## 來自你的消息:

Sample Means

Table 12 lists the sample means of variables employed in the regressions.

These data depict the nature of the sample and are required for calculating

probabilities along the lines of those discussed in the text.

34

FOOTNOTES

1. Mortality in the Atlantic slave trade is the central concern of the fol lowing studies: Philip D. Curtin, "Epidemiology and the Slave Trade,"

Political Science Ouarterly, 83 (1968), 190—216; Herbert S. Klein and

Stanley L. Engerman, "Shipping Ptterns and Mortality in the African Slave

Trade to Rio de Janeiro, 1825—1830," Cahiers d'etudes Africaines, 15

(1975), 381-398; "Slave Mortality on British Ships, 1791-1797," in Roger

T. Anstey and P.E.H. Hair, eds., Liverpool, the African Slave Trade and

Abolition (Liverpool, 1976), pp. 113—125; "A Note on Mortality in the

French Slave Trade in the Eighteenth Century," in Henry A. Gemery and Jan

S. Hogendorn, eds., The Uncommon Market: Essays in the Economic History

of the Atlantic Slave Trade (New York, 1979),pp. 261—272; Herbert S.

Klein, The Middle Passage (Princeton, 1978); Johannes Postma, "Mortality

in the Dutch Slave Trade, 1675—1795," in Henry A. Gemery and Jan 5.

Hogendorn, The Uncommon Market: Essays in the Economic History of the

Atlantic Slave Trade (New York, 1979), pp. 239—272; Robert Stein,

"Mortality in the Eighteenth—Century French Slave Trade," Journal of

African History 21 (1980), 35—41; Joseph C. Miller, "Mortality in the

Atlantic Slave Trade: Statistical Evidence on Causality," Journal of

Interdisciplinary History 11 (1981), 385—423; Raymond L. Cohn and Richard

A. Jensen, "The Determinants of Slave Mortality Rates on the Middle

Passage," Explorations in Economic History 19 (1982), 269—282; "Mortality

in the Atlantic Slave Trade," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 13

(1982), 317-329; and David Eltis, "Mortality and Voyage Length in the

Middle Passage: New Evidence from the Nineteenth Century," Journal of

Economic History, 44 (1984), 301-308. See also Philip D. Curtin, The

Atl antic Slave Trade: A Census (Madison, 1969); Richard Nelson Bean, The

35

British Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, 1650—1775 (New York, 1975); Michael

Craton, Sinews of Empire: A Short History of British Slavery (New York,

1974); Roger Anstey, The Atlantic Slave Trade and British Abolition, 1760—

1810 (London, 1975); Tomri' Todd Hamm, The American Slave Trade with

Africa, 1620—1807 (Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University, 1975); James A.

Rawley, The Transatlantic Slave Trade: A History (New York, 1981).

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

樣本均值

表12列出了回歸中所使用變量的樣本均值。這些數(shù)據(jù)描述了樣本的性質(zhì)，用于計(jì)算類似于文本中討論的概率。

34

腳注

1. 大西洋奴隸貿(mào)易中的死亡率是以下研究的中心關(guān)注點(diǎn)：Philip D. Curtin的《流行病學(xué)與奴隸貿(mào)易》（1968年），Political Science Ouarterly，83（1968年），190-216；Herbert S. Klein和Stanley L. Engerman的《航運(yùn)模式與里約熱內(nèi)盧非洲奴隸貿(mào)易的死亡率，1825-1830年》，Cahiers d'etudes Africaines，15（1975年），381-398；Roger T. Anstey和P.E.H. Hair合著的《利物浦，非洲奴隸貿(mào)易與廢奴主義》（Liverpool, 1976），pp. 113-125；Henry A. Gemery和Jan S. Hogendorn合著的《非凡的市場(chǎng)：大西洋奴隸貿(mào)易經(jīng)濟(jì)史論文集》（紐約，1979年），pp. 261-272；Herbert S. Klein的《中段旅程》（普林斯頓，1978年）；Johannes Postma的《1675-1795年荷蘭奴隸貿(mào)易中的死亡率》（紐約，1979年），pp. 239-272；Robert Stein，《18世紀(jì)法國奴隸貿(mào)易中的死亡率》（1980），Journal of African History，21（1980），35-41；Joseph C. Miller，《大西洋奴隸貿(mào)易中的死亡率：因果關(guān)系的統(tǒng)計(jì)證據(jù)》（1981），Journal of Interdisciplinary History，11（1981），385-423；Raymond L. Cohn和Richard A. Jensen，《中段旅程奴隸死亡率的決定因素》（1982），Explorations in Economic History，19（1982），269-282；1982年《大西洋奴隸貿(mào)易中的死亡率》，Journal of Interdisciplinary History，13（1982），317-329；David Eltis，《19世紀(jì)中段旅程中的死亡率與航程長度：新的證據(jù)》，Journal of Economic History，44（1984），301-308。另請(qǐng)參閱Philip D. Curtin的《大西洋奴隸貿(mào)易：一項(xiàng)人口普查》（麥迪遜，1969年）；Richard Nelson Bean的《1650-1775年英國跨大西洋奴隸貿(mào)易》（紐約，1975年）；Michael Craton的《帝國的紐帶：英國奴隸制簡史》（紐約，1974年）；Roger Anstey的《大西洋奴隸貿(mào)易與英國廢奴主義，1760-1810年》（倫敦，1975年）；Tomri' Todd Hamm的《美國與非洲的奴隸貿(mào)易，1620-1807年》（印第安納大學(xué)博士論文，1975年）；James A. Rawley的《大西洋奴隸貿(mào)易：歷史概況》（紐約，1981年）。

## 來自你的消息:

2. Miller, "Mortality in the Atlantic Slave Trade," and Eltis, "Mortality and

Voyage Length" employ the second measure.

3. A total of 7 slaves in the sample were returned to shore as sick. These

unloadings were arbitrarily counted as deaths.

4. The estimated relationship is

Crew = 11.64 + 0. 07956 Tons, N = 45, R2 = .62

(5.43) (8.46)

T—values are given in parenthesis. Simple non—linear functional forms fit

little or no better than the simple linear form.

5. The terms "death rate" and "mortality rate" are sometimes used loosely and

interchangeably. According to usage by demographers death rates are based

on the average number of person-years at risk during a time period and

mortality rates are based on the number at risk at the beginning of a time

period. If there is little change in the number of persons at risk during

the interval, the difference between the measures is small. Given the

loading and unloading of slaves it is approiate to use death rates as op posed to mortality rates in this paper. For a discussion of terminology

see Henry S. Shryock and Jacob S. Siegel, The Methods and Materials of

Demography (Washington, 1975), vol. 2, chap. 14.

6. For discussion of medical knowledge in the eighteenth century see

Christopher Lloyd and Jack L. S. Coulter, Medicine and the Navy, 1200—1900,

36

vol. III, 1714—1815 (Edinburgh, 1961), and H. Harold Scott, A History of

Tropical Medicine, 2 vols. (London, 1939).

7. The potential for contaminated water suggests that typhoid may have

contributed to deaths from fevers. Typhus is an unlikely cause of fevers

because it is usually associated with blankets and clothing characteristic

of colder climates.

8. Symptons of tropical diseases are discussed in G. Thomas Strickland,

Hunter's Tropical Medicine (Philadelphia, 1984) and Oscar Felsenfeld, The

Epidemiology of Tropical Diseases (Springfield, Ill., 1966). R. Hoeppli,

Parasitic Diseases in Africa and the Western Hemisphere: Early

Documentation and Transmission by the Slave Trade (Basél, 1969), p. 62

notes that as late as the early nineteenth century dysentery was thought

to be but oneof the symptoms of malaria.

9. Data in B.R. Mitchell, European Historical Statistics, 1750—1970 (New

York, 1975), Table B6 show that crude death rates in European populations

of the late 1700s and early 1800s commonly fell in the interval of 20 to

30 per thousand. The model West level 7 life tables of Ansley J. Coale

and Paul Demeny, Regional Model Life Tables and Stable Populations (Prin ceton, 1966) has crude death rates in the neighborhood of 30 to 35 per

thousand (given reasonable assumptions of the range of European birth

rates), and is a conservative (high mortality) benchmark for these popu lations. The average of the age-specific mortality rates for males in the

level 7 table for age groups 10-15 to 30—34 is 10.4 per thousand.

Soldiers not engaged in combat are a reference group against which

the experiences of slaves and crew can be compared. The annual death rate

among Dragoon guards serving in the United Kingdom from 1830 to 1836 was

37

14 per thousand from disease and 1.3 per thousand from suicide, murder,

and accidents (see Parliamentary Papers, Statistical Report on the

Sickness, Mortality, and Invaliding Among the Troops in the United Kingdom

(London, 1839), p. 4).

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

2. 米勒在《大西洋奴隸貿(mào)易中的死亡率》和埃爾蒂斯在《死亡率與航程長度》采用了第二種衡量指標(biāo)。

3. 樣本中共有7名奴隸因病返回岸邊。這些下船被任意算作死亡。

4. 估計(jì)的關(guān)系是

船員 = 11.64 + 0.07956 噸, N = 45, R2 = .62

(5.43) (8.46)

T值以括號(hào)表示。簡單的非線性函數(shù)形式的擬合結(jié)果與簡單線性形式幾乎沒有區(qū)別。

5. 術(shù)語“死亡率”和“死亡率”有時(shí)可以松散和可互換地使用。據(jù)人口統(tǒng)計(jì)學(xué)家的使用，死亡率是基于一個(gè)時(shí)間段內(nèi)的平均人年數(shù)，而死亡率是基于一個(gè)時(shí)間段開始時(shí)的人數(shù)。如果在間隔期間人數(shù)變化很小，這兩種測(cè)量方法之間的差異很小。鑒于奴隸的裝卸，本文采用死亡率而不是死亡率。有關(guān)術(shù)語的討論，請(qǐng)參閱Henry S. Shryock和Jacob S. Siegel的《人口學(xué)的方法與材料》（華盛頓，1975年），第2卷，第14章。

6. 有關(guān)18世紀(jì)醫(yī)學(xué)知識(shí)的討論，請(qǐng)參閱克里斯托弗·洛伊德和杰克·L·S·科爾特的《航海藥學(xué)》（1200-1900），第III卷，1714-1815（愛丁堡，1961年），以及H·哈羅德·斯科特的《熱帶醫(yī)學(xué)史》（倫敦，1939年），2卷。

7. 污染水的潛在性表明傷寒可能是導(dǎo)致發(fā)熱死亡的原因之一。斑疹傷寒不太可能導(dǎo)致發(fā)熱，因?yàn)樗ǔＥc寒冷氣候特征的毯子和衣物有關(guān)。

8. 熱帶病癥狀討論請(qǐng)參閱G. Thomas Strickland的《亨特的熱帶醫(yī)學(xué)》（費(fèi)城，1984年）和奧斯卡·費(fèi)爾森菲爾德的《熱帶疾病流行病學(xué)》（伊利諾伊州斯普林菲爾德市，1966年）。H. Harold Scott在其作品《非洲和西半球的寄生蟲?。号`貿(mào)易的早期文獻(xiàn)和傳播》（巴塞爾，1969年）第62頁中指出，直到19世紀(jì)初，痢疾被認(rèn)為是瘧疾的癥狀之一。

9. B.R. 米切爾的《歐洲歷史統(tǒng)計(jì)資料》（1750-1970）數(shù)據(jù)表B6顯示，18世紀(jì)后期和19世紀(jì)初期的歐洲人口中粗死亡率通常在20到30‰之間。 Ansley J. Coale和Paul Demeny的《地區(qū)模型壽命表和穩(wěn)定人口》（普林斯頓，1966年）第7級(jí)模型西部壽命表具有約30到35‰的粗死亡率（在合理假設(shè)下考慮到歐洲出生率的范圍），是這些人口的保守（高死亡率）基準(zhǔn)。第7級(jí)范圍10-15至30-34歲男性年齡特異性死亡率的平均值為10.4‰。

不參與戰(zhàn)斗的士兵是一個(gè)參照群體，可以將奴隸和船員的經(jīng)歷與之進(jìn)行比較。從1830年到1836年，在英國服役的備龍輕騎兵的年死亡率由疾病導(dǎo)致為14‰，自殺、謀殺和事故導(dǎo)致的死亡率為1.3‰（見《議會(huì)文獻(xiàn)，關(guān)于英國駐軍的疾病、死亡和傷殘的統(tǒng)計(jì)報(bào)告》（倫敦，1839年），第4頁）。

## 來自你的消息:

10. The model West level 1 life table has crude death rates in the neighbor hood of 47 to 51 per thousand (given reasonable assumptions about the

range of European birth rates). In this table the average of the age—

specific mortality rates for males in the age groups 10—14 to 30—34 is 18

per thousand.

11. Philip D. Curtin, "The White Man's Grave; Image and Reality," Journal of

British Studies 1 (1961), 94—110; The Image of Africa: British Ideas and

Action 1780—1850 (Madison, 1964); K.E. Davies, "The Living and the Dead:

White Mortality in West Africa, 1684—1742," in Stanley L. Engeman and

.ugene D. Genovese, Race and Si avery in the Western Hemi sphere:

Quantitative Studies (Princeton, 1975), 83—98; H.M. Feinberg, "New Data

on European Mortality in West Africa: The Dutch on the Gold Coast, 1719—

1760," Journal of African History 15 (1974), 357—371.

12. See Lloyd and Coulter, Medicine and the Navy, pp. 293—328 for a discus—

sion of the conquest of scurvy.

13. Ibid, pp. 348-352. Klein, The Middle Passage, p. 229, notes that inocula tion pervaded the slave trade by the second half of the eighteenth cen tu ry.

14. Marc H. Dawson, "Smallpox in Kenya, 1880-1920," Social Science and

Medicine 13B (1979), 245—250; Eugenia W. Herbert, "Smallpox Inoculation in

Africa," Journal of African History 4 (1975), 539—559.

38

15. Abraham M. Lilienfeld, Foundations of Epidemiology (New York, 1976),

Chap. 3 and Brian MacMahen and Thomas F. Pugh, Epidemiology: Principles

and Methods (Boston, 1970), Chaps. 1—4.

16. Curtin, "White Man's Grave," pp. 95—97.

17. Classic works in the area include Norman 1. J. Bailey, The Mathematical

Theory of Epidemics (New York, 1957) and Hugo Muench, Catalytic Models in

Epidemiology (Cambridge, Mass., 1959).

18. The share of deaths occurring on days in which there were two or more

deaths was so low that it justifies the use of a logit model as an

approximation for calcuating probabilities of death. Only 3.3 percent of

crew deaths from fevers, for example, occurred on days in which there

were two or more deaths. Pmong the eight data sets used, the largest

share of deaths occuring on days in which there were two or more deaths

(12.7 percent) involved slaves dying from gastrointestinal diseases

during the voyage.

19. Strickland, Hunter's Tropical Medicine; Paul F. Russell, Luther S. West,

Reginald D. Manwell, and George MacDonald, Practical Malairology (London,

1963).

20. Strickland, Hunter's Tropical Medicine, pp. 279—282; Felsenfeld,

Epidemiology, pp. 130—134.

21. Leonard Jan Bruce-Chwatt, Essential Malariology (London, 1980) pp. 117—

120; Russel etal., Practical Malariology, p. 237 and pp. 239—240.

22. Joseph C. Miller, "The Significance of Drought, Disease, and Famine in

the Agriculturally Marginal Zones of West—Central Africa," Journal of

African History 23(1982), p. 23.

39

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

10. West水平的1級(jí)人口生命周期表在歐洲出生率的合理假設(shè)下，粗死亡率在47到51每千人的范圍內(nèi)。在這張表中，男性10-14至30-34歲年齡組的年齡特定死亡率平均為每千人18人。

11. Philip D. Curtin，《白人之墓：形象與現(xiàn)實(shí)》，《英國研究雜志》1 (1961), 94-110；《非洲形象：1780年-1850年的英國思想和行動(dòng)》(麥迪遜，1964)；K.E. Davies，《生者和死者：1684年-1742年的白人死亡率在西非》, in Stanley L. Engeman and

.ugene D. Genovese，《西半球的種族和奴隸制：數(shù)量研究》(普林斯頓，1975), 83-98; H.M. Feinberg，《關(guān)于西非歐洲死亡率的新數(shù)據(jù)：1719年-1760年的荷蘭人在黃金海岸》，《非洲歷史雜志》15 (1974), 357-371.

12. 有關(guān)擊敗壞血病的討論詳見勞埃德和科爾特，《軍隊(duì)醫(yī)學(xué)》第293-328頁。

13. 同上述參考文獻(xiàn)?？巳R因，《中間段行程》， 第229頁，指出接種在18世紀(jì)下半葉流行于奴隸貿(mào)易中。

14. Marc H. Dawson，《肯尼亞的天花，1880年-1920年》，《社會(huì)科學(xué)與醫(yī)學(xué)》13B (1979), 245-250；Eugenia W. Herbert，《非洲的天花接種》，《非洲歷史雜志》4 (1975), 539-559.

15. Abraham M. Lilienfeld，《流行病學(xué)基礎(chǔ)》(紐約，1976)，第三章和Brian MacMahen和Thomas F. Pugh，《流行病學(xué)：原理與方法》(波士頓，1970)，第1-4章。

16. Curtin，《白人之墓》，第95-97頁。

17. 該領(lǐng)域的經(jīng)典作品包括Norman I. J. Bailey，《流行病學(xué)的數(shù)學(xué)理論》(紐約，1957)和Hugo Muench，《流行病學(xué)中的催化模型》(劍橋，馬薩諸塞州，1959)。

18. 在發(fā)生兩個(gè)或更多死亡的日子里，死亡所占比例非常低，這證明使用邏輯模型來近似計(jì)算死亡概率是合理的。例如，只有3.3%的船員死于發(fā)熱的死亡發(fā)生在有兩個(gè)或更多死亡的日子。在使用的八個(gè)數(shù)據(jù)集中，發(fā)生在有兩個(gè)或更多死亡的日子里的死亡中，以消化系統(tǒng)疾病導(dǎo)致的奴隸死亡占最大比例(12.7%)。

19. Strickland，《獵人的熱帶醫(yī)學(xué)》；Paul F. Russell, Luther S. West, Reginald D. Manwell和George MacDonald，《實(shí)用瘧疾學(xué)》(倫敦，1963)。

20. Strickland，《獵人的熱帶醫(yī)學(xué)》，第279-282頁；Felsenfeld，《流行病學(xué)》，第130-134頁。

21. Leonard Jan Bruce-Chwatt，《基本瘧疾學(xué)》(倫敦，1980) 第117-120頁；Russel等，《實(shí)用瘧疾學(xué)》，第237頁和第239-240頁。

22. Joseph C. Miller，《干旱、疾病和饑荒在西中非農(nóng)業(yè)邊緣區(qū)的重要性》，《非洲歷史雜志》23 (1982), 第23頁。

## 來自你的消息:

23. The probabilities were calculated from the regression coefficients and

the logistic function by evaluating other independent variables at their

sample mean. Similar calculations giving relative risks of deaths for

other variables can be done using the sample means given in the appendix.

24. Seasonal patterns of rainfall are from Roland Oliver and Michael Crowder,

The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Africa (Cambridge, 1981), p. 43.

25. Kenneth F. Kiple and Virginia Himmelsteib King, Another Dimension to the

Black Diaspora: Diet, Disas, and Racism (Cambridge, 1981); W.B.

Morgan and J.C. Pugh, West Africa (London, 1969); Jean Delmont,

"Paludisme et variations climatiques saisonnieres on savane soudanienne

d' Afrique de l'Ouest," Cahiers d'Etudes Africaines 22 (1982), 117—133.

26. There is evidence that captains assigned some of the ship's crew the only

task of cleaning the ship. See George Francis Dow, Slave Ships and

Slaving (Salem, Mass., 1927), pp. 82-83.

27. The last 13 days of observations for voyages going to Jamaica are not

included in the regressions on the grounds that provisions acquired from

a landfall on one of the outer islands may have lessened the comparabil ity with non—Jamaica—bound voyages. Thus all voyages "ended" when a

landfall was made.

28. Curtin, "White Man's Grave," p. 95.

29. Strickland, Hunter's Tropical Medicine, p. 534.

30. Ibid., p. 523.

31. Ibid., p. 280. The long incubation period for amoebic dysentery (20 to

90 days) suggests that spread of this disease was not primarily responsi ble for the inverted—U pattern. However, poorly-nourished slaves who

40

contracted the disease on shore could have died from it during the

voyage.

32. The regression is Length (in Days) = 41.11 —0.0227 Tons

(10.2) (—1.42)

+ 20. 98 Gold Coast + 23. 70 Beni n + 17.64 Bi afra

(3.42) (2.02) (5.04)

+ 11.01 Congo-Angola + 12.95 Jamaica, N = 176, R2 = .25.

(2.85) (5.02)

The omitted variables are Senegambia, Sierra Leone, and Windward Coast.

This group of variables was omitted because there was no statiscally significant difference in voyage length from these areas. The data source

is the Return to an Order of the Right Honorable the House of Lords dated

the 10th of July 1799, directing that the clerk of the Parliments do

cause to be extracted from the several log books and Journals of Ships

employed in the Slave Trade in each year 1791 to 1797 ..., dated 28 July

1800. Only those observations from this source having all relevant

information on tons, origin, destination, and dates were used.

33. For discussions of regional patterns see Eltis, "Mortality and Voyage

Length"; Postma, "Mortality in the Dutch Slave Trade"; Klein, Middle

Passage; Klein and Engerman, "Slave Mortality on British Ships"; Klein

and Engerman, "Shipping Patterns and Mortality"; and Curtin, Atlantic

Slave Trade, chap. 10.

34. Sanderson, "The Liverpool Delegates and Sir William Dolben's Bill,"

Transactions of the Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire 124

(1972), 57—84 discusses the views of contemporaries. Recent quantitative

studies on this question include Eltis, "Mortality and Voyage Length";

Postma, "Mortality in the Dutch Slave Trade"; Klein, The Middle Passage;

and Klein and Engerman "Slave Mortality on British Ships"; and "A Note on

Mortality in the French Slave Trade."

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

23. 概率是根據(jù)回歸系數(shù)和邏輯函數(shù)計(jì)算得出的，通過將其他獨(dú)立變量評(píng)估為它們的樣本平均值來進(jìn)行。可以使用附錄中給出的樣本均值進(jìn)行類似的計(jì)算，以得到其他變量的死亡相對(duì)風(fēng)險(xiǎn)。

24. 關(guān)于降雨的季節(jié)模式參考Roland Oliver和Michael Crowder的《非洲劍橋百科全書》（劍橋，1981年），第43頁。

25. Kenneth F. Kiple和Virginia Himmelsteib King的《黑人移民的另一個(gè)維度：飲食、災(zāi)害和種族主義》（劍橋，1981年）；W.B. Morgan和J.C. Pugh的《西非》（倫敦，1969年）；Jean Delmont，《關(guān)于撒哈拉以南非洲蘇丹大草原上瘧疾和季節(jié)性氣候變化的論文》，《非洲研究手冊(cè)》22（1982年），117-133頁。

26. 有證據(jù)表明船長指派部分船員負(fù)責(zé)清潔船舶。詳見George Francis Dow的《奴隸船和奴隸貿(mào)易》（塞勒姆，馬薩諸塞州，1927年），第82-83頁。

27. 不包括去牙買加的航行的最后13天觀測(cè)數(shù)據(jù)，因?yàn)閺耐鈱訊u嶼上獲得的補(bǔ)給品可能會(huì)減少與非去牙買加航行的可比性。因此，所有航行在到達(dá)陸地時(shí)“結(jié)束”。

28. Curtin，《白人的墓地》，第95頁。

29. Strickland，《獵人的熱帶醫(yī)學(xué)》，第534頁。

30. 同上，第523頁。

31. 同上，第280頁。阿米巴痢疾的長潛伏期（20至90天）表明，該疾病的傳播不是倒U形模式的主要原因。然而，營養(yǎng)不良的船上奴隸在陸地上感染該病后可能會(huì)在航行中死亡。

32. 回歸方程為航行長度（天）= 41.11 - 0.0227噸（10.2）（-1.42）+ 20.98金海岸+ 23.70貝寧+ 17.64比亞法（3.42）（2.02）（5.04）+ 11.01剛果-安哥拉+ 12.95牙買加，N = 176， R2 = 0.25。

（2.85）（5.02）

Senegambia、塞拉利昂和Windward Coast是被省略的變量。這組變量被省略是因?yàn)檫@些地區(qū)的航行長度沒有統(tǒng)計(jì)學(xué)上的顯著差異。數(shù)據(jù)來源為《英國上議院于1799年7月10日發(fā)布的命令回歸》，要求議會(huì)的法書記官從1791年至1797年的奴隸貿(mào)易中的各個(gè)船只的日志和日記中提取相關(guān)信息......，日期為1800年7月28日。僅使用了含有所有相關(guān)噸位、起始地、目的地和日期信息的觀測(cè)數(shù)據(jù)。

33. 關(guān)于地區(qū)模式的討論可參考Eltis的《死亡率和航行長度》；Postma的《荷蘭奴隸貿(mào)易中的死亡率》；Klein的《中間過程》；Klein和Engerman的《英國船只上奴隸死亡率》；Klein和Engerman的《航線模式和死亡率》；以及Curtin的《大西洋奴隸貿(mào)易》，第10章。

34. Sanderson，《利物浦代表團(tuán)和威廉·多爾本爵士的法案》，《蘭開夏和柴郡歷史學(xué)會(huì)交易》124（1972），57-84頁討論了當(dāng)時(shí)的觀點(diǎn)。最近關(guān)于這個(gè)問題的定量研究包括Eltis的《死亡率和航行長度》；Postma的《荷蘭奴隸貿(mào)易中的死亡率》；Klein的《中間過程》；以及Klein和Engerman的《英國船只上奴隸死亡率》；以及《關(guān)于法國奴隸貿(mào)易死亡率的注解》。

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35. Investigations of mortality rates and voyage length include Eltis,

"Mortality and Voyage Length"; Cohn and Jensen, "The Determinants of

Slave Mortality Rates"; Miller, "Mortality in the Atlantic Slave Trade";

Postma, "Mortality in the Dutch Slave Trade"; Klein, The Middle Passage;

Klein and Engernian, "Slave Mortality on British Ships;" "A Note on French

Mortality in the French Slave Trade;" "Shipping Patterns and Mortality;"

and Curtin, Atlantic Slave Trade.

36. Dow, Slave Ships, pp. 144—145 discusses problems of adjusting provisions

during the course of the voyage. The questions facing the captain can be

formulated as an optimal control problem. See Morton I. Kamien and Nancy

L. Schwartz, Dynamic Optimization: The Calculus of Variations and

Optimal Control in Economics and Management.

37. By way of perspective on the data in Table 3, relatively few voyages in

these data were unusually long by standards of the entire slave trade

(only 8 percent exceeded 75 days, for example), and limits on slave

capacity under Dolben's Act may have enabled ships to carry additional

provisions.

38. See, for example, Richard H. Steckel, "Slave Height Profiles from

Coastwise Manifests," Explorations in Economic History 16 (1979), 363—

380 and Robert W. Fogel etal., "Secular Changes in American and British

Stature and Nutrition," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 14 (1983),

44 5-481.

39. Postma, "Mortality in the Dutch Slave Trade"; Klein, The Middle Passage;

and Klein and Engerman, "Slave Mortality on British Ships."

40. Eltis, "Mortality and Voyage Length"; Postma, "Mortality in the Dutch

Trade"; Klein and Engerman, "A Note on Mortality in the French Slave

Trade;" "Shipping Patterns and Mortality;" Klein, The Middle Passage.

42

41. Klein and Engerman, "A Note on Mortality in the French Slave Trade;"

Curtin, Atlantic Slave Trade, pp. 282—284.

42. Data on slave prices are available in Bean, The British Trans—Atlantic

Slave Trade, p. 76; William Dickson, Mitigation of Slavery (London,

1814), pp. 259—260.

43. Dow, Slave Ships, p. 86 discusses the lack of space for food on slave

ships.

44. The point on voyage length has been made by Raymond L. Cohn, "The Trend

in Deaths of Slaves in the Middle Passage," mimeo (Illinois State

University, 1984). Information on time spent in loading in an earlier

era of the trade is available in Postma, "Mortality in the Dutch Slave

Trade."

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

35. 對(duì)于死亡率和航行時(shí)間的調(diào)查包括Eltis，“死亡率與航行時(shí)間”；Cohn和Jensen，“奴隸死亡率的決定因素”；Miller，“大西洋奴隸貿(mào)易中的死亡率”；Postma，“荷蘭奴隸貿(mào)易中的死亡率”；Klein，“中途之旅”；Klein和Engernian，“英國船只上的奴隸死亡率”；“有關(guān)法國奴隸貿(mào)易中的死亡率的說明”；“航運(yùn)模式和死亡率”；以及Curtin，“大西洋奴隸貿(mào)易”。

36. Dow,《奴隸船》，第144-145頁討論了在航行過程中調(diào)整供應(yīng)的問題。船長面臨的問題可以形式化為一個(gè)最優(yōu)控制問題。參見Morton I. Kamien和Nancy L. Schwartz，《動(dòng)態(tài)優(yōu)化：變分法和最優(yōu)控制在經(jīng)濟(jì)和管理中的應(yīng)用》。

37. 為了對(duì)第3表中的數(shù)據(jù)有一個(gè)完整的視角，根據(jù)整個(gè)奴隸貿(mào)易的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)來看，這些數(shù)據(jù)中的航行時(shí)間異常長的航程很少（例如，僅有8%的航程超過75天），而根據(jù)多爾本法案對(duì)奴隸容量的限制可能使船只能夠攜帶額外的供應(yīng)。

38. 參見，例如，Richard H. Steckel，“從沿岸清單中推斷出的奴隸身高特征”，《經(jīng)濟(jì)史研究》，1979年，第16期，363-380頁和Robert W. Fogel等人，“美國和英國身高和營養(yǎng)的長期變化”，《跨學(xué)科歷史研究》，1983年，第14期，445-481頁。

39. Postma，“荷蘭奴隸貿(mào)易中的死亡率”；Klein，“中途之旅”；Klein和Engerman，“英國船只上的奴隸死亡率”。

40. Eltis，“死亡率與航行時(shí)間”；Postma，“荷蘭貿(mào)易中的死亡率”；Klein和Engerman，“法國奴隸貿(mào)易中死亡率的說明”；“航運(yùn)模式和死亡率”；Klein，“中途之旅”。

41. Klein和Engerman，“法國奴隸貿(mào)易中死亡率的說明”；Curtin，《大西洋奴隸貿(mào)易》，第282-284頁。

42. 有關(guān)奴隸價(jià)格的數(shù)據(jù)可參考Bean，《英國跨大西洋奴隸貿(mào)易》，第76頁；William Dickson，《奴隸制度的緩和措施》（倫敦，1814年），第259-260頁。

43. Dow，《奴隸船》，第86頁討論了奴隸船上食物儲(chǔ)存空間的不足問題。

44. 關(guān)于航行時(shí)間的觀點(diǎn)由Raymond L. Cohn提出，《中途之旅中奴隸死亡的趨勢(shì)》，打印稿（伊利諾伊州立大學(xué)，1984年）。關(guān)于早期貿(mào)易時(shí)期的裝載時(shí)間信息可在Postma，《荷蘭奴隸貿(mào)易中的死亡率》中找到。

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45. Robert S. Smith, "Compensating Wage Differentials and Public Policy: A

Reviei," Industrial and Labor Relations Review 32 (April 1979k), 33932.

46. Some work has been done in this area. See, for example, James C. Riley,

"Mortality on Long—Distance Voyages in the Eighteenth Century," Journal

of Economic History 41 (September 1981), 651—656; Raymond L. Cohn,

"Mortality on Immigrant Voyages to New York, 1836—1853," Journal of

Economic History 44 (June 1984), 289-300; Farley Grubb," Mobility and

Mortality on the North Atlantic Passage: Evidence from Eighteenth Century German Migration," mimeo (University of Delaware, 1984).

47. The text of the act is given in Elizabeth Donnan, Documents Illustrative

of the History of the Slave Trade to America (Washington, 1931), vol. 2,

pp. 582—589. F.E. Sanderson, "The Liverpool Delegates," discusses the

debate.

43

48. If more thn 40 percent of the slaves were children (defined as no more

than 4 feet 4 inches) then every five children over the 40 percent

counted as four slaves.

49. Judy Collingwood conducted the search. Logs that failed to give dates of

slave deaths were ignored. Information sometimes missing from the papers

available to me includes dates of loading (2 logs), crew deaths (27

logs), destination (1 log), causes of crew deaths (5 logs out of the 65

containing crew deaths), and causes of slave deaths (9 logs).

50. There is one known exception. The surgeon on a ship for which the day of

arrival is known continued to record deaths for nearly two weeks after

arrival.

51. Incentives are discussed in Anstey, The Atlantic Slave Trade, p. 34.

52. Information on the time trend of mortality is available from Klein, The

Middle Passage; Eltis, "Mortality and Voyage Length"; Curtin, Atlantic

Slave Trade; chap. 10; Cohn, "The Trend."

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

45. 羅伯特·S·史密斯，《工業(yè)和勞資關(guān)系評(píng)論》（1979年4月）第32期，33932頁的“薪酬差異與公共政策：一項(xiàng)綜述”。

46. 在這一領(lǐng)域已經(jīng)進(jìn)行了一些研究。例如，詹姆斯·C·萊利，《經(jīng)濟(jì)史學(xué)雜志》（1981年9月）第41期，651-656頁的“十八世紀(jì)長途航行中的死亡情況”；雷蒙德·L·科恩，《經(jīng)濟(jì)史學(xué)雜志》（1984年6月）第44期，289-300頁的“1836-1853年對(duì)紐約的移民航行死亡情況”；法利·格魯布，《德拉瓦州大學(xué)》（1984年）的“十八世紀(jì)德國移民在北大西洋航行中的流動(dòng)性和死亡情況”。

47. 該法案的正文措辭見伊麗莎白·唐南，《美洲奴隸貿(mào)易歷史文件》（1931年華盛頓），第2卷，第582-589頁。F·E·桑德森在《利物浦代表團(tuán)》中討論了這場(chǎng)辯論。

48. 如果超過40％的奴隸是兒童（身高不超過4英尺4英寸），那么每五名兒童超過40％的人數(shù)計(jì)為四名奴隸。

49. 朱迪·科林伍德進(jìn)行了搜索。未能提供奴隸死亡日期的記錄被忽略。我獲得的文件中有時(shí)缺少的信息包括裝載日期（2個(gè)記錄）、船員死亡情況（27個(gè)記錄）、目的地（1個(gè)記錄）、船員死亡原因（65個(gè)記錄中有5個(gè)記錄）、奴隸死亡原因（9個(gè)記錄）。

50. 已知有一個(gè)例外。在一艘已知到達(dá)日期的船上，醫(yī)生在到達(dá)后近兩周仍然記錄死亡情況。

51. 獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)措施在安斯特《大西洋奴隸貿(mào)易》中有討論，第34頁。

52. 關(guān)于死亡率的時(shí)間趨勢(shì)信息，可參考克萊恩的《中間航程》、埃爾蒂斯的《死亡率和航行時(shí)間》、科廷的《大西洋奴隸貿(mào)易》第十章、科恩的《趨勢(shì)》。