Byzantium at War AD 600-1453(戰(zhàn)爭中的拜占庭:公元600-1453年)(16)

作者:John Haldon約翰·哈爾頓
出版商:Routledge Taylor & Francis Group
自翻:神尾智代

Warfare and east Roman society
戰(zhàn)爭與東羅馬社會
????????? Warfare was for much of the Byzantine world, throughout much of its history, the normal state of affairs. Its effects were manifested in a number of ways. To begin with, the ordinary population of the empire was directly affected by hostile activity in those areas most exposed to enemy attack, they suffered the destruction of their crops and dwellings, the theft or slaughter of their livestock, and if they were themselves caught, possible death or enslavement. There survive some short but evocative inscriptions from the frontier regions of Asia Minor, dating to the middle Byzantine period, which commemorate individuals who died of their wounds following a battle or raid; other accounts tell of relatives carried off into captivity or lost in the confusion of an enemy attack and never seen again. And the literate elite was just as aware of these aspects: warfare imposed itself upon many facets of Byzantine literary culture, in saints' lives, in speeches in praise of emperors, in funeral orations, in sermons and homilies to church congregations, in private letters addressed to individuals. Themes such as death, loss of property and so forth occur frequently, and in some cases the terror inspired by a sudden enemy raid is graphically portrayed. Letters often bewail the effects of warfare, with references to the tears of orphaned children and widowed mothers, the destruction of crops, homes, monastic communities, the enslavement or death of populations, driving off of livestock and so forth.
(戰(zhàn)爭在拜占庭世界的大部分地區(qū),在其大部分歷史中都是正常的事態(tài)。它的影響表現(xiàn)在許多方面。首先,帝國的普通民眾在那些最容易受到敵人攻擊的地區(qū)直接受到敵對活動的影響,他們的莊稼和住宅遭到破壞,牲畜被盜或屠宰,如果他們自己被抓住,可能的死亡或奴役。小亞細(xì)亞邊境地區(qū)有一些簡短但令人回味的銘文,可以追溯到拜占庭中期,這些銘文紀(jì)念在戰(zhàn)斗或襲擊中因傷而死的人;其他說法講述了親屬被囚禁或迷失在敵人襲擊的混亂中,再也沒有見過。文學(xué)精英也同樣意識到這些方面:戰(zhàn)爭強(qiáng)加于拜占庭文學(xué)文化的許多方面,包括圣人的生活、贊美皇帝的演講、葬禮演說、對教會的布道和講道、私人信件。致個人。死亡、財產(chǎn)損失等主題經(jīng)常出現(xiàn),在某些情況下,由突然的敵人突襲引發(fā)的恐怖被生動地描繪出來。信件經(jīng)常哀悼戰(zhàn)爭的影響,提到孤兒和寡婦的眼淚,莊稼、房屋、修道院社區(qū)的破壞,人口的奴役或死亡,牲畜被趕走等等。)
????????? The presence of Byzantine troops was no less onerous, however. The very existence of an army brought with it the need to supply and provision it, to supply materials and livestock for it when it was on campaign, to provide lodgings and billets for officers and soldiers, and so on. There were extensive and burdensome logistical demands wherever an army was present, not just a question of demands made by the army on local populations, but also the fact that government intervention into the local economy often affected the economic equilibrium of the affected districts. This could either take the form of fixing artificially low prices for the sale of produce to the army, thus harming the producers, or of by sudden heavy demand for certain produce, thus driving tip prices for those in the private sector. The civilian population might also be compelled to bake bread and biscuits for the troops as well as providing other supplies and, in addition, they were subjected to the plundering and pillaging of the less well- disciplined elements of the army. Quite apart from this was the potential for conflict between soldiers and civilians, for the outcome was seldom favourable to the latter.
(然而,拜占庭軍隊(duì)的維護(hù)同樣繁重。軍隊(duì)的存在本身就帶來了供給和供給的需要,在征戰(zhàn)時為它提供物資和牲畜,為官兵提供住宿和營房等等。軍隊(duì)所在的任何地方都有廣泛而繁重的后勤需求,不僅是軍隊(duì)對當(dāng)?shù)鼐用竦囊髥栴},而且政府對當(dāng)?shù)亟?jīng)濟(jì)的干預(yù)往往會影響受影響地區(qū)的經(jīng)濟(jì)平衡。這可能采取人為固定向軍隊(duì)出售產(chǎn)品的低價的形式,從而損害生產(chǎn)者,或者通過突然對某些產(chǎn)品的大量需求,從而推高私營部門人員的小費(fèi)價格。平民也可能被迫為部隊(duì)烤面包和餅干以及提供其他補(bǔ)給品,此外,他們還遭受軍隊(duì)中紀(jì)律性較差的人員的掠奪和掠奪。除此之外,士兵和平民之間可能會發(fā)生沖突,因?yàn)榻Y(jié)果很少有利于后者。)

????????? Additional levies in grain were particularly onerous, and there are frequent complaints in the written documentation concerning this and related burdens, usually a result of either special requirements for particular campaigns or the normal operational demands made by the troops in a particular region. In addition to these demands, provincial populations had to provide resources and manpower for the maintenance of the public post, the dromos, with its system of posting stations and stables, stud farms and breeding ranches, mule-trains and associated requirements. The postal system served the needs of both the military and the fiscal administration of the state. It helped with the movement of military supplies, was responsible for the rapid transit of couriers and imperial officials of all kinds, as well as important foreigners — diplomatic officials or prisoners of war, for example. The households that were obligated to carry out certain duties for the post were, like households that had to support a soldier, released from the extraordinary state impositions, and this was an important aspect of the smooth running of the provincial postal system.
(對糧食的額外征稅尤其繁重,書面文件中經(jīng)常有關(guān)于這方面和相關(guān)負(fù)擔(dān)的抱怨,通常是由于特定戰(zhàn)役的特殊要求或特定地區(qū)部隊(duì)的正常作戰(zhàn)需求。 除了這些需求之外,省級人口還必須提供資源和人力來維護(hù)公共郵政、dromos 及其郵政站和馬廄、種馬場和養(yǎng)殖場、騾車和相關(guān)要求的系統(tǒng)。 郵政系統(tǒng)同時滿足軍隊(duì)和國家財政管理的需要。 它幫助運(yùn)送軍事物資,負(fù)責(zé)各種信使和帝國官員以及重要的外國人(例如外交官員或戰(zhàn)俘)的快速運(yùn)輸。 承擔(dān)一定崗位職責(zé)的戶戶,如同養(yǎng)兵戶一樣,擺脫了特殊的國家強(qiáng)制措施,這是省郵政系統(tǒng)平穩(wěn)運(yùn)行的重要方面。)
????????? The nature of the burden which the provincial population bore in support of the army can he seen particularly clearly in a series of documents of the later 10th and especially the 11th century. It consisted of imperial grants of exemption from the billeting of soldiers, the provision of supplies for various categories of troops in transit, the provision of horses, mules and wagons for the army, and the delivery of charcoal and timber for military purposes. Some accounts in chronicles detail the sort of requirements needed to mount major military expeditions — large numbers of draught-animals, wagons and foodstuffs, for example, and increases in demands for supplies of all kinds; all were provided by requisitions from the local peasantry who suffered considerably from this form of indirect taxation. Economic and demographic disruption affected not just the people who lived in the provinces or towns that suffered during periods of fighting. It also directly threatened the government's control over its resources and the ability of the Church to maintain its spiritual authority and to supervise the communities most affected. Some worries about supposed 'pagan' practices and folk beliefs appear in texts and letters of the time, for example. Archaeological and written information about populations fleeing from the path of invaders or the movement of settlements to more secure sites testifies to the effects of warfare in certain areas. And it took a Iong time for the worst affected areas to recover. Again, the evidence suggests as long as three centuries before economic and demographic decline was halted. And the effects of warfare were also visible on a day-to-day basis, in the structure of defended settlements, the shrinking and abandonment of towns, the ubiquitous forts and fortresses guarding key strategic points, crossroads, passes, valleys, bridges. And according to several reports the more gruesome effects of warfare could be seen on the battlefields themselves: in one text the author describes how the bones of the soldiers slain at a conflict a few years beforehand could still be seen littering the ground over which the battle was fought. Yet, while warfare disrupted social and cultural life, it also influenced the patterns of daily existence. Different cultural traditions evolved in regions regularly affected by fighting and enemy action, especially in the east. The seasonal nature of the fighting had quite a lot to do with this, for in many areas distinctive cultures and societies developed on both sides of the frontier, engendering values and ways of life very different from those of the interior or the metropolitan districts around Constantinople, for example, also encouraging intercultural contacts, influences and traditions very different from the mainstream. We should bear in mind that soldiers and their families were no more exempt from these effects than the rest of the population. But while the parents of young men called up for military service wept and lamented as they said goodbye to their sons, the more privileged were able to deploy powerful contacts to have them released from serving in the army: on grounds of economic hardship, for example!
(精神權(quán)威并監(jiān)督受影響最嚴(yán)重的社區(qū)。 例如,一些對所謂的“異教”習(xí)俗和民間信仰的擔(dān)憂出現(xiàn)在當(dāng)時的文本和信件中。 關(guān)于人口逃離入侵者路徑或定居點(diǎn)遷移到更安全地點(diǎn)的考古和書面信息證明了戰(zhàn)爭在某些地區(qū)的影響。 受災(zāi)最嚴(yán)重的地區(qū)需要很長時間才能恢復(fù)。 再一次,證據(jù)表明,在經(jīng)濟(jì)和人口下降停止之前長達(dá)三個世紀(jì)。 戰(zhàn)爭的影響在日常生活中也很明顯,在防御定居點(diǎn)的結(jié)構(gòu)中,城鎮(zhèn)的縮小和廢棄,無處不在的堡壘和堡壘守衛(wèi)著關(guān)鍵的戰(zhàn)略要地、十字路口、關(guān)口、山谷、橋梁。 根據(jù)幾份報告,在戰(zhàn)場上可以看到更可怕的戰(zhàn)爭影響:在一篇文章中,作者描述了幾年前在沖突中被殺的士兵的骨頭仍然可以看到散落在戰(zhàn)斗的地面上。 被打了。 然而,雖然戰(zhàn)爭擾亂了社會和文化生活,但它也影響了日常生活的模式。不同的文化傳統(tǒng)在經(jīng)常受到戰(zhàn)斗和敵人行動影響的地區(qū)演變,特別是在東部。 戰(zhàn)斗的季節(jié)性與此有很大關(guān)系,因?yàn)樵谠S多地區(qū),邊境兩側(cè)發(fā)展了獨(dú)特的文化和社會,產(chǎn)生了與內(nèi)陸或君士坦丁堡周圍大都市區(qū)截然不同的價值觀和生活方式 例如,還鼓勵與主流截然不同的跨文化接觸、影響和傳統(tǒng)。 我們應(yīng)該牢記,士兵及其家人并不比其他人更能免于這些影響。 但是,雖然年輕男子的父母在與兒子告別時哭泣和哀嘆,但更有特權(quán)的人能夠部署強(qiáng)大的聯(lián)系人讓他們從軍隊(duì)中解脫出來:例如,以經(jīng)濟(jì)困難為由?。?/span>

????????? The negative aspect was to some extent balanced by an alternative set of views, however. Popular approval and enthusiasm for war could be encouraged, and the emperors exploited court ceremonial at Constantinople specifically to this end. Triumphal processions, accompanied by displays of booty and prisoners, hymns of thanksgiving, the acclamations reminding the emperors (and the crowd who were in earshot) of their Christian duty to defend Orthodoxy and the empire, all were directed to achieve a particular consensus about warfare and the emperor's duty to defend orthodoxy. Poets were commissioned to write and declaim verse accounts of the emperor's courage, strategic skill and military achievements: the poet George of Pisidia thus composed a series of laudatory poems in the 620s and 630s about the victories of the emperor Heraclius over Avars and Persians, while in the 10th century Theodosios the Deacon similarly praised the victories of the emperor Nikephoros 11 Phokas. Other members of the cultural and political elite composed letters in praise of the emperor's deeds in war, so that the glorification of military deeds and of individual leaders or emperors was part of the staple production of composers in verse and prose. As an unfortunate but necessary means of achieving a divinely approved end, warfare could thus be given a very positive gloss. Such views were not necessarily shared by the many thousands of peasants and townspeople who suffered over the centuries. The degree to which warfare was fundamental to the fabric of late Roman and Byzantine society and historical development is evident in our sources. The physical appearance of the Byzantine countryside, social values, cultural attitudes, government fiscal and administrative organisation, themes in literature and art; all these different aspects of cultural and material life were directly influenced by the beleaguered situation of the medieval east Roman state and its need to fight wars.
(然而,消極方面在某種程度上被另一種觀點(diǎn)所平衡??梢怨膭蠲癖妼?zhàn)爭的認(rèn)可和熱情,皇帝們專門為此目的利用君士坦丁堡的宮廷禮儀。凱旋游行,伴隨著戰(zhàn)利品和囚犯的展示,感恩的贊美詩,提醒皇帝(和聽到的人群)他們的基督教責(zé)任捍衛(wèi)東正教和帝國的鼓掌,所有這些都是為了達(dá)成關(guān)于戰(zhàn)爭的特定共識 以及皇帝捍衛(wèi)正統(tǒng)的職責(zé)。詩人受命撰寫和宣揚(yáng)皇帝的勇氣、戰(zhàn)略技巧和軍事成就的詩篇:因此,皮西迪亞的詩人喬治在 620 和 630 年代創(chuàng)作了一系列贊美希拉克略皇帝戰(zhàn)勝阿瓦爾和波斯人的詩歌,而 在 10 世紀(jì),執(zhí)事狄奧多西斯同樣贊揚(yáng)了尼基弗羅斯 11 ??ㄋ够实鄣膭倮?。其他文化和政治精英成員寫信贊美皇帝在戰(zhàn)爭中的事跡,因此贊美軍事功績和個別領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人或皇帝是作曲家主要創(chuàng)作的詩歌和散文的一部分。因此,作為實(shí)現(xiàn)神所認(rèn)可的目的的不幸但必要的手段,戰(zhàn)爭可以被賦予非常積極的光澤。幾個世紀(jì)以來,成千上萬遭受苦難的農(nóng)民和市民不一定認(rèn)同這種觀點(diǎn)。戰(zhàn)爭對晚期羅馬和拜占庭社會的結(jié)構(gòu)和歷史發(fā)展的基礎(chǔ)程度在我們的資料中是顯而易見的。 拜占庭鄉(xiāng)村的外貌、社會價值觀、文化態(tài)度、政府財政和行政組織、文學(xué)和藝術(shù)主題;文化和物質(zhì)生活的所有這些不同方面都直接受到中世紀(jì)東羅馬國家四面楚歌的局勢及其戰(zhàn)爭需要的影響。)


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