作者：John Haldon約翰·哈爾頓

出版商：Routledge Taylor & Francis Group

自翻：神尾智代

The world around：war War and peace

圍繞戰(zhàn)爭的世界：戰(zhàn)爭與和平

????????? The medieval eastern Roman world was a society in which the virtues of peace were extolled and war was condemned. Fighting was to be avoided at all costs. Yet the Byzantine empire nevertheless inherited the military administrative structures and, in many ways, the militaristic ideology of the non-Christian Roman empire at its height.

the tensions which these traditions generated were resolved by a politicalreligious ideology or world view which melded Christian ideals on the one hand, with the justification of war as a necessary evil on the other, waged primarily in defence of the Roman world and Orthodoxy literally, correct belief. From the 4th and 5th centuries on in the eastern Mediterranean and Balkan regions this blending of ideas generated a unique culture, that could adhere unreservedly to a pacifistic ideal, yet on the same grounds could legitimate and justify the maintenance of an efficient and effective military apparatus.

中世紀(jì)的東羅馬世界是一個(gè)崇尚和平、譴責(zé)戰(zhàn)爭的社會(huì)。不惜一切代價(jià)避免戰(zhàn)斗。然而，拜占庭帝國仍然繼承了軍事行政結(jié)構(gòu)，并在許多方面繼承了非基督教羅馬帝國鼎盛時(shí)期的軍國主義意識(shí)形態(tài)。這些傳統(tǒng)所產(chǎn)生的緊張局勢(shì)被政治宗教意識(shí)形態(tài)或世界觀所解決，這種意識(shí)形態(tài)一方面融合了基督教理想，另一方面將戰(zhàn)爭作為必要的罪惡進(jìn)行了辯護(hù)，主要是為了捍衛(wèi)羅馬世界和正統(tǒng)教義，正確的信念。從 4 世紀(jì)和 5 世紀(jì)起，在地中海東部和巴爾干地區(qū)，這種思想的融合產(chǎn)生了一種獨(dú)特的文化，可以毫無保留地堅(jiān)持和平理想，但在同樣的基礎(chǔ)上，可以合法化并證明維持高效和有效的軍事機(jī)構(gòu)是合理的 .

????????? This attitude is neatly summed up in the introduction to a legal codification promulgated by the emperors Leo Ill and Constantine V in the year 741:

（這種看法在 741 年利奧四世和君士坦丁五世頒布的法律編纂的介紹中得到了簡潔的概括：）

Since God has pot in our hands the imperial authority ... we believe that there is nothing higher or greater that we can do than to govern in judgement and justice ... and that thus we may be crowned by His almighty hand with victory over our enemies (which is a thing more precious and honourable than the diadem which we wear) mid thus there may be peace ...

（既然上帝在我們手中掌握著帝國的權(quán)威……我們相信我們能做的沒有什么比在審判和正義中統(tǒng)治更高或更偉大……因此我們可以被他全能的手加冕，戰(zhàn)勝 我們的敵人（這比我們所戴的王冠更珍貴、更光榮），因此可能會(huì)有和平......）

????????? Byzantine emperors could justify their wars on the basis that they were fighting to preserve peace, to extend the territory of the Christian world, and to defend God's Chosen People - for in Christian Roman terms, the mantle of the Chosen People had been transferred to the Christians with the coming of Christ, There was always a tension between the pacifism of early Christianity, however, and the imperial Roman, but Christian, need to fight to defend the empire's territorial integrity, or to recover 'lost' Christian lands and peoples. Christianity never evolved an ideological obligation to wage war against 'infidels' presented in the terms of Christian theology, even if, at times, and on an ad hoc basis, individuals have spoken and acted as though such a justification could be made. The 13th canon of St Basil specifically states that those who took life in warfare should abstain from communion for a period.

（拜占庭皇帝可以以他們?yōu)榫S護(hù)和平、擴(kuò)大基督教世界的領(lǐng)土和保衛(wèi)上帝的選民而戰(zhàn)為由來為他們的戰(zhàn)爭辯護(hù)——因?yàn)樵诨浇塘_馬術(shù)語中，選民的衣缽已經(jīng)轉(zhuǎn)移到基督徒隨著基督的到來，然而，早期基督教的和平主義與羅馬帝國之間始終存在緊張關(guān)系，但基督教徒需要為捍衛(wèi)帝國的領(lǐng)土完整而戰(zhàn)，或收復(fù)“失去”的基督教土地和人民?；浇虖膩頉]有演變出一種意識(shí)形態(tài)義務(wù)來對(duì)基督教神學(xué)中提出的“異教徒”發(fā)動(dòng)戰(zhàn)爭，即使有時(shí)，在特定的基礎(chǔ)上，個(gè)人的言行舉止好像可以做出這樣的辯解。圣巴西爾的第 13 條教規(guī)特別指出，那些在戰(zhàn)爭中喪生的人應(yīng)該在一段時(shí)間內(nèi)避免圣餐。）

????????? As Christianity spread across the empire during the 2nd and 3rd centuries, pragmatism often won the day, and it seems that considerable numbers of Christians served in the imperial armies at this time. This could not banish particular conflicts of interest, however - military service required acceptance of the emperor cult, that is, the emperor as a God - and a whole range of pagan traditions and rituals. The result is that the history of the first three centuries of Christianity, and the 3rd century in particular, is full of tales of persecution and martyrdom, as individual recruits refused to conform to the ceremonial and ritual observances associated with life in the army, As a compromise solution, the 3rd-century Christian thinker Origen argued that Christians formed a special type of army that did not fight wars for the emperor physically, but instead prayed for the success of the state, which made possible their continued existence and the expansion of their community. This compromise was developed as a response to the criticisms made by pagan commentators about Christian communities and their pacifism. In the end, it was the argument about the continued existence of the Roman state being the necessary condition for the survival and expansion of Christianity which won the day, and led to the more pragmatic compromise noted already.

（隨著基督教在 2 世紀(jì)和 3 世紀(jì)遍及整個(gè)帝國，實(shí)用主義往往占上風(fēng)，而且此時(shí)似乎有相當(dāng)多的基督徒在帝國軍隊(duì)中服役。 然而，這并不能消除特定的利益沖突——服兵役需要接受皇帝崇拜，即皇帝是上帝——以及各種異教傳統(tǒng)和儀式。 結(jié)果是，基督教的前三個(gè)世紀(jì)，尤其是 3 世紀(jì)，充滿了迫害和殉難的故事，因?yàn)閭€(gè)別新兵拒絕遵守與軍隊(duì)生活相關(guān)的儀式和儀式。 作為一種折衷的解決方案，3 世紀(jì)的基督教思想家奧利金認(rèn)為，基督徒形成了一種特殊類型的軍隊(duì)，他們沒有為皇帝而戰(zhàn)，而是祈求國家的成功，這使得他們的繼續(xù)存在和擴(kuò)張成為可能。 他們的社區(qū)。 這種妥協(xié)是為了回應(yīng)異教評(píng)論員對(duì)基督教社區(qū)及其和平主義的批評(píng)。 最終，關(guān)于羅馬國家的繼續(xù)存在是基督教生存和擴(kuò)張的必要條件的論點(diǎn)贏得了勝利，并導(dǎo)致了已經(jīng)注意到的更務(wù)實(shí)的妥協(xié)。）

????????? The favour shown to Christianity by the emperor Constantine I, and his deathbed baptism, however, led during the course of the 4th century to a substantive reformulation of imperial political ideology, and this changed the situation dramatically.The Christianisation of the emperor cult solved one of the most difficult issues at a blow - an earthly emperor selected by God to lead the Christians, now consonant with the Roman people - was clearly acceptable, whereas an emperor who was supposed to be a divinity was not. Two perspectives evolved from this situation. The first was the officially sanctioned view which encouraged support for the state, as personified by the orthodox emperor, and all its undertakings. Leading churchmen, while expressing their hope that violent conflict could be avoided and that bloodshed would not be necessary, went on to state clearly that it was praiseworthy for a Christian to take up arms against the enemies of the state. The Christianisation of society developed rapidly thereafter, and as the government became dominated by Christians, so by the end of the 4th century it became impossible to obtain a government post without being a Christian. The association between warfare and Christianity, the struggle for survival of the `chosen people', led by the emperor chosen by God, at the head of his armies became quite explicit. All warfare was thus about defending Christianity and the Christian empire. At the same time a desire for peace, and a regret that war should be necessary, were constant motifs in imperial and Church ideology. There were constant reminders of the heavenly support which Byzantine armies received. Successful warfare without God's help was impossible. A late 6th-century text notes that:

（然而，君士坦丁一世對(duì)基督教的寵愛和他臨終的洗禮在 4 世紀(jì)期間導(dǎo)致了帝國政治意識(shí)形態(tài)的實(shí)質(zhì)性改革，這極大地改變了情況?；实鄢绨莸幕浇袒慌e解決了最困難的問題之一——上帝選擇了一個(gè)地上的皇帝來領(lǐng)導(dǎo)基督徒，現(xiàn)在與羅馬人民一致——顯然是可以接受的，而一個(gè)應(yīng)該是神的皇帝卻不是。從這種情況衍生出兩種觀點(diǎn)。第一個(gè)是官方認(rèn)可的觀點(diǎn)，它鼓勵(lì)支持由正統(tǒng)皇帝代表的國家及其所有事業(yè)。教會(huì)領(lǐng)袖在表達(dá)他們希望可以避免暴力沖突并且不需要流血的同時(shí)，繼續(xù)明確表示，基督徒拿起武器對(duì)抗國家的敵人是值得稱贊的。此后社會(huì)的基督教化發(fā)展迅速，隨著政府由基督徒主導(dǎo)，到了 4 世紀(jì)末，如果不是基督徒，就不可能獲得政府職位。戰(zhàn)爭與基督教之間的聯(lián)系，由上帝選擇的皇帝領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的“選民”的生存斗爭變得非常明確。因此，所有戰(zhàn)爭都是為了保衛(wèi)基督教和基督教帝國。與此同時(shí)，對(duì)和平的渴望和對(duì)戰(zhàn)爭的必要性的遺憾，是帝國和教會(huì)意識(shí)形態(tài)中不變的主題。不斷地提醒人們拜占庭軍隊(duì)得到了天上的支持。 沒有上帝的幫助，成功的戰(zhàn)爭是不可能的。6 世紀(jì)晚期的一段文字指出：）

... we urge upon the general that his most important concern be the love of God and justice; building on these, he should strive to win the favour of God, without which it is impossible to carry out any plan, however well devised it may seem, or to overcome any enemy, however weak he may be thought.

（……我們敦促將軍，他最關(guān)心的是上帝的愛和正義；以此為基礎(chǔ)，他應(yīng)該努力贏得上帝的恩寵，否則就不可能實(shí)施任何計(jì)劃，無論其設(shè)計(jì)多么巧妙，也無法戰(zhàn)勝任何敵人，無論他認(rèn)為自己多么軟弱。）

????????? The idea is repeated throughout the Byzantine period. Roman defeats were seen as the result of God's anger with the Romans, the chosen people, who were being punished for their sins. Only when the Romans returned to the path of righteousness and corrected their sins would success once again attend Roman arms, and this idea underlies much of the thinking in the actions of individuals and groups in Byzantine political history and political theory.

（這個(gè)想法在整個(gè)拜占庭時(shí)期反復(fù)出現(xiàn)。羅馬人的失敗被視為上帝對(duì)羅馬人的憤怒的結(jié)果，羅馬人是被選中的人，因?yàn)樗麄兊淖锬醵艿綉土P。只有當(dāng)羅馬人回到正義的道路上并糾正他們的罪孽時(shí)，羅馬的武器才能再次獲得成功，而這一想法是拜占庭政治歷史和政治理論中個(gè)人和團(tuán)體行為的大部分思想的基礎(chǔ)。）

????????? There was thus no notion of Holy War as something special, to he waged under specific circumstances against particular enemies. The Byzantine self-image was one of a beleaguered Christian state fighting the forces of darkness, with foes against whom it had constantly to be on its guard and to evolve a whole panoply of defensive techniques, among which warfare was only one element, and by no means necessarily the most useful. In this sense, one might argue that all war was 'holy war', since all enemy action threatened the lands and beliefs of the Romans.

（因此，對(duì)于他在特定情況下針對(duì)特定敵人發(fā)動(dòng)的圣戰(zhàn)，并沒有什么特別的概念。拜占庭的自我形象是一個(gè)四面楚歌的基督教國家與黑暗勢(shì)力作斗爭，它必須不斷地對(duì)敵人保持警惕并發(fā)展出一整套防御技術(shù)，其中戰(zhàn)爭只是其中的一個(gè)要素，并且通過不一定是最有用的。從這個(gè)意義上說，人們可能會(huì)爭辯說所有戰(zhàn)爭都是“圣戰(zhàn)”，因?yàn)樗袛橙说男袆?dòng)都威脅到羅馬人的土地和信仰。

????????? There were occasions when the notion that soldiers who fell in battle might be rewarded in heaven, a notion reinforced after the development of Islamic notions of Jihad, of which the Byzantines were quite aware. Thus in the 10th century, for example, the soldier-emperor Nikephoros II — known by the somewhat chilling epithet as 'the white death of the Saracens', suggested that this might be an appropriate way to encourage soldiers to fight. But the idea was rejected by the Church and was never really revived. It may have been an element of folk belief, of course, but it was certainly never given any official recognition. A prayer to be said before the soldiers marched into combat is recorded in two 10th-century texts, and it gives a good idea of this combination of Christian with warlike motifs:

（有時(shí)，在戰(zhàn)斗中陣亡的士兵可能會(huì)在天堂得到獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)，這種觀念在伊斯蘭圣戰(zhàn)觀念的發(fā)展之后得到了加強(qiáng)，拜占庭人對(duì)此非常清楚。因此，例如，在 10 世紀(jì)，士兵兼皇帝尼基弗魯斯二世——被稱為“撒拉遜人的白死”這個(gè)有點(diǎn)令人不寒而栗的綽號(hào)，暗示這可能是鼓勵(lì)士兵戰(zhàn)斗的適當(dāng)方式。但是這個(gè)想法被教會(huì)拒絕了，并且從未真正復(fù)活過。當(dāng)然，它可能是民間信仰的一個(gè)元素，但它肯定從未得到任何官方認(rèn)可。在兩部 10 世紀(jì)的文本中記錄了在士兵進(jìn)入戰(zhàn)斗之前要說的禱告，它很好地說明了基督教與好戰(zhàn)主題的這種組合：）

Lord Jesus Christ, our God, have mercy on us. Come to the aid of us Christians and make us worthy to fight to the death for our faith and our brothers, strengthen our souls and our hearts and our whole body, the mighty Lord of battles, through the intercession of the immaculate Mother of God, Thy Mother, and of all the saints. Amen.

（主耶穌基督，我們的神，憐憫我們。來幫助我們基督徒，使我們值得為我們的信仰和我們的兄弟而戰(zhàn)至死，加強(qiáng)我們的靈魂，我們的心靈和我們的整個(gè)身體，強(qiáng)大的戰(zhàn)斗之主，通過完美無瑕的天主之母的代禱， 你的母親，以及所有的圣人。阿門。）

????????? There is a mass of evidence, therefore, dating from the 4th century up to the very last years of the empire, for the public and official acceptance by both Church and court, as well as by the ordinary population, of the need to wage war; for the fact of divine support for such warfare; and for the need to maintain and rely on heavenly aid in waging war. Although the notion of 'holy war' in the sense understood by the Crusaders, or by non-Muslims as typical of Islam, flickered briefly into life in the Byzantine world, especially in the context of the aggressive fighting of the 10th century, it never developed beyond this. The ways in which warfare on behalf of the Christian Roman state were understood did go through a certain evolution, for it is apparent that the Byzantines were always conscious of the need to legitimate their wars, a need which generally became more pressing in a time of political and military expansionism such as the 10th century. While warfare could be justified, therefore, loss of life on the Roman side was in particular to be avoided or minimised, if at all possible. The emperor Constantine V characterised as 'noble' his campaign into Bulgaria in 772-73 because no Roman soldiers died; while by the time he compiled his military handbook or tactica c.900, the emperor Leo VI clearly expresses the idea that war has to be justified in accordance with Orthodoxy and the continued existence of the Roman state. As long as Roman interests, however defined, were at stake, then warfare was acceptable and just. War with other Orthodox Christians was, of course, to be avoided. But even this could be justified if the one true empire, that of the Romans, was at risk or subject to attack by the misguided rulers of such lands.

（因此，有大量證據(jù)表明，從公元 4 世紀(jì)到帝國的最后幾年，教會(huì)和法院以及普通民眾都接受了公眾和官方承認(rèn)發(fā)動(dòng)戰(zhàn)爭的必要性。? ; 因?yàn)檫@種戰(zhàn)爭得到了上帝的支持； 以及在發(fā)動(dòng)戰(zhàn)爭時(shí)需要維持和依賴上天的幫助。 盡管十字軍或非穆斯林所理解的“圣戰(zhàn)”概念在拜占庭世界中短暫地出現(xiàn)在拜占庭世界中，尤其是在 10 世紀(jì)侵略性戰(zhàn)爭的背景下，但它從未出現(xiàn)過。 發(fā)展到此之外。 對(duì)代表基督教羅馬國家進(jìn)行戰(zhàn)爭的理解方式確實(shí)經(jīng)歷了某種演變，因?yàn)楹苊黠@，拜占庭人總是意識(shí)到需要使他們的戰(zhàn)爭合法化，這種需要通常在 政治和軍事擴(kuò)張主義，如 10 世紀(jì)。 因此，雖然戰(zhàn)爭是合理的，但如果可能的話，尤其要避免或盡量減少羅馬一方的生命損失。 君士坦丁五世稱他在 772-73 年間對(duì)保加利亞的戰(zhàn)役是“高貴的”，因?yàn)闆]有羅馬士兵死亡； 而在他編纂他的軍事手冊(cè)或戰(zhàn)術(shù) c.900 時(shí)，皇帝利奧六世清楚地表達(dá)了戰(zhàn)爭必須根據(jù)東正教和羅馬國家的繼續(xù)存在來證明的觀點(diǎn)。 只要羅馬的利益，無論如何定義，都受到威脅，那么戰(zhàn)爭就是可以接受和公正的。 與其他東正教基督徒的戰(zhàn)爭當(dāng)然是要避免的。 但是，如果一個(gè)真正的帝國，即羅馬人，處于危險(xiǎn)之中或受到這些土地上被誤導(dǎo)的統(tǒng)治者的攻擊，即使這也是合理的。）

未完待續(xù)