原文：自詡?cè)銮袪柗蛉说哪莼ず诶几傔x美國總統(tǒng)?

Nikki Haley’s presidential bid illustrates the Republicans’ problems

[1] When a new fighter enters the arena to go up against a legend, the crowd braces for a good show. But if the matchup is too lopsided the brawl is no fun. That was the sense when Nikki Haley, a former South Carolina governor and Donald Trump’s UN ambassador, announced her presidential run on Twitter on February 14th (in advance of a launch event in Charleston the next day), becoming the first Republican formally to challenge her former boss. Ms Haley climbs into the ring as a lightweight. But her candidacy helps illustrate the problems of the Republican Party and the nature of the coming contest.

[1]當一名新戰(zhàn)士進入競技場對抗傳奇人物時，人群準備看一場精彩的表演。但如果比賽太不平衡，爭斗就不好玩了。當南卡羅來納州前州長、唐納德·特朗普的聯(lián)合國大使尼基·黑利于2月14日（第二天在查爾斯頓的發(fā)布會之前）在推特上宣布她的總統(tǒng)競選時，成為第一位正式挑戰(zhàn)前老板的共和黨人的時候，這就是我說的意思。Haley女士以輕量級的人爬進了拳擊場。但她的候選資格有助于說明共和黨的問題和即將到來的競選的性質(zhì)。

[2] For one thing, it shows that Mr Trump will face competition. Other, weightier contenders have been limbering up, writing books in readiness for the fight. Mike Pence, the former vice-president, and Mike Pompeo, CIA director and then secretary of state under Mr Trump, have both recently produced memoirs. And the man shaping up as the most formidable challenger, Ron DeSantis, Florida’s governor, is due to publish his “blueprint for America’s revival” on February 28th. A crowded field suits Mr Trump (it helped him secure his party’s nomination in 2016). That is no doubt why he has said, patronizingly, that Ms Haley “should definitely run”.

[2]一方面，這表明特朗普先生將面臨競爭。其他更重的競爭者一直在努力工作，寫書為戰(zhàn)斗做好準備。前副總統(tǒng)邁克·彭斯和中央情報局局長、時任特朗普先生領(lǐng)導下的國務(wù)卿邁克·蓬佩奧最近都制作了回憶錄。作為最強大的挑戰(zhàn)者，佛羅里達州州長羅恩·德桑蒂斯將于2月28日公布他的“美國復興藍圖”。一個擁擠的競技場適合特朗普先生（這幫助他在2016年獲得了該黨的提名）。毫無疑問，這就是為什么他居高臨下地說，Haley女士“絕對應該參選”。

[3] Like many other potential candidates—and the party as a whole, which tied itself to a person rather than ideas—Ms Haley has been bruised by association with Mr Trump. As governor she represented a different and less angry brand of Republicanism. After a white supremacist killed nine black churchgoers in Charleston in 2015 she campaigned to remove the confederate flag from the statehouse. The daughter of Indian immigrants, she took issue with Mr Trump’s distaste for foreigners and disrespect for women. Even after he swept her home state’s presidential primary in 2016 by double digits, she publicly reviled his cosiness with a former grand wizard of the Ku Klux Klan, condemned his plan to build a wall on the southern border and chided his character. She backed Marco Rubio, a senator from Florida, and later Ted Cruz of Texas, for president instead.

[3]像許多其他潛在候選人——以及整個政黨一樣，它把自己與一個人而不是思想聯(lián)系在一起——Haley女士因與Trump先生的聯(lián)系而受到挫傷。作為州長，她代表了不同且不那么憤怒的共和黨主義。2015年，一名白人至上主義者在查爾斯頓殺害了9名黑人教堂教徒后，她發(fā)起了從州議會大廈上拆除邦聯(lián)旗幟的運動。作為印度移民的女兒，她對特朗普先生對外國人的厭惡和對女性的不尊重持異議。即使在2016年他以兩位數(shù)橫掃她的家鄉(xiāng)州總統(tǒng)初選后，她公開譴責他與三K黨前大巫師的親密聯(lián)系，譴責他在南部邊境修建隔離墻的計劃，并譴責了他的品格。相反，她支持佛羅里達州參議員馬可·盧比奧和后來的德克薩斯州的泰德·克魯茲競選總統(tǒng)。

[4] But in 2016, when Mr Trump tapped her to be the country’s ambassador to the UN, she made a Faustian bargain: the foreign-policy post would pad her résumé even if it meant aligning herself with Trumpism. At the UN she did not share her boss’s fondness for authoritarianism. She called herself “a bull in a china shop”; she announced sanctions on Russia, only for the administration to say she’d spoken out of turn. Yet her criticism of Mr Trump subsided. Her resignation, after two years, was marked by accolades from the president. She was the rare official to cross him and leave the administration nickname-less.

[4]但在2016年，當特朗普先生任命她擔任該國駐美國大使時，她提出了一個浮士德式的（只顧眼前利益的）協(xié)議：外交政策職位將填充她的簡歷，即使這意味著與特朗普主義保持一致。在家里，她沒有贊同她老板對專制主義的喜愛。她稱自己為“瓷器店里的公?！?；她宣布了對俄羅斯的制裁，但政府卻說她說話太出格。然而，她對特朗普先生的批評平息了。兩年后，她辭職的時候得到了總統(tǒng)的贊譽。她是罕見的與他作對但是卻能夠全身而退（沒有留下外號）的官員。