牧游社 牧有漢化翻譯

Dev Diary #41 – revolutions

lachek, Victoria 3 Lead Designer

A glorious Thursday to you! Today we will finally get into details of what fate befalls the state that fails to deliver what its people demand - revolution!

到了光榮的周四! 今天，我們終于可以詳細(xì)介紹那些未能滿足人民要求的國家的命運(yùn)了——革命revolution！

revolutions in Victoria 3 can be seen as a result of failure in the game's economic and political core loops. When this happens it means you have failed to balance the material and ideological desires of the different segments of your population, resulting in one or several groups deciding to take matters in their own hands. The result is a tremendous upheaval which could go very wrong for you - but play your cards right, and there's a chance you might bounce back from this crisis even stronger than before.

維多利亞3中的革命可以被看作是游戲中經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治核心循環(huán)失敗的結(jié)果。發(fā)生這種情況就意味著你沒能平衡不同階層的物質(zhì)和意識(shí)形態(tài)欲望，導(dǎo)致一個(gè)或多個(gè)群體決定將事情掌握在自己手中。其結(jié)果是一場(chǎng)巨大的動(dòng)蕩，這對(duì)你來說可能是非常糟糕的——但如果你處理的方法得當(dāng)，就有可能從這場(chǎng)危機(jī)中反彈，甚至比以前更強(qiáng)大。

A design goal we have kept front and center is that outright armed uprisings should be rare but still feel threatening. There is a lot of foreshadowing and opportunity to course-correct or compensate if you want to avoid a revolution. Not all movements will actually be powerful or angry enough to pose a real threat to you, and if they aren't, they won't drag you into a pointless war with an obvious outcome but bide their time until they become relevant.

我們一直保持著這樣一個(gè)設(shè)計(jì)目標(biāo)，那就是徹底的武裝起義應(yīng)該是罕見而又讓人感到威脅的。如果你想避免革命，會(huì)有很多的預(yù)兆或者機(jī)會(huì)讓你來糾正或彌補(bǔ)。并非所有的政治運(yùn)動(dòng)都會(huì)強(qiáng)大到足以對(duì)你構(gòu)成真正的威脅。如果這些運(yùn)動(dòng)不夠強(qiáng)大，也就不會(huì)把你拖入一場(chǎng)后果顯著且無意義的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中，而是等待時(shí)機(jī)，直到它們變得有意義。

A revolution always starts with a Political Movement demanding some kind of change to the country's Laws. The demand might be to enact something novel (perhaps Universal Suffrage or Workplace Safety), preserve something you're about to change (maybe the Monarchy you've been trying to abolish), or restore something you used to have (Free Markets? Outlawed Dissent?). Any of these could end in a violent uprising if the movement is radical enough and you fail to meet its demands.

革命總是從一場(chǎng)要求對(duì)國家法律（詳見開發(fā)日志#7）進(jìn)行某種改變的政治運(yùn)動(dòng)（詳見開發(fā)日志#14）開始。這種要求可能是為了制定新的東西（也許是普選權(quán)或勞動(dòng)場(chǎng)所安全法案），維護(hù)你所要做的改變（也許是你一直試圖廢除的君主制），或者恢復(fù)你曾經(jīng)擁有的東西（自由市場(chǎng)？ 抗議非法？） 如果政治運(yùn)動(dòng)特別激進(jìn)，而你又不能滿足它的要求，前述任何一項(xiàng)都可能以暴力起義告終。

Political Movements have two major attributes to keep an eye on: their Support and their Radicalism. A movement's Support affects how much help they would lend to enacting their desired change if you choose to go along with them, or how much resistance they put up in case of a movement to preserve a law you're trying to change. It also determines how powerful a revolution they can muster, should it come down to that.

政治運(yùn)動(dòng)有兩個(gè)需要注意的主要屬性：支持度Support和激進(jìn)度Radicalism。運(yùn)動(dòng)的支持度會(huì)影響到的是，如果你選擇支持這一運(yùn)動(dòng)，他們會(huì)給你多少幫助來采納他們想要的改變，或者在你試圖改變法律時(shí)，他們會(huì)有多少阻力。支持度還決定了，如果要發(fā)生革命的話，他們能發(fā)動(dòng)多強(qiáng)大的革命。

Meanwhile, Radicalism measures how likely they are to revolt if they don't get their way. A movement with strong Support and high Radicalism is of course very dangerous. A movement with strong Support but low Radicalism can be a nuisance but is relatively harmless: they'll work within the system, maybe raise a placard or two, but won't take up arms. Finally, a movement with low Support but high Radicalism might not stand much of a chance to overthrow the government on their own, but the instability caused by their ideological fervor could be damaging to your country in the short-term and might even create geopolitical opportunities for your neighbors.

激進(jìn)度則衡量的是，如果不按他們的方式行事，他們有多大可能會(huì)造反。一個(gè)擁有強(qiáng)大支持度和高激進(jìn)度的運(yùn)動(dòng)當(dāng)然是非常危險(xiǎn)的。一個(gè)高支持度但低激進(jìn)度的運(yùn)動(dòng)可能是個(gè)麻煩，但相對(duì)無害：他們會(huì)在政治框架內(nèi)工作，也許會(huì)舉一兩個(gè)標(biāo)語牌，但不會(huì)拿起武器。最后，一個(gè)低支持度但高激進(jìn)度的運(yùn)動(dòng)可能沒有什么機(jī)會(huì)單獨(dú)推翻政府，但他們對(duì)意識(shí)形態(tài)的狂熱所造成的不穩(wěn)定可能在短期內(nèi)對(duì)你的國家造成損害，甚至可能為你的鄰國創(chuàng)造地緣政治機(jī)遇。

The movement to restore the Republic is not the most powerful one, but those who do support it care a great deal - and may even be willing to lay down their lives for it. It is supported by both the Armed Forces and the Intelligentsia - not the most likely of bedfellows typically, but united in this case for this particular cause.

恢復(fù)共和制這一運(yùn)動(dòng)可能不是最強(qiáng)大的運(yùn)動(dòng)，但那些支持它的人非常關(guān)心它——甚至可能愿意為它獻(xiàn)出生命。它得到了武裝部隊(duì)和知識(shí)分子的支持——這二者通常不會(huì)成為同志，但在這種情況下卻為這一特殊的事業(yè)團(tuán)結(jié)起來。

A movement's Radicalism originates from two sources: the number of Radicals among the Pops that support the movement, and the Clout of supporting Interest Groups with approval low enough to be Angry. Since an Interest Group's approval originates both from the Laws of your country and also how Loyal vs Radical its supporters are, Radical Pops can potentially double their impact on a movement's Radicalism. The major difference between these two factors is that when Pops act through their Interest Groups their impact is through Clout (the national share of their Political Strength) while direct Pop support makes a difference through sheer numbers. This means populist uprisings are possible even though the affected Pops don't have any real representation in the halls of power, assuming they're angry enough about their living conditions.

一個(gè)運(yùn)動(dòng)的激進(jìn)度來源于兩個(gè)方面：支持該運(yùn)動(dòng)的Pop中的激進(jìn)派數(shù)量，以及十分不滿以至于憤怒地支持該運(yùn)動(dòng)的利益集團(tuán)（詳見開發(fā)日志#6）的影響力。由于一個(gè)利益集團(tuán)的滿意度既來自于國家的法律，也來自于其支持者的忠誠度和激進(jìn)度，因此激進(jìn)的Pop有可能對(duì)運(yùn)動(dòng)的激進(jìn)度產(chǎn)生雙倍的影響。這兩個(gè)因素之間的主要區(qū)別是，當(dāng)Pop通過他們的利益集團(tuán)采取行動(dòng)時(shí)，他們的影響是通過影響力Clout（他們的政治力量Political Strength在全國的份額）來實(shí)現(xiàn)的，而直接的Pop支持是通過純粹的數(shù)字來產(chǎn)生影響的。這意味著即使受影響的Pop在廟堂之上沒有任何真正的代表，只要他們對(duì)自己的生活條件足夠憤怒，他們也會(huì)掀起一場(chǎng)民粹主義起義。

While a movement's demands remain unmet, any Pops that belong to them will gradually gain Radicals. Once the Radicalism of a movement has exceeded a certain threshold it will begin organizing an armed uprising. You can monitor this progression in your outliner to see both how rapidly you're moving along the road to revolution and how far you have already gone, both determined by Radicalism.

當(dāng)一個(gè)運(yùn)動(dòng)的要求一直未得到滿足時(shí)，任何參與這一運(yùn)動(dòng)的Pop都會(huì)逐漸變得激進(jìn)。一旦一個(gè)運(yùn)動(dòng)的激進(jìn)度超過了某個(gè)閾值，它就會(huì)開始組織武裝起義。你可以在概覽中查看這一進(jìn)展，以了解革命的發(fā)展速度以及它的進(jìn)展，兩者都由激進(jìn)度決定。

This means you can have a direct impact on revolutionary progression. Of course you can cave to the movement's demands, which will placate them and eventually cause them to disband. But you can also address the problem by identifying the troublemakers and deal with them directly: either deradicalize them by improving their living conditions, or suppressing their contrarian ways by other means.

這意味著你可以對(duì)革命的進(jìn)程產(chǎn)生直接影響。當(dāng)然，你可以向運(yùn)動(dòng)屈服以安撫他們，最終解散這場(chǎng)運(yùn)動(dòng)。但你也可以通過解決提出問題的人來解決問題：要么改善他們的生活條件來去激進(jìn)化，要么通過其他手段來壓制他們的反叛。

The ability to deal with insurgents by issuing Decrees to suppress Radicals can be a helpful tool in more authoritarian countries with concentrated populations, or where the insurgency is very localized. This is much more difficult in case of broadly supported populist movements in a large country.

在人口集中的威權(quán)國家，或者在叛亂非常地方化的國家，通過發(fā)布法令鎮(zhèn)壓激進(jìn)分子可以成為一種有用的方式。如果在一個(gè)大國發(fā)生得到廣泛支持的民粹主義運(yùn)動(dòng)，這就困難得多了。

If you manage to get the movement's Radicalism under control, you can make the revolution fizzle out on its own without giving an inch.

如果你能設(shè)法控制住運(yùn)動(dòng)的激進(jìn)度，你就能讓革命自行消亡而無需讓步。

Another way of keeping revolutions in check is by establishing a Home Affairs Institution. By sinking Bureaucracy into Home Affairs you can more easily keep your troublesome elements in check, giving you more room to maneuver politically. As usual such an Institution can take several forms depending on what Law establishes it. A National Guard can require you to take more overt, proactive steps to keep law and order, while a Secret Police is able to operate more effectively in the background.

另一個(gè)控制革命的方法是建立一個(gè)內(nèi)務(wù)Home Affairs機(jī)構(gòu)。通過將行政力投入到內(nèi)務(wù)機(jī)構(gòu)，你就可以更容易地控制住麻煩分子，從而給你留出更多的政治操作空間。像往常一樣，這樣的機(jī)構(gòu)可以采取多種形式，這取決于通過什么法律來建立它。國民警衛(wèi)隊(duì)會(huì)要求你采取更公開、更主動(dòng)的措施來維持法律和秩序，而秘密警察則能夠在暗處更有效地運(yùn)作。

A minimal Home Affairs Institution under the Secret Police Law.

秘密警察法律下，最低限度的內(nèi)務(wù)機(jī)構(gòu)。

When radical movements are met with obstacles to their revolution for a long time, there's an increasing chance that its revolutionary fervor burns out and the movement disbands.

如果激進(jìn)運(yùn)動(dòng)在革命之路上被阻礙了很久，那么革命熱情煙消云散，運(yùn)動(dòng)解散的可能性就會(huì)越來越高。

But let's say you don't manage to placate or obstruct the political movement and the revolutionary progression boils over a required threshold. In this case an armed uprising will take a number of your states, proportional to the strength of the movement and localized roughly where its supporters are, to form a new revolutionary country. This country has the same technology as you but with some differences in laws, to reflect the ideological desires of the political movement's leadership. Furthermore, the Interest Groups in this new country will become marginalized if they do not support the revolution, while the opposite is true in the loyalist part of the country.

但是如果你沒能安撫或阻礙這些政治運(yùn)動(dòng)，革命進(jìn)度到了所需閾值以上，這種情況下，武裝起義就會(huì)席卷數(shù)個(gè)你的地區(qū)（具體數(shù)目正比于運(yùn)動(dòng)的強(qiáng)度以及當(dāng)?shù)卮笾掠卸嗌僦С终撸?，建立一個(gè)新的革命國家。這個(gè)國家會(huì)和你有一樣的科技水平，但是在法律上有所不同，用以反映政治運(yùn)動(dòng)領(lǐng)袖的意識(shí)形態(tài)要求。更進(jìn)一步的，新國家內(nèi)的利益集團(tuán)如果不支持革命，就會(huì)被邊緣化，而在國家的忠誠派部分則會(huì)發(fā)生相反的事情。

Obviously, characters supporting revolutionary Interest Groups will join the revolution. This includes not only Interest Group leaders, but also those Generals and Admirals you may have carefully nurtured over many military campaigns and who may by now be in charge of most of your forces. Even if you win against them, they won't be making it back to your country - alive, at least.

顯然，支持革命利益集團(tuán)的人物會(huì)加入革命。這不僅包括利益集團(tuán)領(lǐng)袖，也包括了那些你可能盡心盡力在無數(shù)次軍事行動(dòng)中培養(yǎng)出來的、或許現(xiàn)在還掌管了你的大部分軍隊(duì)的將軍和海軍上將。就算你贏了他們，他們也不會(huì)再度回到你的國家了——至少不會(huì)活著回來。

All other properties of this new country are dependent on the states they won over. If the revolution takes all your Barracks and Arms Industries, you might be in big trouble; if the revolutionary states consist mostly of Paper Mills and Art Academies, maybe you're not so worried (until your Government Administrations start grinding to a halt and your aristocracy get mad about the lack of culture workers to patronize, that is). And of course, the loyalist part of the country retains all their hard-won diplomatic pacts and treaties, while the pretender has to start from scratch.

這個(gè)新國家的所有其他屬性取決于他們贏得的地區(qū)。如果革命把你的軍營和武器工業(yè)都拿過去了，那你恐怕就有得受了；如果革命發(fā)生的地區(qū)內(nèi)主要是造紙廠和藝術(shù)學(xué)院，或許你就不需要很擔(dān)心（直到你的政府行政機(jī)構(gòu)逐漸停滯，你的貴族階層因?yàn)闆]有文化工作者來贊助而變得憤怒之前，是這樣的）。當(dāng)然了，國家由忠誠派掌控的部分會(huì)保留所有他們努力獲得的外交協(xié)定和協(xié)議，而覬覦者就得從頭開始了。

What follows is a revolutionary [Diplomatic] Play where the stakes are very simple: the loyalist part of the country tries to crush the rebellion, while the revolutionary country tries to swarm the loyalists. Other countries with an Interest in the region can participate in this Play as usual. It is not uncommon for countries with good relations to the country before the revolution to support the loyalists in restoring order. It is also possible for a country whose government supports the ideals of the revolutionaries to back their side. As such, a revolution might not only result in you having to fight and kill your own people, but your nation might even become the ideological battleground of Great Powers.

接下來就是革命（外交）博弈（詳見開發(fā)日志#21）了，賭注則非常簡(jiǎn)單：國家由忠誠派控制的部分試圖粉碎叛亂，而革命國家則試圖干掉忠誠派。其他在地區(qū)內(nèi)有利益存在Interest的國家也可以像平常一樣參與博弈。和該國在革命前就有良好關(guān)系的國家參與進(jìn)來支持忠誠派恢復(fù)秩序并不罕見。如果一個(gè)國家的政府支持革命者的理念，也有可能參與進(jìn)來支持革命者。這樣的話，革命可能就不會(huì)只是讓你干掉自己人了，你的國家甚至可能變成列強(qiáng)的意識(shí)形態(tài)戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)。

A revolution in South Germany might prove a perfect opportunity for some old rivals to weaken each other and perhaps woo a potential Subject nation without having to take on any Infamy of their own.

南德意志的革命或許會(huì)是一些老對(duì)手削弱對(duì)方的完美機(jī)會(huì)，甚至還可能在不增加自身惡名的情況下爭(zhēng)取到一個(gè)潛在的附屬國。

If the prospect of winning against the revolutionaries doesn't look good, like in all Diplomatic Plays you have the option of giving up. But rather than simply backing down and letting the revolutionaries have their way (which, to be frank, you could and should have done a long time ago if that was your intention), in revolutionary Plays you only have an option to switch sides and take over the revolutionary part of the country in its fight against the loyalists. A daring player might decide to manufacture a powerful revolution on purpose in order to push some highly contentious laws through, though this strategy definitely straddles the line between brilliance and madness.

如果打贏革命者看起來前景渺茫，那么如同所有外交博弈一樣，你可以選擇放棄。但是除了直接讓步而讓革命者達(dá)成自己的目標(biāo)（其實(shí)吧，你要真的愿意這么干，那早該干了）以外，在革命博弈中你還可以選擇換邊來控制國家革命的那一部分來對(duì)抗忠誠派。一個(gè)大膽的玩家可能會(huì)決定去故意制造一場(chǎng)強(qiáng)大的革命，以此通過一些非常有爭(zhēng)議的法案，不過這種策略就很難說是智慧還是瘋狂了。

It's important to note that there is no potential for a "white peace" in a revolution. Either side can capitulate, of course, but a peace cannot be signed without one party pressing their war goal and annexing the other side. By the end of the revolution, only one country will be left standing.

還要重點(diǎn)說明一下，革命中沒有“白和平”的可能性。雙方當(dāng)然都可能會(huì)停止抵抗，但除非有一方達(dá)成戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)目標(biāo)吞并另一方，否則就無法簽訂和平協(xié)議。在革命之后，只有一個(gè)國家還能繼續(xù)存在。

Needless to say, while all wars are expensive, civil wars are doubly so. A quick and decisive victory with minimal casualties is the best you can hope for - a long, drawn-out war amassing casualties and devastation on both sides might result in a country so broken it will take decades to rebuild. But once the war is over, the Interest Groups that lost the power struggle are defeated, for a time. Perhaps during this "golden age" you will have the opportunity to effect some much-needed political change and rise from the ashes?

不用說，所有戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)都很昂貴（詳見開發(fā)日志#25），內(nèi)戰(zhàn)則雙倍甚之。一場(chǎng)傷亡很少的快速而決定性的勝利是你所能期待的最好結(jié)果，而一場(chǎng)漫長乃至?xí)缛粘志眠€讓雙方不停產(chǎn)生傷亡和破壞的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)或許會(huì)讓國家極度破敗，以至于要花上數(shù)十年來重建。但一旦戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)結(jié)束，輸?shù)袅藱?quán)力斗爭(zhēng)的利益集團(tuán)就會(huì)被擊敗，至少暫時(shí)如此。而在這段“黃金時(shí)代”內(nèi)你就有機(jī)會(huì)進(jìn)行一些非常必要的政治變革，從而從廢墟中崛起？

Losing a revolutionary war means your country loses all its territory and Pops, in other words Game Over. This is something we've gone back and forth on during development, because while we do want you to be able to drastically transform your country through revolution, we don't want to encourage you to just give up if things are looking bleak because resisting means a prolonged conflict leading to a more war-torn country in the end. So pick your side, but do it carefully! Should you end up losing after all, just like in any Game Over situation you can choose to continue playing as a different country, including the political faction that just took over yours. But to be clear, we still haven't fully made our mind up on this and might well change our mind again! What do you think? Feel free to let us know in the comments!

輸?shù)粢粓?chǎng)革命戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)意味著你的國家會(huì)失去所有領(lǐng)土和Pop，換句話說就是游戲結(jié)束。這是開發(fā)過程中我們來回改的一個(gè)地方，因?yàn)殡m然我們想讓你能夠通過革命大幅改變你的國家，但是并不想鼓勵(lì)你在形勢(shì)一片黯淡的情況下直接擺爛（畢竟抵抗意味著曠日持久的沖突，最后只會(huì)產(chǎn)生一個(gè)更加被戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)所撕裂的國家）。做出你的選擇吧，但要慎重！如果最后你還是輸了，就像任何游戲結(jié)束情景一樣，你還可以繼續(xù)扮演另一個(gè)國家游玩，包括那個(gè)剛剛把你拿下的政治派系。但要說清楚，我們還是沒有完全決定好這個(gè)內(nèi)容應(yīng)該怎么處理，之后可能還要再改！你怎么看？盡情在評(píng)論中告訴我們吧！

Next week I'll return with part two of civil wars: cultural secessions. Until then!

下周我會(huì)再回來講內(nèi)戰(zhàn)的第二部分：文化分離Cultural Secessions。下次見！

翻譯：鏗爾舍瑟 AntiAccess

校對(duì)：三等文官猹中堂

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本作品英文原文著作權(quán)屬Paradox interactive AB所有，中文譯文著作權(quán)屬牧有漢化所有。