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女性的角色

HARIM（穆斯林宮殿或房屋中專供婦女居住的部分）

? ? ? ? ? 女性專室“harim”（神圣不可侵犯的地方；也稱后宮（harem），指在一夫多妻制環(huán)境下的女性以及未成年兒子的居住場(chǎng)所，禁止成年男性進(jìn)入。日本動(dòng)漫中的“ハーレムもの”（后宮型作品）中的后宮一詞就來源于此概念）中的傳統(tǒng)與《古蘭經(jīng)》中規(guī)定先知的妻子和女兒應(yīng)蒙上面紗不被公眾看到的經(jīng)文有關(guān)，更廣泛地說，這是區(qū)分“信教女性”與非穆斯林的標(biāo)志(Q 3:59)。隨著伊斯蘭教走出阿拉伯，這一習(xí)俗逐漸被采納或強(qiáng)加于人，成為模仿先知“圣行”傳統(tǒng)的一部分。特別是在城鎮(zhèn)和城市中心，不同的社會(huì)階層、穆斯林和非穆斯林同居在一起，富裕和有權(quán)勢(shì)的家庭會(huì)把家屬安置在harem（harim），即家中專門的女眷區(qū)。對(duì)于貧窮的勞動(dòng)?jì)D女、仆人、在城市中心工作的奴隸女性以及農(nóng)民婦女，則不采用這種做法。幾個(gè)世紀(jì)以來，法學(xué)家和《古蘭經(jīng)》注釋者對(duì)“女性隱居”的性質(zhì)和程度進(jìn)行了辯論和闡述。埃及馬利基學(xué)派法學(xué)家伊本·哈吉（Ibn al-Hajj，生于 1336 年）的觀點(diǎn)就是一個(gè)極端的例子。他引用虔誠的長(zhǎng)者的話說，女性只有在三種情況下才可以離開家：去新郎家、參加父母去世的葬禮以及前往自己的墓地。

The tradition of secluding women in the harim (an inviolable place or sanctuary; also harem) is linked to Quranic verses stipulating that the Prophet’s wives and daughters should be veiled from public sight and more generally as a sign distinguishing “believing women” from nonMuslims (Q 3:59). As Islam spread out of Arabia, this custom was adopted or imposed as part of the tradition of imitating the Prophet’s Sunna. In towns and urban centers in particular, where different social classes, Muslims, and non-Muslims cohabited, wealthy and powerful families secluded their women in the harim, the special women’s section of the home. Poor and working women, servants, and slave women working in urban centers as well peasant women, did not adopt this practice. Over the centuries jurists and commentators of the Quran debated and elaborated upon the nature and degree of the seclusion of women. An extreme example is seen in the opinion of the Egyptian Maliki jurist Ibn al-Hajj (b. 1336), who wrote that women should not even go out to shop in the market because they would be led to improper acts with the shopkeepers. He quoted pious elders who said that a woman should leave her home only on three occasions: when she goes to the house of her bridegroom, when she attends the funeral on the death of her parents, and when she goes to her own grave. ?

? ? ? ? ? 實(shí)際上，女性從未完全脫離公共領(lǐng)域。婦女們?cè)诩抑邢嗷ヌ酵瑓⒓咏Y(jié)婚、孩子出生和割禮的慶祝活動(dòng)，在公共墓地悼念死者，參加周五的集體禱告，參加其他宗教節(jié)日和習(xí)俗，并有指定的日子去公共澡堂洗澡。在伊朗等一些國家，婦女參加馬球比賽和其他體育活動(dòng)。隱居習(xí)俗以風(fēng)俗（urf）為基礎(chǔ)，因地而異。例如，14 世紀(jì)的世界旅行家伊本·白圖泰（Ibn Battuta）說過，“土耳其人非常尊重婦女，因?yàn)樗齻兊牡匚槐饶腥烁哔F”（Ibn Battuta 415）。商人夫婦在公共場(chǎng)合結(jié)伴而行，婦女不戴面紗。在整個(gè)伊斯蘭世界，富有的婦女通過中介管理自己的財(cái)產(chǎn)，并在建立和管理用于建造宗教建筑和慈善事業(yè)的宗教捐贈(zèng)（waqfs）方面發(fā)揮著重要作用。雖然婦女被禁止成為卡迪 (Qadi)或穆夫提（muftis），但她們可以學(xué)習(xí)宗教科學(xué)，包括法律。特別虔誠的婦女，如著名的安達(dá)盧西亞神學(xué)家和法官 Mundhir ibn Said al-Balluti（卒于 996 年）的妹妹，建立了自己的里巴特（ribats，“旅社”、“避難所”、“療愈所”），在那里女性可以學(xué)習(xí)、祈禱并全身心地投入宗教生活。

In practice women were never completely secluded from the public sphere. Women visited each other in their homes, participated in the celebration of marriages and the birth and circumcision of children, mourned their dead at public cemeteries, attended the Friday congregational prayer, took part in other religious festivals and practices, and had days designated for visiting the public bathhouses. In some countries, such as Iran, women participated in polo matches and other sports. The practice of seclusion was based on custom (urf) and varied from place to place. For instance, the 14thcentury world traveler Ibn Battuta remarked upon the “great respect shown to women by the Turks, for they hold a more dignified position than the men” (Ibn Battuta 415). Merchant couples traveled together in public, and women did not use the veil. Throughout the Islamic world wealthy women administered their own property through intermediaries and were prominent in the establishment and administration of religious endowments (waqfs) for the construction of religious buildings and charitable enterprises. Although women were barred from becoming qadis and muftis, they could and did study the religious sciences, including law. Especially pious women, such as the sister of the noted Andalusian theologian and judge Mundhir ibn Said al-Balluti (d. 996), founded their own monasteries (ribats), where they could study, pray, and devote themselves entirely to the religious life.

結(jié)婚與離婚

? ? ? ? ? 《古蘭經(jīng)》使女性在家庭中從屬于男子的社會(huì)地位、一夫多妻制、繼承權(quán)和財(cái)產(chǎn)權(quán)以及女性在法庭上作證的價(jià)值合法化。例如，婦女的婚姻是其男性監(jiān)護(hù)人與新郎之間的民事契約。如果女兒尚未進(jìn)入青春期，作為監(jiān)護(hù)人的父親可以在未經(jīng)女兒同意的情況下將其許配給新郎。青春期過后，必須征得她的同意，但如果她以前沒有結(jié)過婚，可以通過沉默表示同意。

The Quran legitimates women’s social subordination to men in their family, the practice of polygamy, inheritance and property rights, and the value ascribed to their testimony in court. For instance, a woman’s marriage was a civil contract between her male guardian and the bridegroom. A father as guardian could pledge his daughter in marriage without her consent if she had not yet reached puberty. After puberty her consent was necessary, but if she had not been married previously, consent could be given by silence.

? ? ? ? ? 婚約規(guī)定新郎要給新娘一筆嫁妝，即“mahr”（麥亥爾）。新娘保留嫁妝作為自己的財(cái)產(chǎn)，她所擁有或繼承的任何其他財(cái)產(chǎn)仍是她的財(cái)產(chǎn)；相比之下，在西方基督教國家的許多地方，婦女的財(cái)產(chǎn)在結(jié)婚時(shí)就轉(zhuǎn)移給了丈夫。妻子對(duì)丈夫唯命是從，但作為回報(bào)，她有權(quán)根據(jù)自己的社會(huì)地位獲得衣物、住宿和生活費(fèi)，并有權(quán)決定是否與丈夫發(fā)生性關(guān)系。避孕也是被允許的，但未經(jīng)妻子同意，丈夫不得采取避孕措施。

The marriage contract provided for a dowry, or mahr, that the bridegroom gave to the bride. She retained this as her property, and whatever else she owned or inherited remained her property; in contrast in many places in the Christian West, a woman’s property was transferred to her husband upon marriage. The wife owed her husband obedience but in return had the right to clothing, lodging, and maintenance, in accordance with her social status, and sexual intercourse with her husband. Contraception was also permitted, but a husband could not practice contraception without his wife’s consent.

? ? ? ? ? 妻子可以因?yàn)殛栶?、瘋癲和剝奪自己的權(quán)利等原因與丈夫離婚。她必須去找卡迪（卡迪(Qadi)才能離婚。與此相反，丈夫可以在證人在場(chǎng)的情況下，無需說明任何理由，只需簡(jiǎn)單的幾句話就可以休妻，而無需找卡迪(Qadi)。但是，不能認(rèn)為被休妻的婦女會(huì)立即被趕出婚姻家庭。在休妻之后，遜尼派法律規(guī)定了三個(gè)月的等待期，以確定妻子是否懷孕。家庭成員或其他有關(guān)方面會(huì)介入調(diào)查，看是否有和解的可能。在此期間，丈夫必須像往常一樣贍養(yǎng)妻子，如果妻子懷孕，即使夫妻雙方?jīng)Q定離婚，丈夫也必須撫養(yǎng)妻子和孩子，直到孩子斷奶為止。什葉派法律中的休妻規(guī)定更為嚴(yán)格，但也有在特定時(shí)期（即“muta”）內(nèi)臨時(shí)結(jié)婚的規(guī)定。被休妻的妻子可以帶著自己的財(cái)產(chǎn)回到父母家中。她將擁有婚生子女的監(jiān)護(hù)權(quán)，并有責(zé)任撫養(yǎng)他們到某一特定年齡，每部法典對(duì)這一年齡都有不同的規(guī)定。過了這個(gè)年齡，父親或其家人將擁有監(jiān)護(hù)權(quán)。

A wife could divorce her husband for such reasons as impotence, madness, and denial of her rights. She was required to go to a qadi in order to obtain the divorce. A husband, by contrast, could repudiate his wife without giving any reason and by a simple formula of words in the presence of a witness, without the need for a qadi. It should not be assumed, however, that the woman so repudiated was immediately thrown out of the marital home. After the repudiation Sunni law decreed a three-month waiting period to determine whether the wife might be pregnant. Family members or other interested parties would intervene to see whether reconciliation would be possible. During this time the husband was required to maintain his wife as usual, and in the case of pregnancy he was to provide for both wife and child until the latter was weaned from breastfeeding even should the couple decide to go through with the divorce. In Shiite law repudiation rules were stricter, but there was provision for temporary marriage for a specific period, the muta. A repudiated wife could return with her own property to the home of her parents. She would have custody of children of the marriage as well as the duty of raising them until a particular age, which each legal code defined differently. After that age the father or his family would have custody.

多配偶制（POLYGAMY）

? ? ? ? ? 伊斯蘭教的一夫多妻制是以《古蘭經(jīng)》和先知的榜樣為基礎(chǔ)的。先知以政治政治家的身份締結(jié)了許多婚姻，其中大部分婚姻的目的是鞏固部落對(duì)新伊斯蘭政體的效忠?！豆盘m經(jīng)》允許男性一夫多妻，最多可娶四位妻子，條件是丈夫必須平等對(duì)待所有妻子，并且不忽視對(duì)任何一位妻子的性責(zé)任。穆斯林男性也可以擁有奴隸妾。不過，她們不能對(duì)丈夫提出性要求，只有丈夫才能對(duì)她們提出性要求。婚約中可以寫明禁止娶一個(gè)以上的妻子和妾。

The Islamic practice of polygamy is based on the Quran and the example of the Prophet. The Prophet, in his capacity as a political statesman, contracted numerous marriages, most of which served the purpose of consolidating the allegiance of tribes into the new Islamic polity. The Quran legitimates male polygamy of up to four wives, provided that the husband treat them all equally and not neglect his sexual duties to any of them. A Muslim male also might have slave concubines. They, however, could not make sexual demands of him, only he of them. A marriage contract could be written to forbid any more than one wife and any additional concubines.

繼? ? ?承

? ? ? ? ? 繼承法也有利于男性。男性可以按照自己的意愿將三分之一的財(cái)產(chǎn)遺贈(zèng)給他人或機(jī)構(gòu)，否則這些人或機(jī)構(gòu)將無法繼承他的財(cái)產(chǎn)。三分之二的財(cái)產(chǎn)則按照嚴(yán)格的規(guī)定進(jìn)行分配。他的妻子最多只能得到三分之一的財(cái)產(chǎn)。如果兒子和女兒都繼承了死者的財(cái)產(chǎn)，女兒將繼承兒子一半的份額。如果死者只有女兒，她們將獲得一定比例的財(cái)產(chǎn)，但剩余部分將歸男性親屬所有。這是遜尼派法律的常規(guī)做法。在什葉派法律中，如果沒有兒子，女兒可以繼承一切。遜尼派法律規(guī)定，女兒只能繼承兒子一半的財(cái)產(chǎn)，在任何法律案件中，女性的證詞都只有男性證詞的一半份量。

Inheritance laws also favored males. A man could bequeath one-third of his property in whatever way he wished to people or institutions that otherwise would not inherit from him. Two-thirds of his property was divided according to strict rules. His wife would receive at most one-third of that property. If sons and daughters succeeded the deceased, a daughter would inherit half the share of a son. If the dead man had only daughters, they would receive a certain proportion of his property, but the remainder would go to his male relatives. This was routine under Sunni law. In Shiite law daughters could inherit everything if there were no sons. Sunni law stipulated that daughters could receive only half as much as sons, and in any legal case a woman’s testimony had only half the weight of that of a man.

政治權(quán)力

? ? ? ? ? 在家庭法和公共領(lǐng)域?qū)ε允┘拥囊幌盗邢拗撇⒉环恋K精英女性在王位背后或直接行使真正的權(quán)力，盡管她們要與周圍的男性同謀。最突出的例子是埃及蘇丹夫人、馬穆魯克王朝的建立者、與路易九世率領(lǐng)的法蘭克十字軍進(jìn)行圣戰(zhàn)（1226-1270 年）的指揮官舍哲爾·杜爾（Shajrat al-Durr，珍珠小枝，卒于 1259 年）。舍哲爾·杜爾最初是一名土庫曼奴隸，但在成為埃及蘇丹薩利赫·阿尤布的妻子后，她的地位得到了提升。當(dāng)她的丈夫在國外處理軍事或國家事務(wù)時(shí)，舍哲爾·杜爾代表他擔(dān)任攝政王。1249 年，路易九世率軍突襲埃及的達(dá)米埃塔，舍哲爾·杜爾組織了保衛(wèi)國家的行動(dòng)，擊退了法蘭克人。一年后，薩利赫·阿尤布去世，阿尤布軍隊(duì)中的土耳其奴隸士兵成功地將她推上了王位，擊敗了她的非土耳其繼子的野心，從而開創(chuàng)了馬穆魯克王朝。與其他男性蘇丹一樣，舍哲爾·杜爾簽署了皇家法令，以她的名字鑄造了硬幣，并在每周五的布道中代表她宣讀祝福。舍哲爾·杜爾的蘇丹統(tǒng)治是短暫的。她即位僅兩個(gè)月后，阿拔斯王朝的哈里發(fā)就下令廢黜她，由馬穆魯克士兵艾巴克取而代之。舍哲爾·杜爾和艾巴克結(jié)婚后，她繼續(xù)行使行政統(tǒng)治權(quán)，簽署王室法令，并以自己和丈夫的名義鑄造錢幣。誠然，這樣的女性統(tǒng)治者是例外，而且總是伴隨著男性統(tǒng)治特權(quán)的前提。

The litany of restrictions imposed upon women in family law and in the public realm did not impede elite women from exercising real power either behind or directly from the throne, albeit subject to the complicity of the men surrounding them. The most spectacular example is Shajrat al-Durr (d. 1259), the sultana of Egypt, founder of the Mamluk dynasty, and commander of the jihad against the Frankish crusaders led by Louis IX (1226–70). Shajrat al-Durr began her life as a Turkoman slave but rose in rank when she became the wife of the sultan of Egypt Salih Ayyub. Shajrat al-Durr acted as regent on behalf of her husband while he was abroad attending to military or state matters. On one such occasion in 1249, Louis IX led a surprise attack upon Damietta in Egypt, and it was Shajrat al-Durr who organized the defense of the country, repelling the Frankish soldiers. When Salih Ayyub died one year later, the Turkish slave soldiers of the Ayyubid army succeeded in placing her on the throne over and against the ambitions of her non-Turkish stepson and thus inaugurated the Mamluk dynasty. As did any male sultan, Shajrat al-Durr signed royal decrees, had coins minted in her name, and had the blessing pronounced on her behalf during the weekly Friday sermon. Shajrat al-Durr’s reign as sultana was short lived. A mere two months after she assumed the throne, the Abbasid caliph commanded that she be deposed and replaced by the Mamluk soldier Aybak. After Shajrat and Aybak were married, she continued to exercise administrative rule, sign royal decrees, and have coins minted in both her and her husband’s name. Admittedly, such women rulers were exceptional and always accompanied by the assumption of male prerogative to rule.

《古蘭經(jīng)》對(duì)女性的影響

? ? ? ? ? 盡管伊斯蘭教對(duì)中世紀(jì)穆斯林女性的社會(huì)權(quán)利施加了相當(dāng)大的限制，但《古蘭經(jīng)》也承認(rèn)男女在崇拜行為和對(duì)真主的義務(wù)方面基本平等。在亞伯拉罕信仰的經(jīng)文中，《古蘭經(jīng)》是獨(dú)一無二的，它明確提到了女性，并且在對(duì)信仰和正義行為的獎(jiǎng)賞方面不分男女，正如以下經(jīng)文所示： “凡行善者，無論男女，并為信士，他們都將進(jìn)入花園（樂園）”（Q40:40；16:97）。

Despite the considerable limitations that Islam placed on the social rights of medieval Muslim women, the Quran also recognizes the essential equality of men and women in their acts of worship and obligations toward God. The Quran is unique among the scriptures of the Abrahamic faiths in explicitly addressing women and does not distinguish between men and women in the reward for belief and righteous behavior, as the following verse indicates: “Whoso doeth right, whether male or female, and is a believer, all such will enter the Garden (Paradise)” (Q 40:40; 16:97).

非穆斯林（Dhimmis）

? ? ? ? ? 伊斯蘭教創(chuàng)立了一種獨(dú)特的制度，稱之為“dhimma”，它給予其他天啟宗教的成員（猶太人、基督徒、瑣羅亞斯德教徒和其他人）以款待和保護(hù)，作為他們接受伊斯蘭統(tǒng)治的交換條件。非穆斯林可以繼續(xù)信奉自己的宗教和習(xí)俗；但是，他們必須遵守一系列旨在將他們與穆斯林人口明確區(qū)分開來的規(guī)定。在一些地方，這意味著服裝上的區(qū)別，如禁止穿戴與先知穆罕默德有關(guān)的顏色，禁止攜帶武器或騎馬。賤民不得與穆斯林結(jié)婚，不得繼承穆斯林的財(cái)產(chǎn)，也不得享受伊斯蘭天課。他們必須繳納特殊的人頭稅“吉茲亞”。他們還必須獲得官方許可才能建造或維修宗教寺廟。這些限制并不妨礙某些有影響力的猶太人和基督徒在宮廷中擔(dān)任要職，如在法蒂瑪王朝和馬穆魯克王朝的埃及以及阿拔斯王朝的伊拉克，基督徒在宮廷中擔(dān)任要職，在倭馬亞王朝的西班牙，猶太人在宮廷中擔(dān)任要職。在迫害基督徒或猶太人的情況下，例如在法蒂瑪王朝哈基姆（996-1021 年統(tǒng)治時(shí)期）或西班牙穆瓦希德王朝統(tǒng)治時(shí)期，迫害的原因是政治與經(jīng)濟(jì)而非宗教不容忍。

Islam created a unique institution called dhimma, which accorded hospitality and protection to members of other revealed religions—Jews, Christians, Zoroastrians, and others—in exchange for their acceptance of Islamic rule. The dhimmis were allowed to continue practicing their religion and customs; however, they were subject to a number of provisions that aimed to differentiate them clearly from the Muslim population. In some places this meant distinctions in clothing, such as the prohibition against wearing colors associated with the prophet Muhammad and prohibitions against carrying weapons or riding horses. Dhimmis were not allowed to marry Muslims, inherit property from them, or benefit from the Islamic zakat. They had to pay a special poll tax, the jizya. They also had to obtain official permission to construct or repair religious temples. Such restrictions did not prevent certain influential Jews and Christians from holding high offices in the court, as was the case in Fatimid and Mamluk Egypt and Abbasid Iraq, where Christians held prominent positions, or in Umayyad Spain, where the Jews were prominent in the court. Where persecution of Christians or Jews did occur, for instance during the reign of the Fatimid caliph al-Hakam (r. 996–1021) or of the Almohads in Spain, the reasons were political and economic rather than religious intolerance.?

奴隸制與馬穆魯克

? ? ? ? ? 伊斯蘭法律允許奴隸制。與歐洲在南北美洲國家實(shí)行的奴隸制不同，伊斯蘭教法規(guī)定，奴隸雖然不享有自由公民的全部權(quán)利，但必須受到公正和善意的對(duì)待。伊斯蘭教法規(guī)定，讓奴隸獲得自由是一種值得稱道的虔誠行為。禁止奴役自由出生的穆斯林，大多數(shù)奴隸是作為戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)俘虜或通過與非穆斯林國家的奴隸貿(mào)易獲得的。奴隸制有好幾種，習(xí)慣上的普通奴隸被稱為“Abd”，在城市通常是女性家庭傭人，在農(nóng)村則是農(nóng)業(yè)工人。受過教育的男性奴隸可以代表主人旅行和進(jìn)行商業(yè)交易。一種特殊的宮廷女奴“qiyan”，其地位類似于日本的藝妓，她們因具有歌唱家、舞蹈家、詩人和學(xué)者的專長(zhǎng)而備受推崇。

Islamic law permitted the practice of slavery. In contrast to the European practice of slavery in the countries of North and South America, in which slaves were not considered full human beings by law, Islamic law stipulated that slaves were persons who, while not enjoying the full rights of free citizens, must be treated justly and kindly. The sharia designated the manumission of slaves as a meritorious act of piety. It was forbidden to enslave free-born Muslims, and most slaves were acquired as war captives or through the slave trade with non-Muslim countries. There were several varieties of slavery. The customary general slave, known as an abd, was most often a female domestic servant in the urban areas and an agricultural worker in the countryside. An educated male slave could travel and conduct business transactions on behalf of his master. A special category of female court slaves, the qiyan, whose status resembled that of the Japanese geisha, were highly prized for their expertise as singers, dancers, poets, and scholars.

? ? ? ? ? 奴隸的另一個(gè)阿拉伯語單詞是“mamluk”，意為“被擁有的人”，是一個(gè)專業(yè)術(shù)語，指的是年輕時(shí)被奴役的士兵，他們接受過戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)職業(yè)培訓(xùn)，在統(tǒng)治者或高級(jí)軍官的監(jiān)督下皈依伊斯蘭教，并注冊(cè)成為王國常備職業(yè)軍隊(duì)的一員。從斯拉夫國家、高加索、中亞和非洲招募的軍事奴隸曾在阿拔斯王朝、西班牙倭馬亞王朝和其他伊斯蘭王朝的軍隊(duì)中服役。突厥裔是奴隸的主要來源，尼羅河和奧克蘇斯河之間的地區(qū)是穆斯林宮廷最主要的軍事奴隸兵源。作為軍事奴隸，突厥裔的體力和心理素質(zhì)尤為重要。阿拉伯人欽佩他們的民族自豪感、敏銳的團(tuán)結(jié)意識(shí)以及作為騎射手的超凡能力。奧斯曼帝國的蘇丹們和他們的前輩一樣，從非穆斯林地區(qū)，尤其是羅斯南部和高加索地區(qū)，征召軍事奴隸。他們?cè)诎蜖柛珊桶布{托利亞定期征收基督教臣民的子女為奴。1400 年至 1700 年間，伊斯蘭教領(lǐng)袖允許捐獻(xiàn)兒童，讓他們成為伊斯蘭教宮廷和城市的奴隸。這種“兒童稅”（德夫希爾梅被視為一種特種稅，從基督徒男孩中征兵的時(shí)間和規(guī)模根據(jù)帝國政府的需要決定）被稱為 devshirme（德夫希爾梅）。馬穆魯克（mamluk）最重要的用途是作為騎兵戰(zhàn)士。

Another Arabic word for slave, mamluk, meaning “one who is owned,” was used as a technical term for a soldier who had been enslaved as a youth, trained to the profession of warfare, converted to Islam under supervision of a master who was the ruler or a senior military officer, and registered as a member of the standing professional military force of the realm. Military slaves recruited from the Slavic countries, the Caucasus, Central Asia, and Africa served in the armies of the Abbasids, the Umayyads in Spain, and other Islamic dynasties. Turkic lands were a major source of slave labor. The preeminent reservoir of military slave manpower for Muslim courts was the region between the Nile and the Oxus Rivers. The Turks were particularly valued as military slaves for their physical and psychological strength. The Arabs admired their ethnic pride, their keen sense of solidarity, and their seemingly uncanny ability as mounted archers. Ottoman sultans, as had their predecessors, took military slaves from non-Muslim lands, especially south Russia and the Caucasus. They instituted a regular levy of slaves among the children of their Christian subjects in the Balkans and in Anatolia. In the years 1400 to 1700 Islamic leaders insisted upon a donation of children to become slaves in Islamic courts and cities. This child levy was called the devshirme. The most important use of the Mamluks was as mounted military warriors.?

? ? ? ? ? 稱馬穆魯克（mamluk）為奴隸兵并不恰當(dāng)，因?yàn)樵谝恍┮了固m國家，奴隸新兵在接受軍事訓(xùn)練后就獲得了自由。在其他穆斯林國家，馬穆魯克（mamluk）在整個(gè)職業(yè)生涯中都處于正式奴役地位，無論他們獲得多么崇高的軍銜或職位。此外，完成訓(xùn)練的馬穆魯克（mamluk）也不能自由地離開他的主人。1250 年至 1517 年間統(tǒng)治埃及和敘利亞的馬穆魯克王朝的奴隸兵較為出名。 ?

To call a Mamluk a slave soldier did not adequately describe him because in some Islamic states slave recruits gained freedom after military training. In other Muslim countries the Mamluks remained in a status of formal servitude throughout their careers, no matter how lofty the rank or office they attained. Furthermore, a Mamluk who had completed his training was not free to leave the service of his master. The most spectacular case of slave soldiers is that of the dynasty of Mamluks who ruled Egypt and Syria from 1250 to 1517.

狩獵與娛樂

? ? ? ? ? 《古蘭經(jīng)》明確認(rèn)可狩獵和馴化動(dòng)物幫助捕獵：“（所有）美好事物對(duì)你來說都是合法的。你們訓(xùn)練了那些野獸和猛禽，把它們當(dāng)作獵犬訓(xùn)練，你們把安拉所教給你們的東西教給它們，在你們對(duì)它說了安拉的名字之后”（Q6:4）。狩獵動(dòng)物被賦予了“咬出血”的權(quán)利，即在第一道傷口上吸血，這就好比是一種屠宰儀式（dhabh）。獵鷹是阿拉伯人最重要的“獵獸”之一。獵鷹是中東的古老傳統(tǒng)，可以追溯到幾千年前，伊斯蘭教之前的貝都因阿拉伯人經(jīng)常用獵鷹捕獵兔子、野兔和鴨子等小動(dòng)物，以補(bǔ)充食物。這一傳統(tǒng)延續(xù)到伊斯蘭時(shí)期，并在整個(gè)伊斯蘭世界廣泛傳播。獵鷹活動(dòng)開始與貴族聯(lián)系在一起，穆斯林王子們會(huì)組織獵鷹狩獵隊(duì)。

The Quran explicitly approves of hunting and of the use of animals to aid in capturing prey: “Lawful for you are foodstuffs good to eat and any [game] that, at your wish, is captured by beasts of prey which train as you do dogs, according to the method which Allah has taught you, after you have spoken the name of Allah over it.” (Q 6:4). The hunting animal was given the right to the “bleeding bite,” making the first wound to draw blood, which is likened to a ritual slaughter (dhabh). Falcons were among the most significant “beasts of prey” used by the Arabs. Falconry is an ancient tradition in the Middle East going back thousands of years. The pre-Islamic Bedouin Arabs routinely used falcons to hunt small animals, such as rabbits, hares, and ducks, needed to supplement their diet. This tradition continued in the Islamic period and became widespread throughout the Islamic world. Falconry became associated with the nobility, and Muslim princes would organize falcon hunting parties.?

? ? ? ? ? 《天方夜譚》（《一千零一夜》）中有一個(gè)特別的故事，講述了兩個(gè)蒙古王子在沙漠中迷失方向，瀕臨餓死時(shí)發(fā)現(xiàn)了一只獵鷹。他們跟著獵鷹找到了獵物，捕獲并馴服了獵鷹，獵鷹為他們捕獵，同時(shí)獵鷹也能分一杯羹。兩年后，王子們得以平安回家，其中一位名叫鐵木真的王子后來成為了偉大的蒙古征服者成吉思汗。

One remarkable story from The Arabian Nights relates how two Mongol princes became lost in the desert and were on the verge of starvation when they spied a falcon. They followed the bird to its quarry, captured it, and trained it to hunt for them, always providing their aviary helper with his fair share of the spoils. Two years later the princes were able to return home safe and sound, and one of them, whose name was Temoudjin, would go on to become the great Mongol conqueror Genghis Khan.

? ? ? ? ? 狩獵較大的動(dòng)物，如羚羊、山羊、野驢、鴕鳥和令人垂涎的瞪羚，需要使用大型獵獸。貓科動(dòng)物很受歡迎，尤其是獵豹，因?yàn)樗哂袀髡f中的敏捷和見血不驚的能力。波斯人、蒙古人和印度人有馴養(yǎng)獵豹為其狩獵的悠久傳統(tǒng)，他們將這一技能傳到了阿拉伯半島、敘利亞和伊拉克。在阿拔斯王朝、法蒂瑪王朝和馬穆魯克王朝，獵豹是威望和權(quán)力的象征，獵豹會(huì)在官方游行隊(duì)伍中巡游。在狩獵毛皮類動(dòng)物、鶴、鷓鴣和其他大型鳥類時(shí)，赤褐色的猞猁獰貓是首選的獵獸。

Hunting for larger animals, such as the antelope, ibex, wild ass, ostrich, and highly coveted gazelle, required the use of larger beasts of prey. Felines were popular, especially the cheetah, because of its legendary swiftness and its ability to maintain its composure at the sight of blood. Persians, Mongols, and Indians had a long tradition of taming cheetahs to hunt for them, a skill that they passed on to the Arab Muslims in the Arabian Peninsula, Syria, and Iraq. Among the Abbasids, Fatimids, and Mamluks the cheetah was a symbol of prestige and power, and cheetahs paraded in their official processions. For hunting fur animals and cranes, partridges, and other large birds, the russet-colored lynx caracal was the predator animal of choice.

? ? ? ? ? 據(jù)說哈里發(fā)歐麥爾·伊本·哈塔卜（Umar ibn al-Khattab）曾囑咐穆斯林名人訓(xùn)練他們的兒子掌握游泳、射擊和騎馬的技能。穆斯林王公貴族非常喜歡狩獵（tard），他們組織狩獵隊(duì)，大伙騎著馬，在猛獸的陪伴下，用弓箭、弩和吹箭筒射殺獵物。騎馬狩獵有助于訓(xùn)練年輕王子參與戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的必要技能。賽馬和賽駱駝也有類似的作用，可以鍛煉貴族們的體力和騎乘速度。由于蒙古和土耳其士兵引進(jìn)了奔馳速度更快的新品種馬匹，穆斯林的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)技能得到了提高。蒙古人和土耳其人在射箭方面無與倫比的天賦尤其令人欽佩，他們會(huì)在宮廷中舉辦射箭表演，給外國政要留下深刻印象。

Caliph Umar ibn al-Khattab is said to have enjoined Muslim notables to train their sons in the skills of swimming, sharpshooting, and horseback riding. Muslim princes and nobles cherished the chase (tard) and organized hunting parties in which they rode out on horseback, accompanied by beasts of prey, and used bows and arrows, crossbows, and blowpipes to bring down their quarry. Hunting on horseback helped train young princes in the necessary skills to engage in warfare. Horse racing and camel racing served a similar function, enabling notables to build up their strength and rapidity. Muslim skills in warfare benefited from the introduction of new swifter breeds of horses from Mongol and Turkish soldiers. Mongols and Turks were especially admired for their unmatched talent in archery and would stage exhibitions of their dexterity at court to impress foreign dignitaries.

? ? ? ? ? 馬球是中亞和伊朗國王和王子們最喜愛的運(yùn)動(dòng)，大約起源于公元前六世紀(jì)。中世紀(jì)波斯細(xì)密畫和彩繪手稿（“發(fā)光手稿”、“泥金手稿”，文本裝飾有邊框和微型插圖等華麗內(nèi)容）證明了馬球在波斯宮廷文化中的重要性和受歡迎程度。10 世紀(jì)的波斯詩人和史詩作家 哈基姆·阿波爾-卡西姆·菲爾多西·杜西在其著名的《列王紀(jì)》（Shahnameh）中描述了大量馬球比賽。其中一個(gè)引人入勝的故事講述了一位國王和他的妃子在馬球場(chǎng)上的愛情故事。國王和他的男性同伴與王妃及其女伴進(jìn)行了一場(chǎng)比賽，這說明波斯宮廷中的女性也接受過馬球訓(xùn)練。

Polo was the preeminent sport of kings and princes in Central Asia and Iran, where the sport is believed to have originated circa the sixth century B.C.E. Medieval Persian miniature art and manuscript illumination attest to the importance and popularity of polo in Persian court culture. The renowned 10th-century Persian poet and epic writer Abu l-Qasim al-Firdawsi describes numerous polo matches in his famous Shahnameh (The Persian book of kings). One intriguing tale sets the scene of a love story between a king and his consort on a polo field. The king and his male companions played a match against the royal consort and her female attendees, illustrating that the women of the Persian court were also trained in the game.

宗教與食物

清真（halal）與哈拉姆（haram）

? ? ? ? ? 伊斯蘭教在區(qū)分食物上，與猶太教在區(qū)分猶太潔食（在希伯來語中，“kosher”的意思是“合適”或“適當(dāng)”）和非猶太潔食方面相似?！豆盘m經(jīng)》規(guī)定了穆斯林允許食用（“清真”）和禁止食用（“哈拉姆”）的食物（《古蘭經(jīng)》7:156-157）。伊斯蘭教與猶太教法和基督教習(xí)俗不同，它完全禁止飲用葡萄酒（khamr）和蒸餾酒精飲料（nabidh），他們認(rèn)為這些飲品會(huì)迷惑人的心智，使人誤入歧途?！豆盘m經(jīng)》中有一節(jié)經(jīng)文解釋說，真主將惡魔投入豬體內(nèi)，因此穆斯林（和猶太人一樣）被禁止食用豬肉和以豬肉為原料的產(chǎn)品，如豬油和明膠。《古蘭經(jīng)》還沿用了猶太人禁止食用動(dòng)物血液的規(guī)定。肉食動(dòng)物不得食用，無論是四足哺乳動(dòng)物（獅子、老虎、獵豹等）還是猛禽（獵鷹、鷹、老鷹、禿鷲等）?！豆盘m經(jīng)》還禁止那些處于儀式純潔狀態(tài)的人，如麥加朝圣者，殺死或食用野味（問 5:94-95），盡管他們可以吃魚。

Islam resembles the Jewish tradition in its distinction between kosher and nonkosher foods. The Quran designates the foods that are permitted (halal) and forbidden (haram) for Muslims (Q 7:156–157). Islam differs from Jewish law and Christian custom in its total prohibition of wine (khamr) and distilled alcoholic beverages (nabidh), owing to the belief that they confuse the mind and lead people astray. A Quranic verse explains that God cast a demon into a pig, and for this reason Muslims (as are Jews) are forbidden pork and pork-based products, such as lard and gelatin. The Quran also follows the Jewish prohibition of consuming animal blood. Carnivorous beasts of prey may not be consumed, whether four-footed mammals (lions, tigers, cheetahs, etc.) or raptors (falcons, hawks, eagles, vultures, etc.). The Quran also forbids those in a state of ritual purity, such as pilgrims to Mecca, to kill or eat game (Q 5:94–95), although they may eat fish.

? ? ? ? ? 動(dòng)物的死亡方式?jīng)Q定了是否可以食用。自然死亡、摔死、被撞死或被野獸咬死的動(dòng)物不能食用，因?yàn)闊o法確定動(dòng)物是如何死亡的。這里有一個(gè)實(shí)際的健康問題，因?yàn)樗廊サ膭?dòng)物可能死于傳染病。此外，由于不知道動(dòng)物是如何被殺死的，也有可能是以不合法的方式殺死的。與狩獵時(shí)“咬出血”以吸第一滴血的習(xí)俗類似，宰殺動(dòng)物也具有獻(xiàn)祭的性質(zhì)，因?yàn)楸仨毎凑找?guī)定的方式進(jìn)行才能被視為“清真”。按照亞伯拉罕差點(diǎn)獻(xiàn)祭其子以實(shí)瑪利（猶太教-基督教傳統(tǒng)中的以撒）的范例，屠夫必須用鋒利的刀子干凈利落地割開牲畜的喉嚨，同時(shí)向真主感恩祈禱。 ?

The way an animal has died determines whether eating it is halal. An animal that has died of apparently natural causes, a fall, or a blow or been killed by a wild animal may not be eaten because there is no way of knowing certainly how the animal died. There is a practical health concern here, for a dead animal may have died of a contagious disease. Furthermore, not knowing how an animal was killed raises the possibility that it was killed in an illegitimate way. Similar to the hunting custom of the “bleeding bite” to draw the first drops of blood, the slaughter of animals had a sacrificial character because it had to be performed in the prescribed way to be considered halal. Following the paradigm of Abraham’s near sacrifice of his son Ishmael (Isaac in the Judeo-Christian tradition), the animal had to have its throat slit with a sharp knife in one clean, swift blow while the butcher uttered a prayer of thanksgiving to God.

? ? ? ? ? 由于穆斯林被禁止食用任何以“異教”神或女神的名義獻(xiàn)祭的動(dòng)物，因此真主（安拉）之名的發(fā)音和屠宰的儀式程序至關(guān)重要。在多元文化的城市伊斯蘭社會(huì)中，這意味著穆斯林不能購買由基督徒或猶太人進(jìn)行過獻(xiàn)祭儀式的肉類。塞維利亞的穆塔西布·伊本·阿卜杜恩提醒他的社區(qū)，“猶太屠夫不得為穆斯林獻(xiàn)祭牲畜。猶太人應(yīng)該有自己專門的屠宰臺(tái)，以照顧自己的社區(qū)”（Ibn Abdun 152）。

The pronunciation of the name of God, Allah, and the ritualistic procedure of the slaughter were crucial since Muslims were banned from eating any animal that may have been sacrificed in the name of some “pagan” god or goddess. In multicultural urban Islamic societies this meant that Muslims could not purchase meat that had been sacrificed by Christians or Jews. The muhtasib Ibn Abdun of Seville reminded his community that “no Jewish butcher should sacrifice an animal for a Muslim. Jews should have their own special butchering table to tend to their own community” (Ibn Abdun 152).

飲食與道德

? ? ? ? ? 在中世紀(jì)穆斯林的道德論著和布道中，吃“禁忌食物”和喝酒被列為“十宗罪”之首的情況并不少見。13 世紀(jì)一位匿名的西班牙穆斯林傳道者將 “邪惡”的食物和酒列為他的十大罪狀之首，因?yàn)樗鼈兪亲冯S個(gè)人欲望的縮影，使人不太可能遵守伊斯蘭教的其他規(guī)定。15 世紀(jì)的一位傳道者也表達(dá)了類似的觀點(diǎn)，他將酒列為所有罪惡的總和，是所有道德敗壞行為的關(guān)鍵。飲酒的誘惑肯定是巨大的，這可以從被稱為“酒歌”（alkhamriyyat）的詩歌亞流派的出現(xiàn)得到證明。此外，在猶太教徒和基督教徒居住的伊斯蘭城市中，酒的誘惑總是近在咫尺。對(duì)飲酒者的典型斥責(zé)就是指責(zé)他們的行為像基督徒和猶太人。另一方面，《古蘭經(jīng)》將葡萄酒列為天堂的美食之一，被選中的人將能大量享用（Q37：44-45；Q47：15-16）。禁酒令和禁食令背后的心理與中世紀(jì)基督教關(guān)于貪食的思想有些不同。在基督教的想象中，貪食是與欲望和性聯(lián)系在一起的；而在穆斯林的想象中，食用真主所禁止的食物代表著一種肆意違背或反抗真主律法的傾向。

In the medieval Muslim moralistic treatises and sermons it was not uncommon to find eating the “forbidden foods” and wine at the top of the list of the “ten reprehensible sins.” A 13thcentury anonymous preacher of Muslim Spain placed the “evil” foods and wine at the top of his list of deadly sins because they epitomized following one’s own desires, making one less likely to follow any of the other Islamic prescriptions. A 15th-century preacher expressed a similar idea when he singled out wine as the sum of all sins and the key to all moral depravities. The temptation to drink wine must surely have been great, as attested by the emergence of a subgenre of poetry called “wine odes,” alkhamriyyat, devoted to the joys of consuming the beverage and lauding its inebriating effects. Moreover, the temptation was always close at hand in Islamic cities where Jewish and Christian communities also resided. A typical reprimand against those drinking wine was to accuse them of acting like Christians and Jews. On the other hand, the Quran includes wine as one of the delights of paradise, which the elect will be able to enjoy in abundance (Q 37:44–45; Q 47:15–16). The psychology behind the prohibition of wine drinking and forbidden food in particular differs somewhat from that influencing medieval Christian ideas about gluttony. In the Christian imagination gluttony was linked with lust and sex; in the Muslim imagination consuming what God has forbidden represented a propensity to wanton disobedience or rebellion against any of God’s laws.

守齋與宴飲

? ? ? ? ? ?齋月齋戒是伊斯蘭教規(guī)定的五大支柱之一。齋戒被認(rèn)為是歡樂的時(shí)刻，也是對(duì)古蘭經(jīng)最初啟示的感恩。齋月每天從日出到日落，穆斯林都要禁食、禁飲、禁煙和禁交。齋戒規(guī)定適用于所有 10 歲以上身心健康的穆斯林。年幼兒童、孕婦或哺乳期婦女、老人、體弱者、精神病患者、吉哈德（Jihad，shengzhan）士兵和長(zhǎng)途旅行者可免于齋戒。日落時(shí)分，穆斯林聚集在家中誦讀晚禱，然后按照先知穆罕默德的習(xí)俗（Sunnah，圣行），用椰棗和甜果汁慶祝開齋（iftar）。之后，真正的盛宴開始了，主菜通常包括各種肉類，配以米飯和蔬菜。最后是一系列烘焙甜點(diǎn)，通常是灌滿蜂蜜或糖漿、開心果、松子、杏仁、無花果干或其他水果的糕點(diǎn)。飯后，精神特別虔誠的人可能會(huì)回到清真寺進(jìn)行齋月期間的特別祈禱（tarawih）。和今天一樣，當(dāng)時(shí)的大多數(shù)人到凌晨都不睡覺，在入睡前吃清淡的黎明前餐（suhur）。典型的齋飯包括山羊奶酪、西紅柿、蠶豆或水果。

Fasting during the month of Ramadan was one of the prescribed Five Pillars of Islam. The fast was considered a time of joy and a celebration of thanksgiving for the initial revelation of the Quran, which occurred during that month. Every day between sunrise and sunset, Muslims abstained from eating, drinking, smoking, and having sexual intercourse. The fast was prescribed for all Muslims over the age of 10 of sound mind and body. Very young children, pregnant or nursing mothers, the very old, the infirm, the mentally ill, soldiers fighting jihad, and long-distance travelers were exempted from the requirement. At sunset Muslims gathered together in their homes and recited the evening prayer, after which they celebrated the breaking of the fast (iftar) with dates and a sweet juice in accordance with the prophet Muhammad’s custom (Sunna). After this the real feast began, and main dishes typically included various meats served with rice and vegetables. The meal would be rounded off with an array of baked desserts, usually pastries filled with honey or syrup, pistachios, pine nuts, almonds, or dried figs or other fruits. After the meal the especially spiritually devout might return to the mosque for the special prayers (tarawih) that were performed during Ramadan. Most people then as today stayed awake into the early hours of the morning to take the lighter predawn meal (suhur) before going to sleep. A typical suhur consisted of goat’s cheese, tomatoes, fava beans, or fruit.

? ? ? ? ? 穆斯林被教導(dǎo)，肉體上的齋戒與精神上的“吉哈德”（奮斗）理念是相輔相成的，“吉哈德”的目標(biāo)是戰(zhàn)勝自我，特別是戰(zhàn)勝追隨自己的欲望而不是真主欲望的誘惑。因此，穆斯林同時(shí)要在精神上禁食，抵制罪惡或有害的思想、言語或行為，并通過在清真寺多做禱告、踐行善行和額外的慈善捐贈(zèng)，以及真誠地向真主懺悔所犯下的任何罪行，來重申他們對(duì)真主的承諾。肉體和精神齋戒中隱含的自我否定使其成為對(duì)過去罪孽的贖罪行為。事實(shí)上，許多教法手冊(cè)都明確指出，在清真寺進(jìn)行齋戒和夜禱可以贖罪。

Muslims were taught that the physical fast goes hand in hand with the idea of a spiritual “jihad” against the self, specifically against the temptation to follow one’s own desires instead of what Allah desires. Thus, Muslims simultaneously spiritually fast against sinful or harmful thoughts, speech, or actions and renew their commitment to Allah by spending more time in prayer at the mosque, practicing acts of kindness and extra charitable giving, and sincerely turning to Allah in repentance for any sins committed. The self-denial implied in the physical and spiritual fasts made them acts of atonement for past sins. In fact, many fiqh manuals explicitly stated that fasting and night prayers performed in the mosque atone for sins. ?

? ? ? ? ? ? 除了遵守規(guī)定的齋月齋戒外，許多穆斯林還進(jìn)行超度性齋戒，以此來表達(dá)他們的靈性和增加他們的虔誠。這種自愿齋戒在所謂的功修時(shí)期（fadail awqat）最為流行，因?yàn)槿藗兿嘈虐怖钣锌赡芑貞?yīng)祈禱或接受懺悔，或者根據(jù)圣訓(xùn)傳統(tǒng)，先知穆罕默德也曾自愿齋戒。有一段圣訓(xùn)說，先知說：“齋月是真主的月份，舍爾邦月是我的月份”。因此，舍爾邦月是流行的自愿齋戒月。一年中的第一個(gè)月即穆哈蘭姆月也是如此，尤其是在第十天即阿舒拉節(jié)之前的前十天。阿舒拉節(jié)與猶太人的贖罪日（贖罪日）相對(duì)應(yīng)，穆罕默德也通過齋戒和祈禱來紀(jì)念贖罪日。

Besides complying with the prescribed fast of Ramadan, many Muslims undertook supererogatory fasting as a means of expressing their spirituality and increasing their devotion. Such voluntary fasts were most popular during the so-called meritorious times (fadail awqat), when it was believed that Allah was most likely to answer prayers or accept repentance, or when, according to the Hadith traditions, the prophet Muhammad also fasted voluntarily. One Hadith states that the Prophet said, “Ramadan is the month of God and Shaban is my month.” Hence the month of Shaban was a popular month of voluntary fasting. So was the first month of the year, Muharram, especially the first 10 days leading up to the 10th day, the Festival of Ashura. Ashura corresponds to the Jewish Day of Atonement (Yom Kippur), which Muhammad also observed by fasting and prayer.

? ? ? ? ? 在蘇菲派神秘主義者和虔誠男女的精神傳記中，充滿了將齋戒作為朝向真主的精神升華的一部分的軼事。一位婦女只吃乞討得來的食物，另一位婦女只吃垃圾堆里的殘羹剩飯，以表示她們完全依靠真主維持生計(jì)；一個(gè)男人和他的家人幾乎只靠無花果維生；另一位齋戒者只吃苦菜。不那么極端的齋戒形式包括禁食某些油脂物質(zhì)，如油、黃油或肉。住在旅店里的蘇菲主義者們通常每天只吃兩頓飯。通常情況下，膳食比較清淡；面包、粥和湯等主食會(huì)輔以水果或蔬菜。肉類、米飯、豆類、干堅(jiān)果和糕點(diǎn)等較為昂貴的食物則保留在周五和節(jié)慶日。同時(shí)，《古蘭經(jīng)》中有許多經(jīng)文將食物列為神的恩賜和祝福（如 Q 14:32、16:74、17:72、53:24），這種將食物視為祝福的觀念也體現(xiàn)在蘇菲派圣人的神奇能力中，他們創(chuàng)造食物奇跡的能力被視為神恩的標(biāo)志。有趣的是，這些神跡的類型學(xué)與耶穌的神跡相似，特別是他僅用五個(gè)餅和兩條魚就喂飽了 5000 人(Mt. 14:15–21 and parallels)。

The spiritual biographies of Sufi mystics and pious men and women are filled with anecdotes that incorporate fasting as part of the spiritual ascent toward Allah. A woman only ate what she received from begging as a show of her utter reliance upon Allah for her subsistence. Another only ate the scraps found in a garbage heap. A man and his family survived virtually only on figs. Another fasted by eating nothing but bitter herbs. Less extremist forms of fasting included the abstention from certain fatty substances such as oil, butter, or meat. Sufi communities residing in lodges usually limited themselves to two meals a day. Normally, meals were meager; staple foods such as bread, porridge, and soup would be supplemented by fruit or vegetables. More costly meals featuring meat, rice, legumes, dried nuts, and pastries were reserved for Fridays and feast days. At the same time, numerous Quranic verses count food among the divine gifts and blessings (e.g., Q 14:32, 16:74, 17:72, 53:24), and this idea of food as blessing is also seen in the miraculous powers of Sufi saints whose capacity to produce food miracles is taken as a sign of their divine favor. It is interesting to observe that the typology of these miracles resembles those ascribed to Jesus, particularly his feeding a crowd of 5,000 people with only five loaves of bread and two fish (Mt. 14:15–21 and parallels).

? ? ? ? ? 分發(fā)食物是統(tǒng)治者和富人展示其慷慨和大度以及履行伊斯蘭教施舍規(guī)定的一種方式。統(tǒng)治者通常會(huì)舉辦大型豪華宴會(huì)，作為慶祝宗教節(jié)日的一部分，并向窮人分發(fā)食物，以示慈善。在齋月期間，富人會(huì)向窮人提供“慈悲桌”上的食物，這樣他們就可以慶祝夜間開齋和結(jié)束齋月的盛大節(jié)日——開齋節(jié)（Id al-Fitr）。

Finally, the distribution of food was one way that rulers and the wealthy could demonstrate their generosity and largesse and fulfill the Islamic prescriptions of almsgiving. Rulers typically hosted large and lavish banquets as part of the celebration of religious festivals and distributed food to the poor as an act of charity. During Ramadan the wealthy supplied the poor with “mercy tables” of food so that they could celebrate the nightly breaking of the fast and the great holiday of Id al-Fitr that ends the month of Ramadan.

《Handbook To Life in The Medieval World》（2008）

By Madeleine Pelner Cosman and Linda Gale Jones

未完待續(xù)！