一枚核彈就能爆發(fā)出10倍于整個二戰(zhàn)盟軍投彈總量威力的時代。在這個核彈產(chǎn)生的有毒物質(zhì)會被風(fēng)、水、土壤和種子帶向全世界的遙遠(yuǎn)角落，還會影響未出生的幾代人的時代。
Today the expenditure of billions of dollars every year on weapons acquired for the purpose of making sure we never need them is essential to the keeping of peace. But surely the acquisition of such idle stockpiles—which can only destroy and never create—is not the only, much less the most efficient, means of assuring peace.
現(xiàn)在，我們每年在軍備上花費成百上千億美元，來確保我們永遠(yuǎn)不會有使用武器的機(jī)會，為了維護(hù)和平，這項支出有必要存在。但是毫無疑問，采購這種只具有破壞力、沒有生產(chǎn)力的閑置物品不是維護(hù)和平的唯一方法，亦非最有效方法。
I speak of peace, therefore, as the necessary, rational end of rational men. I realize the pursuit of peace is not as dramatic as the pursuit of war, and frequently the words of the pursuers fall on deaf ears. But we have no more urgent task.
因此，我認(rèn)為和平是必要的，是理智人群的合理追求。我明白追求和平不像追求戰(zhàn)爭那么讓人熱血沸騰，追求和平者的話語也常常是左耳進(jìn)右耳出。但我們沒有比追求和平更要緊的任務(wù)了。
Some say that it is useless to speak of peace or world law or world disarmament, and that it will be useless until the leaders of the Soviet Union adopt a more enlightened attitude. I hope they do. I believe we can help them do it. But I also believe that we must reexamine our own attitudes, as individuals and as a Nation, for our attitude is as essential as theirs. And every graduate of this school, every thoughtful citizen who despairs of war and wishes to bring peace, should begin by looking inward, by examining his own attitude towards the possibilities of peace, towards the Soviet Union, towards the course of the cold war and towards freedom and peace here at home.
有人說，談及和平、國際法與國際裁軍是沒有意義的，除非蘇聯(lián)方面的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人對此有更積極的態(tài)度。我也希望如此。我相信我們可以幫蘇聯(lián)人認(rèn)識到這一點。不過我同樣相信，我們要看看自己的態(tài)度，自己個人的態(tài)度和全國的態(tài)度，因為我們的態(tài)度和蘇聯(lián)人的一樣重要。
First examine our attitude towards peace itself. Too many of us think it is impossible. Too many think it is unreal. But that is a dangerous, defeatist belief. It leads to the conclusion that war is inevitable, that mankind is doomed, that we are gripped by forces we cannot control.
首先看看我們對和平本身的態(tài)度。我們中有太多人認(rèn)為和平是不可能的。太多人認(rèn)為和平是不現(xiàn)實的。這種失敗主義思想十分危險。其得出的結(jié)論就是：戰(zhàn)爭不可避免，人類必定滅亡，我們已經(jīng)被自己無法控制的力量裹挾了。
We need not accept that view. Our problems are manmade; therefore, they can be solved by man. And man can be as big as he wants. No problem of human destiny is beyond human beings. Man's reason and spirit have often solved the seemingly unsolvable, and we believe they can do it again.
我們不能接受這種觀點。我們面臨的問題是由人類引發(fā)的；那么它們就同樣可以被人類解決。只要想，人類也可以變得很強(qiáng)大。人類命運的問題無法超越人類本身。人的理智和精神曾經(jīng)常解決掉那些看似不可能解決的問題，而我們相信這一次人類也可以。
I am not referring to the absolute, infinite concept of universal peace and good will of which some fantasies and fanatics dream. I do not deny the value of hopes and dreams but we merely invite discouragement and incredulity by making that our only and immediate goal.
我指的不是那些狂熱分子幻想的“全世界無死角的和平與親善”這種過于絕對的不現(xiàn)實概念。我不否定希望與夢想的價值，但是如果我們把這當(dāng)做現(xiàn)在的唯一目標(biāo)，只會給我們自己招致打擊與自我懷疑。
Let us focus instead on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions—on a series of concrete actions and effective agreements which are in the interest of all concerned. There is no single, simple key to this peace; no grand or magic formula to be adopted by one or two powers. Genuine peace must be the product of many nations, the sum of many acts. It must be dynamic, not static, changing to meet the challenge of each new generation. For peace is a process—a way of solving problems.
讓我們把注意力放在更加現(xiàn)實、更容易實現(xiàn)的和平上，這種和平要在人類制度的逐漸發(fā)展中實現(xiàn)，在一系列符合各方利益的具體行動和有效協(xié)議中實現(xiàn)，而不是寄希望于人性的短時間變革。實現(xiàn)和平的關(guān)鍵不是單一或簡單的；兩個超級大國或兩者之一都沒有什么通用的神奇公式。真正的和平一定是多國齊心協(xié)力行動下的產(chǎn)物。這種和平是動態(tài)的，不是一成不變的，它會不斷改變以應(yīng)對每一代人的新挑戰(zhàn)。因此和平是一個過程——一種解決問題的方法。
With such a peace, there will still be quarrels and conflicting interests, as there are within families and nations. World peace, like community peace, does not require that each man love his neighbor, it requires only that they live together in mutual tolerance, submitting their disputes to a just and peaceful settlement. And history teaches us that enmities between nations, as between individuals, do not last forever. However fixed our likes and dislikes may seem, the tide of time and events will often bring surprising changes in the relations between nations and neighbors. So let us persevere. Peace need not be impracticable, and war need not be inevitable. By defining our goal more clearly, by making it seem more manageable and less remote, we can help all people to see it, to draw hope from it, and to move irresistibly towards it.
實現(xiàn)了這種和平，利益矛盾與沖突依然存在，就像家庭內(nèi)和國家內(nèi)也有矛盾一樣。世界和平，就像社區(qū)和睦一樣，不要求每個人都愛自己的鄰里，只要求大家相互包容，把矛盾公正、和睦地解決。歷史已經(jīng)教會我們，國家之間的仇恨，和人與人之間的仇恨一樣，不會永遠(yuǎn)存在。但修正我們之間的愛恨似乎是時代的浪潮，并且經(jīng)常有些事會對鄰里與國家之間的關(guān)系帶來意想不到的改變。和平并非不切實際，戰(zhàn)爭并非不可避免。讓我們的目標(biāo)更加明確，更容易實現(xiàn)，不再那么天方夜譚，這樣我們就可以讓所有人看到我們的目標(biāo)，從中得到希望，并不自禁地向這個目標(biāo)努力。
And second, let us reexamine our attitude towards the Soviet Union. It is discouraging to think that their leaders may actually believe what their propagandists write. It is discouraging to read a recent, authoritative Soviet text on military strategy and find, on page after page, wholly baseless and incredible claims, such as the allegation that American imperialist circles are preparing to unleash different types of war, that there is a very real threat of a preventive war being unleashed by American imperialists against the Soviet Union, and that the political aims—and I quote—"of the American imperialists are to enslave economically and politically the European and other capitalist countries and to achieve world domination by means of aggressive war."
其次，再讓我們看看我們對蘇聯(lián)的態(tài)度。很遺憾，蘇聯(lián)的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人似乎真的相信他們宣傳部的說辭。很遺憾看到蘇聯(lián)官方近期在軍事戰(zhàn)略方面的報告，一頁又一頁寫滿了毫無依據(jù)、無法令人信服的闡述，比如他們聲稱美帝國主義及其盟國在準(zhǔn)備發(fā)動不同類型的戰(zhàn)爭，還有美帝國主義準(zhǔn)備對蘇聯(lián)發(fā)動的潛在戰(zhàn)爭是實實在在的威脅，還有我們的政治目的，我引用蘇聯(lián)人的說法：“美帝國主義要用經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治奴役歐洲和其他資本主義國家，再以武力和戰(zhàn)爭統(tǒng)治世界”。
Truly, as it was written long ago: "The wicked flee when no man pursueth."
確實，如一句古話所說，“雖無人追趕，惡人同樣落荒而逃?！?/strong>
Yet it is sad to read these Soviet statements, to realize the extent of the gulf between us. But it is also a warning, a warning to the American people not to fall into the same trap as the Soviets, not to see only a distorted and desperate view of the other side, not to see conflict as inevitable, accommodation as impossible, and communication as nothing more than an exchange of threats.
看到這些蘇聯(lián)的宣傳真是令人難過，這讓我們意識到了我們之間的鴻溝有多大。但這也是一個警告，警告美國人民不要重蹈蘇聯(lián)的覆轍，落入這種陷阱，不要只用這種扭曲的、孤注一擲的視角審視對方，不要認(rèn)為戰(zhàn)爭不可避免，不要認(rèn)為和平?jīng)]有希望，不要覺得我們的交流只是傳播威脅焦慮。
No government or social system is so evil that its people must be considered as lacking in virtue. As Americans, we find communism profoundly repugnant as a negation of personal freedom and dignity. But we can still hail the Russian people for their many achievements in science and space, in economic and industrial growth, in culture, in acts of courage.
沒有任何政府和制度體系會壞到讓其治下的所有人都缺乏道德。作為美國人，我們會認(rèn)為共產(chǎn)主義與個人自由和尊嚴(yán)是水火不容的。但是我們依然要向蘇聯(lián)人民在科技、太空事業(yè)、經(jīng)濟(jì)、工業(yè)化、文化與英勇抗敵方面取得的一系列成就致敬。
Among the many traits the peoples of our two countries have in common, none is stronger than our mutual abhorrence of war. Almost unique among the major world powers, we have never been at war with each other. And no nation in the history of battle ever suffered more than the Soviet Union in the Second World War. At least 20 million lost their lives. Countless millions of homes and families were burned or sacked. A third of the nation's territory, including two thirds of its industrial base, was turned into a wasteland—a loss equivalent to the destruction of this country east of Chicago.
在這些方面，我們兩國人民有許多共同點。沒有人比我們兩國更厭惡戰(zhàn)爭。我們兩國在世界強(qiáng)國中幾乎都是獨一無二的力量，從未與彼此處于戰(zhàn)爭狀態(tài)。在第二次世界大戰(zhàn)中，沒有哪個國家比蘇聯(lián)還要損失慘重。至少有2000萬蘇聯(lián)人喪生。上百萬甚至上千萬人的家園被毀滅洗劫。蘇聯(lián)三分之一的領(lǐng)土，其中包括三分之二的工業(yè)區(qū)都成為了一片荒蕪之地——這一切都足以將這個位于芝加哥以東的國家毀滅。
Today, should total war ever break out again—no matter how—our two countries will be the primary target. It is an ironic but accurate fact that the two strongest powers are the two in the most danger of devastation. All we have built, all we have worked for, would be destroyed in the first 24 hours. And even in the cold war, which brings burdens and dangers to so many countries, including this Nation's closest allies, our two countries bear the heaviest burdens. For we are both devoting massive sums of money to weapons that could be better devoted to combat ignorance, poverty, and disease. We are both caught up in a vicious and dangerous cycle, with suspicion on one side breeding suspicion on the other, and new weapons begetting counter-weapons.
今天，如果全面戰(zhàn)爭再次爆發(fā)，無論如何，我們兩國都會成為首要打擊目標(biāo)。這很諷刺，但卻是板上釘釘?shù)氖聦?，我們是最?qiáng)大的兩個大國，卻也是最有可能被滅亡的兩國。我們所建造的一切，我們?yōu)橹Φ囊磺?，都會在?zhàn)爭爆發(fā)后的24小時內(nèi)被摧毀殆盡。甚至在這場給包括我們親密盟國在內(nèi)的許多國家?guī)碡?fù)擔(dān)和威脅的冷戰(zhàn)中，我們兩國的負(fù)擔(dān)也是最沉重的。因為我們都對軍事武器投入了巨大資金，這些資金本可以被投入掃盲、扶貧和醫(yī)療事業(yè)。我們都陷入了危險的惡性循環(huán)中，我們對他們的猜疑使他們也猜疑我們，他們的武器迫使我們研究新武器來反制。
In short, both the United States and its allies, and the Soviet Union and its allies, have a mutually deep interest in a just and genuine peace and in halting the arms race. Agreements to this end are in the interests of the Soviet Union as well as ours. And even the most hostile nations can be relied upon to accept and keep those treaty obligations, and only those treaty obligations, which are in their own interest.
簡而言之，美國及我們的盟國，蘇聯(lián)及他們的盟國，雙方都可以從實現(xiàn)真正和平與停止軍備競賽中深深受益。同意終止軍備競賽符合蘇聯(lián)的利益，也符合我們的。即使是我們關(guān)系最糟的敵對國，也可以接受并遵守這些條約，這些對他們有利的條約。
So let us not be blind to our differences, but let us also direct attention to our common interests and the means by which those differences can be resolved. And if we cannot end now our differences, at least we can help make the world safe for diversity. For in the final analysis, our most basic common link is that we all inhabit this small planet. We all breathe the same air. We all cherish our children's futures. And we are all mortal.
所以我們不能無視我們之間的分歧，但我們注意力更應(yīng)該放在我們的共同利益，以及解決我們分歧的方法上。即使我們不能消除分歧，那起碼也要共同構(gòu)造一個安全世界，允許差異存在。因為歸根結(jié)底，我們最基本的共同關(guān)系就是我們都生活在這個小小的星球上。我們呼吸的都是同一種空氣。我們都重視我們子女的未來。我們都是凡人。
Third, let us reexamine our attitude towards the cold war, remembering we're not engaged in a debate, seeking to pile up debating points. We are not here distributing blame or pointing the finger of judgment. We must deal with the world as it is, and not as it might have been had the history of the last 18 years been different.
第三，讓我們重新審視我們對冷戰(zhàn)的態(tài)度，記住，我們不是在參與辯論，不是要堆疊論點。我們在此不是為了責(zé)怪他人或者判斷是否對錯。我們要以世界的現(xiàn)狀去對待世界，而不是參照過去18年那個今非昔比的世界去對待它。
We must, therefore, persevere in the search for peace in the hope that constructive changes within the Communist bloc might bring within reach solutions which now seem beyond us. We must conduct our affairs in such a way that it becomes in the Communists' interest to agree on a genuine peace. And above all, while defending our own vital interests, nuclear powers must avert those confrontations which bring an adversary to a choice of either a humiliating retreat or a nuclear war. To adopt that kind of course in the nuclear age would be evidence only of the bankruptcy of our policy—or of a collective death-wish for the world.
因此，我們必須堅持滿懷希望地追尋和平，共產(chǎn)主義集團(tuán)或許也會做出一些建設(shè)性改變，并從中發(fā)現(xiàn)我們找不到的解決方案。我們必須相信真正的和平同樣對共產(chǎn)主義陣營有利。最重要的是，在核大國捍衛(wèi)己方的重大利益時，必須避免讓對手陷入可恥讓步或核戰(zhàn)爭的兩難境地。在核子時代，這種做法只會證明我們的政策破產(chǎn)——或全世界共同愿景的破滅。
To secure these ends, America's weapons are nonprovocative, carefully controlled, designed to deter, and capable of selective use. Our military forces are committed to peace and disciplined in self-restraint. Our diplomats are instructed to avoid unnecessary irritants and purely rhetorical hostility.
為了避免這種末日結(jié)局，美國軍隊要避免挑釁，美國的軍備要得到嚴(yán)格控制，要為防御而生，并能夠讓我們有選擇地使用。我們的軍隊致力于維護(hù)和平，軍紀(jì)嚴(yán)明。我們的外交官致力于避免不必要的爭端與僅僅說辭上的敵意。
For we can seek a relaxation of tensions without relaxing our guard. And, for our part, we do not need to use threats to prove we are resolute. We do not need to jam foreign broadcasts out of fear our faith will be eroded. We are unwilling to impose our system on any unwilling people, but we are willing and able to engage in peaceful competition with any people on earth.
因為我們可以在不放松警惕的情況下尋求緊張局勢的緩和。我們要做的部分就是，我們不需要通過武力威脅來證明我們的堅定。我們不需要因為害怕外國的電臺廣播侵蝕我們的信仰而去禁止它們。我們不愿意把我們的體制強(qiáng)加給不愿接受的人民，但是我們很樂意與全世界所有人進(jìn)行和平競爭。
Meanwhile, we seek to strengthen the United Nations, to help solve its financial problems, to make it a more effective instrument for peace, to develop it into a genuine world security system—a system capable of resolving disputes on the basis of law, of insuring the security of the large and the small, and of creating conditions under which arms can finally be abolished.
同時，我們要加強(qiáng)聯(lián)合國的力量，解決聯(lián)合國的財務(wù)問題，使之成為能更有效維護(hù)和平的機(jī)構(gòu)，將其發(fā)展為一個貨真價實的世界安全體系——一個能夠按照法律解決爭端、確保大小國安全，為停止軍備競賽創(chuàng)造條件的體系。
At the same time we seek to keep peace inside the non-Communist world, where many nations, all of them our friends, are divided over issues which weaken Western unity, which invite Communist intervention, or which threaten to erupt into war. Our efforts in West New Guinea, in the Congo, in the Middle East, and the Indian subcontinent, have been persistent and patient despite criticism from both sides. We have also tried to set an example for others, by seeking to adjust small but significant differences with our own closest neighbors in Mexico and Canada.
同時，我們要維護(hù)非共產(chǎn)主義世界的和平，這包含了許多國家，它們都是我們的友邦，卻因各種問題產(chǎn)生分歧，削弱了西方世界的團(tuán)結(jié)，這也讓共產(chǎn)主義陣營趁虛而入，增加了戰(zhàn)爭爆發(fā)的威脅。我們在西新幾內(nèi)亞，在剛果，在中東，在印度次大陸耐心地持續(xù)努力，盡管這招致了東西方的同時批評。但我們依然在全力調(diào)解我們與最近的兩個鄰國，墨西哥與加拿大的微小但重要的分歧，以為其他國家做出榜樣。
Speaking of other nations, I wish to make one point clear. We are bound to many nations by alliances. Those alliances exist because our concern and theirs substantially overlap. Our commitment to defend Western Europe and West Berlin, for example, stands undiminished because of the identity of our vital interests. The United States will make no deal with the Soviet Union at the expense of other nations and other peoples, not merely because they are our partners, but also because their interests and ours converge. Our interests converge, however, not only in defending the frontiers of freedom, but in pursuing the paths of peace.
說到其他國家，我想要講清楚一點。由于同盟關(guān)系，我們對許多國家負(fù)責(zé)。這些同盟存在是因為我們關(guān)切的問題與他們關(guān)切的問題大量重合。比如我們承諾保護(hù)西歐與西柏林，此承諾絕不違背，因為這也高度符合我們的利益。美國不會犧牲其他國家或民族，換取與蘇聯(lián)達(dá)成協(xié)議，不僅僅是因為這些國家使我們的友邦，也因為我們的利益高度一致。我們不僅在捍衛(wèi)自由世界方面利益高度一致，在追尋和平道路上也是如此。
It is our hope, and the purpose of allied policy, to convince the Soviet Union that she, too, should let each nation choose its own future, so long as that choice does not interfere with the choices of others. The Communist drive to impose their political and economic system on others is the primary cause of world tension today. For there can be no doubt that if all nations could refrain from interfering in the self-determination of others, the peace would be much more assured.
這是我們聯(lián)盟政策的希望與目標(biāo)，以此使蘇聯(lián)相信，她也可以讓麾下的各國選擇自己的未來，只要這些國家的選擇與其他國家沒有沖突即可。共產(chǎn)主義陣營把它們的政治經(jīng)濟(jì)體制強(qiáng)加給其他國家，這才是今天世界動蕩的根源。毫無疑問，只要所有國家都不干涉其他國家的內(nèi)政，和平就能得到極大保證。
This will require a new effort to achieve world law, a new context for world discussions. It will require increased understanding between the Soviets and ourselves. And increased understanding will require increased contact and communication. One step in this direction is the proposed arrangement for a direct line between Moscow and Washington, to avoid on each side the dangerous delays, misunderstandings, and misreadings of others' actions which might occur at a time of crisis.
想要實現(xiàn)這一切，就需要制定新的國際法，為國際討論創(chuàng)造新環(huán)境。這要求我們與蘇聯(lián)之間加深理解。加深理解就意味著要加強(qiáng)溝通交流。在這一方向上，第一步就是要建立莫斯科-華盛頓直接熱線，避免由于其中某一方行動的一時延遲、誤會、誤解而導(dǎo)致危機(jī)爆發(fā)。
We have also been talking in Geneva about our first-step measures of arm[s] controls designed to limit the intensity of the arms race and reduce the risk of accidental war. Our primary long range interest in Geneva, however, is general and complete disarmament, designed to take place by stages, permitting parallel political developments to build the new institutions of peace which would take the place of arms. The pursuit of disarmament has been an effort of this Government since the 1920's. It has been urgently sought by the past three administrations. And however dim the prospects are today, we intend to continue this effort—to continue it in order that all countries, including our own, can better grasp what the problems and possibilities of disarmament are.
我們已經(jīng)在日內(nèi)瓦討論了我們軍備限制的第一步，以緩解由于軍備競賽導(dǎo)致的緊張局勢，并減少戰(zhàn)爭意外爆發(fā)的風(fēng)險。我們在日內(nèi)瓦的首要長期利益便是進(jìn)行全面徹底裁軍，一步一步實現(xiàn)，同時允許政治發(fā)展進(jìn)步，建造一個新機(jī)構(gòu)來取代武器，維護(hù)和平。
The only major area of these negotiations where the end is in sight, yet where a fresh start is badly needed, is in a treaty to outlaw nuclear tests. The conclusion of such a treaty, so near and yet so far, would check the spiraling arms race in one of its most dangerous areas. It would place the nuclear powers in a position to deal more effectively with one of the greatest hazards which man faces in 1963, the further spread of nuclear arms. It would increase our security; it would decrease the prospects of war. Surely this goal is sufficiently important to require our steady pursuit, yielding neither to the temptation to give up the whole effort nor the temptation to give up our insistence on vital and responsible safeguards.
這些談判進(jìn)行期間，我們幾乎能夠看到世界的末日，我們急需一個嶄新的開始，所以談判的唯一主要問題就是簽署禁止核試驗條約。這個遠(yuǎn)在天邊，近在眼前的條約簽署會直接從最危險的領(lǐng)域防止軍備競賽升級。這會讓核大國更有效地處理1963年最大的危機(jī)之一，即核武器的進(jìn)一步擴(kuò)散。條約將進(jìn)一步保護(hù)我們的安全；將降低戰(zhàn)爭爆發(fā)的可能性。當(dāng)然，此目標(biāo)任重而道遠(yuǎn)，需要我們持之以恒的追求，既不屈服于完全放棄整個事業(yè)的誘惑，也不屈服于放棄我們一直以來負(fù)責(zé)的重大安全體系的誘惑。
I'm taking this opportunity, therefore, to announce two important decisions in this regard.
因此，我借此機(jī)會在這方面宣布兩項重要決議。
First, Chairman Khrushchev, Prime Minister Macmillan, and I have agreed that high-level discussions will shortly begin in Moscow looking towards early agreement on a comprehensive test ban treaty. Our hope must be tempered—Our hopes must be tempered with the caution of history; but with our hopes go the hopes of all mankind.
第一項，赫魯曉夫主席、麥克米倫首相和我已經(jīng)同意在不久后前往莫斯科參加高層會談，以早日達(dá)成全面禁止核試驗條約的簽署。我們的意愿必須要溫和——由于謹(jǐn)慎歷史，我們的意愿必須要溫，但是我們的意愿將成為全人類的意愿。
Second, to make clear our good faith and solemn convictions on this matter, I now declare that the United States does not propose to conduct nuclear tests in the atmosphere so long as other states do not do so. We will not—We will not be the first to resume. Such a declaration is no substitute for a formal binding treaty, but I hope it will help us achieve one. Nor would such a treaty be a substitute for disarmament, but I hope it will help us achieve it.
第二項，為了表明我們在此事上的誠意與莊嚴(yán)信念，我宣布，只要其他國家不率先在大氣層內(nèi)進(jìn)行核試驗，美國就也不會進(jìn)行核試驗。我們不會——我們不會是第一個恢復(fù)核試驗的國家。雖然僅僅這么一個宣言不足以取代有約束力的協(xié)議，但是我希望這個宣言能夠幫助我們達(dá)成協(xié)議。雖然這項協(xié)議也不足以取代裁軍計劃，但是我希望這項協(xié)議能夠促進(jìn)裁軍。
Finally, my fellow Americans, let us examine our attitude towards peace and freedom here at home. The quality and spirit of our own society must justify and support our efforts abroad. We must show it in the dedication of our own lives—as many of you who are graduating today will have an opportunity to do, by serving without pay in the Peace Corps abroad or in the proposed National Service Corps here at home.
最后，我的美國同胞們，讓我們在此檢視我們對國內(nèi)和平與自由的態(tài)度。我們國內(nèi)社會的素質(zhì)和精神必須與我們的國際事業(yè)相符。我們必須在我們自己的生活宣言中展現(xiàn)如此——因為今天你們中的許多畢業(yè)生都有機(jī)會去國外和平組織或我提出的美國國民服務(wù)隊里無償服役。
But wherever we are, we must all, in our daily lives, live up to the age-old faith that peace and freedom walk together.In too many of our cities today, the peace is not secure because freedom is incomplete.
無論身處何處，我們在日常生活中都必須不愧對我們的古老信念，即和平與自由是共存的。現(xiàn)在我們的許多城市中，和平得不到保證，自由也不完整。
It is the responsibility of the executive branch at all levels of government—local, State, and National—to provide and protect that freedom for all of our citizens by all means within our authority.It is the responsibility of the legislative branch at all levels, wherever the authority is not now adequate, to make it adequate. And it is the responsibility of all citizens in all sections of this country to respect the rights of others and respect the law of the land.
在權(quán)限內(nèi)以各種方式提供、保護(hù)我們公民的自由是各級政府行政部門——當(dāng)?shù)?、州和國家行政部門的責(zé)任。無論各地是否有權(quán)限，充分實現(xiàn)自由都是各級立法部門的責(zé)任。而尊重他人權(quán)利和國家法律是美國各地所有公民的責(zé)任。
All this—All this is not unrelated to world peace. "When a man's way please the Lord," the Scriptures tell us, "He maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him." And is not peace, in the last analysis, basically a matter of human rights: the right to live out our lives without fear of devastation; the right to breathe air as nature provided it; the right of future generations to a healthy existence?
這一切——這一切并非與世界和平不相關(guān)聯(lián)。圣經(jīng)告訴我們：“人所行的若蒙耶和華喜悅，耶和華也使他的仇敵與他和好?！倍覛w根結(jié)底，和平不是一個人權(quán)問題嗎？人有權(quán)快樂生活，無需擔(dān)憂生活遭到破壞；人有權(quán)呼吸自然給予的空氣；后代有權(quán)得到健康的生活。
While we proceed to safeguard our national interests, let us also safeguard human interests. And the elimination of war and arms is clearly in the interest of both. No treaty, however much it may be to the advantage of all, however tightly it may be worded, can provide absolute security against the risks of deception and evasion. But it can, if it is sufficiently effective in its enforcement, and it is sufficiently in the interests of its signers, offer far more security and far fewer risks than an unabated, uncontrolled, unpredictable arms race.
在我們繼續(xù)保護(hù)我們國家利益同時，讓我們同樣保衛(wèi)人類的利益。消滅戰(zhàn)爭、銷毀武器明顯符合雙方共同利益。無論對所有人有多大好處，無論措辭多么嚴(yán)密，條約都不能提供應(yīng)對欺騙與逃避風(fēng)險的絕對安全保障。但是如果能夠得到有效執(zhí)行，并符合締約方的利益，那么條約就不能夠提供的安全保障與風(fēng)險降低都遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)強(qiáng)于不斷激化、不受控制、難以預(yù)料的軍備競賽。
The United States, as the world knows, will never start a war. We do not want a war. We do not now expect a war. This generation of Americans has already had enough—more than enough—of war and hate and oppression.
全世界都知道，美國絕對不會發(fā)動戰(zhàn)爭。我們不想要戰(zhàn)爭。我們也不會認(rèn)為戰(zhàn)爭會爆發(fā)。這一代美國已經(jīng)受夠了...完全無法忍受戰(zhàn)爭、仇恨和壓迫。
We shall be prepared if others wish it. We shall be alert to try to stop it. But we shall also do our part to build a world of peace where the weak are safe and the strong are just. We are not helpless before that task or hopeless of its success. Confident and unafraid, we must labor on—not towards a strategy of annihilation but towards a strategy of peace.
但我們要備戰(zhàn)，以防其他國家發(fā)動戰(zhàn)爭。我們將時刻警惕，阻止戰(zhàn)爭爆發(fā)。但是我們同樣要去盡量建造一個和平世界，一個弱者安全、強(qiáng)者公正的世界。面對這個艱巨任務(wù)，我們并不孤單無助。這一任務(wù)的成功也不是毫無可能的。昂首挺胸、無所畏懼，我們一定能想出一個成功策略——不為殲滅他人，而為保衛(wèi)和平。
聲明：本人僅按照原文翻譯內(nèi)容，演講內(nèi)容不代表本人觀點。尤其此演講的背景是冷戰(zhàn)時期，很可能會有意識形態(tài)沖突。此專欄僅供歷史和英語交流學(xué)習(xí)使用，任何觀眾都可以引用本人的譯本。
希望來學(xué)習(xí)英語的觀眾明白：我覺得這些專欄的主要精華在于英語原文，而并非我的譯本，我的譯本很大程度上只是供來學(xué)習(xí)歷史的觀眾使用的。本人的英語水平一般般，翻譯得并不會多么精彩，只能在你看不懂時來幫助你了解這些演講內(nèi)容最基本的意思，而且翻譯時難免會出現(xiàn)差錯，切勿直接完全以我的譯本為標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。如發(fā)現(xiàn)有翻譯錯誤或者歧義內(nèi)容，歡迎指正。
希望來學(xué)習(xí)歷史的觀眾明白：任何歷史人物都有一定的局限性，隨著時代發(fā)展，很多觀點看法可能已經(jīng)不再適用今天的世界，西方的觀點也不一定適用于我們。通過了解這些演講，僅可給我們提供一個更全面了解過去和世界的渠道。我們可以從優(yōu)秀的歷史、當(dāng)代人物身上學(xué)到很多，但是請保持獨立思考，理性看到演講內(nèi)容，切勿全信或?qū)⑵浞顬檎胬怼?/strong>
