作者生平：

????????? 安德魯·達爾比（Andrew Dalby）是一位古典學者、歷史學家、語言學家和翻譯家，以他關(guān)于食物史（尤其是希臘和羅馬帝國）的書籍而聞名。 《Siren Feasts》 是安德魯·達爾比的第一本美食書籍，獲得了 Runciman（朗西曼）獎，他的第二本書《Dangerous Tastes》在2001年獲得了美食作家協(xié)會年度美食書籍。他還是《The Classical Cookbook》和《Empire of Pleasures》以及巴克斯和維納斯的傳記的作者。

《Tastes of Byzantium ：The Cuisine of a Legendary Empire》于 2003 年首次出版

ISBN: 978 1 84885 165 8

本書完整的 CIP 記錄可從大英圖書館、美國國會圖書館獲得

由 Thomson Press India Ltd 在印度印刷和裝訂 作者：神尾智代 https://www.bilibili.com/read/cv14892250 出處：bilibili

An Introduction to Byzantium

拜占庭簡介

Those who had never seen Constantinople before were enthralled, unable to believe that such a great city could exist in the world. They gazed at its high walls, the great towers with which it was fortified all around, its great houses, its tall churches more numerous than anyone would believe who did not see them for himself; they contemplated the length and breadth of the city that is sovereign over all others. Brave as they might be, every man shivered at the sight.

????????? 那些從未見過君士坦丁堡的人都被迷住了，無法相信世界上會存在這樣一座偉大的城市。他們注視著它的高墻，四處加固的高塔，它的大房子與高大的教堂，這比任何沒有親眼看到它們的人相信的要多得多。他們考慮了這座統(tǒng)治所有其他城市的長度和寬度。盡管他們可能很無畏，但每個人都在看到這座城后不寒而栗。

This vision of the great city comes from a man who was intelligent, clear-sighted, and anything but visionary. Geoffroi de Villehardouin was a major figure in the Fourth Crusade, as well as one of its most engaging historians. He was a hero of the first years of the 'Latin' Empire of Constantinople, established on the ruins of the Byzantine Empire in 1204. His nephew and namesake was destined to rule as Prince of the Morea (the mountainous peninsula known to classicists as the Peloponnese) and to establish a French dynasty there. If Geoffroi de Villehardouin says that brave crusaders shivered at their first sight of Constantinople, as they sailed along the shore of the Sea of Marmara under its walls, that is what they really did.

?????????? 這座偉大的城市源于一個聰明、目光敏銳、極具遠見的人。 Geoffroi de Villehardouin 是第四次十字軍東征的主要人物，也是其最具吸引力的歷史學家之一。 他是君士坦丁堡“拉丁”帝國元年的英雄，該帝國于 1204 年在拜占庭帝國的廢墟上建立。他的侄子和同名的侄子注定要以摩里亞王子（古典主義者稱為 伯羅奔尼撒）并在那里建立一個法國王朝。 如果 Geoffroi de Villehardouin 說勇敢的十字軍在君士坦丁堡沿著馬爾馬拉海的海岸航行時，他們第一眼看到君士坦丁堡就會顫抖，這就是他們真實的經(jīng)歷。

Nineteen hundred years earlier, about 660 BC, a Greek colony had been established at this place, which was then known as Byzantion. Even then it already had a legendary history (and a down-to-earth history as well). The Argonauts had passed this way, in one of the best known of Greek mythological tales, on their way to the land of the Golden Fleece; they had navigated the Bosporus and dodged the Symplegades or 'Clashing Rocks'. The Clashing Rocks had since ceased to Clash and had been renamed Kyaneai 'Blue Rocks'. As for the down to-earth history, there was a settlement on the site of Byzantion, as archaeology confirms, as early as the twelfth century BC.

?????????? 一千九百年前，大約在公元前 660 年，希臘人在此建立了殖民地，當時被稱為拜占庭。 即便如此，它已經(jīng)擁有一段傳奇的歷史（以及一段腳踏實地的歷史）。 阿爾戈英雄在前往金羊毛之地的途中經(jīng)過了這條路，這是最著名的希臘神話故事之一。 他們已經(jīng)在博斯普魯斯海峽航行并避開了 Symplegades 或“碰撞巖石”。 此后，Clashing Rocks 停止了沖突，并更名為 Kyaneai 'Blue Rocks'。至于實際的歷史，正如考古證實的那樣，早在公元前十二世紀，拜占庭遺址上就有一個定居點。

When we come to the colonization itself, the well known story is that the first band of Greeks to seek a site in this neighbourhood had recently settled on the opposite side of the Bosporus, named by them Kalkhedon and known now as Kadikoy. It was not a bad place, but when the Delphic Oracle was next asked by the small city of Megara (west of Athens) to advise on a site for a colony, the response was: 'found your settlement opposite the blind men'. The Megarians obeyed this ordinance and established a colony at Byzantion, a site so much better than that of Kadikoy that the earlier colonists must, indeed, have been blind to have overlooked it.

????????? 當我們談到殖民化本身時，眾所周知，第一批在該區(qū)域?qū)ふ业攸c的希臘人最近定居在博斯普魯斯海峽的對面，以他們的名字命名為 Kalkhedon，現(xiàn)在被稱為 Kadikoy。這不是一個糟糕的地方，但是當小城市梅加拉（雅典西部）要求德爾菲神諭就一個殖民地地點提供建議時，回答是：“在盲人對面找到了你的定居點”。 梅加里安人遵守了這條法令，在拜占庭建立了一個殖民地，這個地方比卡德柯伊要好得多，以至于早期的殖民者確實是盲目地忽視了它。

So, if we adopt the terminology used by historians of classical Greece, the Megarians 'founded' Byzantion. Whether they 'founded' it by agreement with its existing inhabitants, or after expelling or enslaving them, no one knows.

????????? 因此，如果我們采用古希臘歷史學家使用的術(shù)語，麥加里安人“創(chuàng)立”了拜占庭。 他們是通過與現(xiàn)有居民達成協(xié)議，還是在驅(qū)逐或奴役他們之后“建立”它，沒有人知道。

Byzantion, in Greek hands, soon outshone its mother city of Megara. It was a site of spectacular beauty, unmatched in its potential for trade. This was where you began the short, though difficult, journey up the narrow Bosporus. Every ship that travelled from the Mediterranean and the Aegean to the Black Sea must sail under the walls of Byzantion. Every cargo from the Black Sea and its shores must pass this way to reach the wider world. Not only that: Byzantion was rich from its own produce too. Once a year, great shoals of tunny (more precisely, bonito) descend the Bosporus en route for the Mediterranean. The economic significance of this to Byzantion is best explained by the Roman geographer Strabo:

????????? 拜占庭在希臘人的手中，很快就超過了它的母城梅加拉。 這是一個風景秀麗的地方，其貿(mào)易潛力無與倫比。 這是您開始沿著狹窄的博斯普魯斯海峽進行短暫但艱難的旅程的地方。 從地中海和愛琴海航行到黑海的每艘船都必須在拜占庭的城墻下航行。 來自黑海及其沿岸的每件貨物都必須經(jīng)過這條路才能到達更廣闊的世界。 不僅如此：拜占庭也因自己的產(chǎn)品而富有。 每年一次，大量的金槍魚（更準確地說，鰹魚）沿著博斯普魯斯海峽駛向地中海。 羅馬地理學家斯特拉博最好地解釋了這對拜占庭的經(jīng)濟意義：

The Horn, which is close to the Byzantians' city wall, is an inlet extending about 60 stadia towards the west. It resembles a stag's horn, being split into several inlets, branches as it were. Into these the young tunny stray, and are then easily caught because of their number and the force of the following current and the narrowness of the inlets; they are so tightly confined that they are even caught by hand. These creatures originate in the marshes of Maio tis [Azov], and, getting a little bigger, escape through its mouth [the Straits of Kerch] in shoals, and are swept along the Asian coast to Trapezous and Pharnakeia. That is where the tunny fishery begins, though it is not a major activity, because they have not yet reached full size. As they pass Sinope they are more ready for catching and for salting. When they have reached the Kyaneai and entered the strait, a certain white rock on the Kalkhedonian side so frightens them that they cross to the opposite side, and there the current takes them: and the geography at that point is such as to steer the current towards Byzantion and its Horn, and so they are naturally driven there, providing the Byzantians and the Roman people with a considerable income.

????????? 靠近拜占庭城墻的號角是一個向西延伸約60個體育場的入口。它像一只鹿角，被分成幾個入口，就像是分支。幼年金槍魚誤入其中，因數(shù)量多、水流強弱、進水口狹窄而容易被抓?。凰鼈儽魂P(guān)得如此嚴密，以至于人們可以用手抓住。這些生物起源于馬約蒂斯 [亞速] 的沼澤地，變得更大一些，從它的口 [刻赤海峽] 逃逸到淺灘，然后沿著亞洲海岸被掃到梯形和法爾納凱亞。這就是金槍魚漁業(yè)開始的地方，盡管這不是一項主要活動，因為它們還沒有達到完整的規(guī)模。當它們經(jīng)過錫諾普時，更容易被捕捉和腌制。當它們到達 Kyaneai 并進入海峽時，Kalkhedonian 一側(cè)的某塊白色巖石嚇壞了它們，以至于他們越過對面，水流將它們帶到那里：當時的地理條件是引導水流向拜占庭及其角，自然而然地被驅(qū)趕到那里，為拜占庭人和羅馬人民提供了可觀的收獲。

Thus Byzantion prospered for a thousand years on its exports of tuna, mackerel and other Black Sea produce, and on its position as a hub of trade and transport. Its capture by Philip of Macedon in 340 BC, its sacking by Septimius Severus in AD I96 after Byzantion had chosen the wrong side in the Roman civil war of that year, were temporary setbacks, soon consigned to memory.

????????? 因此，拜占庭憑借其金槍魚、鯖魚和其他黑海產(chǎn)品的出口以及作為貿(mào)易和交通樞紐的地位而繁榮了一千年。 公元前 340 年，它被馬其頓的菲利普奪取，在拜占庭在那年的羅馬內(nèi)戰(zhàn)中選擇了錯誤的一方之后，它在公元 196 年被塞普蒂米烏斯·塞維魯解放，這只是暫時的挫折，很快就被遺忘了。

The Emperors at Constantinople

君士坦丁堡的皇帝

Constantine I, the first Christian Emperor of Rome, was as good at choosing sites for cities as the Greek settlers who had preceded him by a thousand years. In AD 330 he selected Byzantion to be his new eastern capital, the second Rome. 'Re-founded' and renamed by him Constantinopolis, the venerable city was destined for eleven hundred years of worldwide fame as capital of the later Roman Empire - usually known nowadays as the 'Byzantine Empire', after the original name of its capital.

????????? 君士坦丁一世是羅馬的第一位基督教皇帝，他在為城市選址方面與在他之前一千年的希臘定居者一樣擅長。 公元 330 年，他選擇拜占庭作為他的新東方首都，即第二個羅馬。 “重建”并由他重新命名為君士坦丁波利斯，這座古老的城市注定要在世界范圍內(nèi)享有 1100 年的盛譽，成為后來羅馬帝國的首都 - 現(xiàn)在通常以其首都的原始名稱被稱為“拜占庭帝國”。

The table on the following pages shows the Emperors who succeeded Constantine (omitting some very ephemeral figures) with the dates at which they reigned. It includes the 'Latin' Emperors who ruled Constantinople between 1204 and 1261. The third column gives an approximate date to some of the important events mentioned in this book and to many of the writings that are translated and quoted here.

????????? 下面幾頁的表格顯示了繼君士坦丁之后的皇帝（省略了一些非常短暫的數(shù)字）以及他們在位的日期。 它包括 1204 年至 1261 年間統(tǒng)治君士坦丁堡的“拉丁”皇帝。第三欄給出了本書中提到的一些重要事件以及此處翻譯和引用的許多著作的大致日期。

Byzantine historians had no consistent equivalent to the traditional Roman numerals that go with the names of monarchs. Throughout this book I have added these Roman numerals to translated extracts, or in the surrounding text, to make it easier to identify individuals in this table.

?????????? 拜占庭歷史學家沒有一致的等同于與君主名字搭配的傳統(tǒng)羅馬數(shù)字。 在整本書中，我將這些羅馬數(shù)字添加到翻譯的摘錄或周圍的文本中，以便更容易識別此表中的個人。

At first Constantinople was, to put it at the very highest, Rome's junior equal. The vast Roman Empire had been administratively divided into two in 286, in an arrangement first put into effect by the reforming Emperor Diocletian (284-305), and Constantinople was chosen by Constantine to be the capital of the eastern half. The two halves of the Empire had very different fates. So did the two capital cities.

????????? 起初，君士坦丁堡可以說是最高的，是羅馬的初級水平。286 年，龐大的羅馬帝國在行政上一分為二，這是由皇帝戴克里先（284-305 年）首先實施改革的，君士坦丁選擇君士坦丁堡作為東半部的首都。 帝國的兩半有著截然不同的命運。 兩個省會城市也是如此。

Rome soon gave way to Milan as western capital, and in 476 the Western Empire was finally extinguished. Rome was fated not to regain its status as capital city for 1,400 years, with the reunification of Italy in the nineteenth century, though all through that period the Popes continued to rule their spiritual realm and an extensive secular domain from the Vatican City just across the Tiber.

????????? 羅馬很快讓位于米蘭作為西方首都，476年，西羅馬帝國滅亡。 隨著 19 世紀意大利的重新統(tǒng)一，羅馬注定要在 1400 年內(nèi)恢復其首都的地位，盡管在那段時期教皇繼續(xù)統(tǒng)治著他們的精神領(lǐng)域和從梵蒂岡城到臺伯河對岸的廣闊世俗領(lǐng)域。

Meanwhile the eastern Emperors maintained themselves in what was for quite long periods a stable monarchy - albeit interrupted by changes of dynasty, sometimes violent, sometimes peaceful. The emergence of one such new dynasty is thus narrated by the historian Procopius:

????????? 與此同時，東方皇帝在相當長的一段時間內(nèi)維持著一個穩(wěn)定的君主制——盡管被王 朝更替打斷，有時是暴力的，有時是和平的。 歷史學家普羅科皮烏斯也因此敘述了這樣一個新王朝的出現(xiàn)：

When Leo I occupied the imperial throne of Byzantium, three young farmers of Illyrian origin, Zimarchus, Dityvistus, and Justin who came from Vederiana ... determined to join the army. They covered the whole distance to Byzantion on foot, carrying on their own shoulders cloaks in which on their arrival they had nothing but twice-baked bread that they had packed at home.

?????????? 當利奧一世登上拜占庭帝國寶座時，來自韋德里亞納的三個伊利里亞血統(tǒng)的年輕農(nóng)民齊馬庫斯、迪蒂維斯圖斯和賈斯汀……決心參軍。他們徒步走遍了到拜占庭的整個距離，肩上扛著斗篷，抵達時除了家里打包的二次烤面包外，什么都沒有。

This young farm boy Justin would eventually become the Emperor Justin I, father of the lawgiver and conqueror Justinian I, who was hero of Procopius' eight books of wars and villain of the same author's Secret History.

????????? 這個年輕的農(nóng)場男孩賈斯汀最終將成為皇帝賈斯汀一世，他是立法者和征服者賈斯汀一世的父親，他是普羅科皮烏斯八部戰(zhàn)爭書中的英雄和同一作者作品《秘史》的反派。

The second sentence of the extract just quoted above can also be found - abridged, unattributed and omitting the names - in two of the manuscript dictionaries that were compiled in Constantinople in later Byzantine times, several centuries after Procopius. They did not need to mention the names: everyone who was likely to use them would know Procopius' work and would recall this story of Justin's youth. But what was the 'twice-baked bread' that Justin and his two comrades carried in their knapsacks? Procopius, like many Byzantine authors, did his best to write strictly classical Greek. He knew very well that the everyday word he would have liked to use here was simply unacceptable: it was to be found in no classical author. So he used instead a respectable paraphrase, 'twice-baked bread'. Zonaras, one of those two later lexicographers, kindly gives us a hint as to Procopius' meaning. 'Twice-baked bread is what the Romans callpaxamas', writes Zonaras' ('Romans' means the people of the Byzantine Empire). And Zonaras is right. At this crucial moment - the long walk of Justin I - the paximadi emerges into the bright light of history; a thick slice of barley bread, baked till bone-dry and almost bone-hard, that still offers the basis of many a simple Greek meal.

????????? 上面剛剛引用的摘錄的第二句話也可以在普羅科皮烏斯之后幾個世紀的拜占庭晚期在君士坦丁堡編纂的兩部手稿詞典中找到 - 刪節(jié)、未注明出處和省略名稱。他們不需要提及這些名字：每個可能使用它們的人都會知道普羅科皮烏斯的作品，都會想起賈斯汀年輕時的這個故事。但是賈斯汀和他的兩個戰(zhàn)友背包里的“二次烤面包”是什么？像許多拜占庭作家一樣，普羅科皮烏斯竭盡全力寫出嚴格的古典希臘文。他很清楚，他想在這里使用的日常用詞根本無法接受：在古典作家作品中找不到它。所以他改用了一個受人尊敬的解釋，“兩次烤面包”。 佐納拉斯是后來的兩位詞典編纂者之一，他親切地向我們暗示了普羅科皮烏斯的意思?！岸慰久姘橇_馬人所說的paxamas”，Zonaras 寫道（“羅馬人”是指拜占庭帝國的人民）。佐納拉斯是對的。 在這個關(guān)鍵時刻——賈斯汀一世的漫漫長路——帕西馬迪出現(xiàn)在歷史的璀璨光芒中； 一片厚厚的大麥面包，烤到骨干，幾乎骨硬，這仍然是許多簡單希臘餐的基礎(chǔ)。

We know a good deal about the wars that Byzantine Emperors fought. We know too much about the sectarian controversies in which they engaged with greater or less enthusiasm. We know rather little about what these Emperors were like, individually, in everyday life. Byzantine history is fairly well covered by a series of narrative histories written by contemporaries, but these histories seldom strike the personal note. There are just a few texts that seem to give us palace life as it really was. Procopius' fiercely critical, indeed scurrilous, Secret History is one of them. A few centuries later we can turn to the dry and observant court memoirs of the scholar Michael Psellus, entitled Chronographia. This is how Psellus introduces one of the thirteen Emperors under whom he lived:

????????? 我們對拜占庭皇帝所進行的戰(zhàn)爭了如指掌。 我們對他們或多或少熱情參與的宗派爭論了解得太多。我們對這些皇帝在日常生活中的個人情況知之甚少。同時代人撰寫的一系列敘事歷史很好地涵蓋了拜占庭歷史，但這些歷史很少引起個人注意。只有幾篇文字似乎給了我們真實的宮殿生活。普羅科皮烏斯的批判性極強、實際上很粗俗的《秘史》就是其中之一。幾個世紀后，我們可以轉(zhuǎn)向?qū)W者 Michael Psellus 枯燥而敏銳的宮廷回憶錄，題為 Chronographia。 這就是 Psellus 介紹他所生活的十三位皇帝之一的方式：

Constantine VIII was very big in stature, over eight feet tall, and had a fairly strong physique. His stomach was strong, too, and his constitution was well able to deal with whatever he ate. He was a highly skilled mixer of sauces, seasoning his dishes with colours and flavours so as to arouse the appetite of all types of eaters. He was ruled by food and sex. His self-indulgence had brought on a disease of the joints. Both feet, in particular, were so bad that he could not walk, and ever since he became Emperor no one knew him to choose to go about on foot; firm in his saddle, he would ride everywhere.

?????????? 君士坦丁八世身材高大，身高超過八英尺，體格相當強壯。 他的胃也很強壯，他的體質(zhì)能夠很好地應(yīng)付他吃的任何東西。 他是一位技藝高超的調(diào)料大師，用顏色和味道調(diào)味他的菜肴，以引起各種食客的胃口。 他受食物和性的支配。 他的自我放縱導致了關(guān)節(jié)疾病。 尤其是雙腳都爛得不能走路了，自從他成為皇帝之后，誰也不知道他會選擇步行。 他穩(wěn)穩(wěn)地坐在馬鞍上，到處騎。

Constantine VIII was, so far as we now know, the only amateur chef in the whole list of Byzantine Emperors (later we shall encounter an empress who was an amateur blender of perfumes). Not long afterwards, with the successful revolt in 1081 by the brothers Alexius and Isaac Comnenus, we are reminded that food can serve as a potent metaphor. The source is Alexius' daughter Anna, who wrote her father's life. The first secret moves toward revolution, she tells us, were reported in a coded message sent to a trusted sympathizer: "'We have prepared an excellent dish, well sauced. If you would like to share the festivity, come as soon as you can to join our meal".'

????????? 就我們現(xiàn)在所知，君士坦丁八世是整個拜占庭皇帝名單中唯一的業(yè)余廚師（稍后我們會遇到一位業(yè)余調(diào)香師的皇后）。不久之后，隨著 1081 年亞歷克修斯 (Alexius) 和艾薩克·科穆寧 (Isaac Comnenus) 兄弟成功起義，我們被提醒食物可以作為一個強有力的隱喻。來源是亞歷克修斯的女兒安娜，她寫了她父親的一生。 她告訴我們，邁向革命的第一個秘密行動是在發(fā)送給一位值得信賴的同情者的加密信息中報告的：“‘我們準備了一道很棒的菜，調(diào)味很好。如果您想分享節(jié)日，請盡快來參加我們的餐點?！?/span>

The last of the great insider narratives of palace life is the History of Nicetas Choniates. This powerful work, written after the fall of Constantinople to the Crusaders in 1204, is at the same time a private history of the doomed court, a public history of the fall of Empire and a lament over what had been lost. It happens to show us, in the portrait of Alexius's grandson, Manuel I Comnenus, that this populist Emperor used the food metaphor in a completely different way.???????

????????? 最后一部關(guān)于宮廷生活的偉大內(nèi)幕故事是《尼西塔斯喬尼亞茨的歷史》。 這部強有力的作品寫于 1204 年君士坦丁堡淪陷于十字軍之手之后，同時也是一部關(guān)于注定失敗的宮廷的私人歷史、一部帝國衰落的公共歷史以及對失去的悲嘆。 在 Alexius 的孫子 Manuel I Comnenus（曼努埃爾一世） 的肖像中，恰巧向我們展示了這位民粹主義皇帝以完全不同的方式使用食物隱喻。

On another occasion Manuel had spent the day at the Palace at Blachernae. Returning from there late in the evening he passed the saleswomen who had street food - 'snacks', in everyday speech - out on display. He suddenly felt like drinking the hot soup and taking a bite of cabbage. One of his servants, called Anzas, said that they had better wait and control their hunger: there would be plenty of proper food when they got home. Giving him a sharp glance Manuel said rather crossly that he would do exactly what he pleased. He went straight up to the bowl that the market woman was holding, full of the soup that he fancied. He leaned over, drank it down greedily and had several mouthfuls of greens on the side. Then he took out a bronze stater and handed it to one of his people. 'Change this for me,' he said. 'Give the lady her two oboloi, and make sure you give me back the other two!"

????????? 還有一次，曼努埃爾在布拉赫內(nèi)宮度過了一天。 深夜從那里回來時，他路過售賣街頭食品的女售貨員——在日常用語中是“小吃”——陳列出來的。他突然想喝一口熱湯，咬一口白菜。 他的一個叫安薩斯的仆人說，他們最好等一下，控制住自己的饑餓感：他們到家時會有很多合適的食物。敏銳地瞥了他一眼，曼努埃爾相當生氣地說他會做他喜歡的事。 他徑直走到市場女人端著的碗邊，碗里盛滿了他喜歡的湯。他俯身，貪婪地喝了下去，旁邊還夾了幾口青菜。 然后他拿出一個青銅器，遞給他的一個人。 “為我改變這個，”他說。 “給那位女士她的兩個oboloi，并確保你把另外兩個還給我！”

In a sense, Manuel I was the very last Byzantine Emperor: he was the last who exercised real and durable power over an extensive realm. Until his time, Byzantine history is a history of long and slow shrinkage, balanced to some degree by the extension of Byzantine cultural influence far beyond the borders of the Byzantine state. After Manuel's death the decline becomes a collapse from which there is no recovery. The rulers that follow him have neither the time nor the skill to govern. The great city at the sight of which Geoffroi de Villehardouin and his fellow-crusaders shiver in 1203 - only twenty-three years after Manuel's death - will be a great city no longer when they have done their work. The Empire re-established by Michael Palaeologus in 1261 is a small, weak, almost bankrupt realm, an Empire only by courtesy. Soon it is a mere city-state, tributary to the Turkish Empire, to which it will fall in 1453. Whereupon the Turkish court, most recently established at Adrianople, was immediately moved to Constantinople, which now entered upon its new role as capital of the Ottoman Empire.

????????? 從某種意義上說，曼努埃爾一世是最后一位拜占庭皇帝：他是最后一位對廣闊領(lǐng)域行使真正持久權(quán)力的人。在他那個時代之前，拜占庭歷史是一部漫長而緩慢收縮的歷史，在某種程度上，拜占庭文化影響力遠遠超出了拜占庭國家的邊界。曼努埃爾死后，衰退變成了崩潰，無法恢復。 跟隨他的統(tǒng)治者既沒有時間也沒有能力統(tǒng)治。1203 年，杰弗里·德·維爾哈杜安 (Geoffroi de Villehardouin) 和他的十字軍同胞看到這座偉大的城市——曼努埃爾死后僅 23 年——在他們完成工作后將不再是一座偉大的城市。1261 年由邁克爾·帕萊奧洛格斯重新建立的帝國是一個小而弱、幾乎破產(chǎn)的王國，一個僅靠禮貌外交的帝國。 很快它就只是一個城邦，隸屬于土耳其帝國，并于 1453 年落入土耳其帝國。因此，最近在阿德里安堡成立的土耳其宮廷立即遷往君士坦丁堡，該城現(xiàn)在開始扮演奧斯曼帝國首都的新角色。

And so - to look ahead beyond the time-frame of this book - Byzantion and Constantinopolis were reborn under a third name. This name - the one that the great city still bears - betrays its timeless status as metropolis. What is the origin of Istanbul? It is the medieval Greek peasant's answer to the typical question posed by a stranger anywhere near Constantinople. 'Where does this road go? Where can I buy food and wine? Where will I find lodging tonight?' The answer was is tin boli, 'to the City, at the City'. This was, without rival, 'the City'.

????????? 因此——超越本書的時間框架——拜占庭和君士坦丁堡以第三個名字重生。 這個名字 - 這座偉大城市仍然擁有的名字 - 背叛了它作為大都市的永恒地位。 伊斯坦布爾的起源是什么？ 這是中世紀希臘農(nóng)民對君士坦丁堡附近任何地方的陌生人提出的典型問題的回答。 '這條路通向哪里？ 我在哪里可以買到食物和酒？ 今晚我在哪里可以找到住宿？ 答案是 tin boli（？？？不知道啥意思），“到城市，在城市”。這是沒有競爭對手的“城市”。

未完待續(xù)（拜占庭印章系列也在持續(xù)更新?。。。?