非常感謝@游吟-晞12月和2月的充電?。?！謝謝支持！

作者生平：

? ? ? ? ? 安德魯·達(dá)爾比（Andrew Dalby）是一位古典學(xué)者、歷史學(xué)家、語(yǔ)言學(xué)家和翻譯家，以他關(guān)于食物史（尤其是希臘和羅馬帝國(guó)）的書(shū)籍而聞名。 《Siren Feasts》 是安德魯·達(dá)爾比的第一本美食書(shū)籍，獲得了 Runciman（朗西曼）獎(jiǎng)，他的第二本書(shū)《dangerous Tastes》在2001年獲得了美食作家協(xié)會(huì)年度美食書(shū)籍。他還是《The Classical Cookbook》和《Empire of Pleasures》以及巴克斯和維納斯的傳記的作者。

《Tastes of Byzantium ：The Cuisine of a Legendary Empire》于 2003 年首次出版

ISBN: 978 1 84885 165 8

本書(shū)完整的 CIP 記錄可從大英圖書(shū)館、美國(guó)國(guó)會(huì)圖書(shū)館獲得

由 Thomson Press India Ltd 在印度印刷和裝訂

Chapter 4

Water and Wine, Monks and Travellers

水與酒，修道士與旅行者

water and wine

水與酒

In the monastery of St John Prodromus, said an anonymous Russian traveller of the late fourteenth century, there was a fountain of water that flowed miraculously from the Danube, hundreds of miles and many mountain ranges away. As we have seen, this monastery was one of those with a community of Russian monks, though whether these two northern connections are supposed to explain one another is not clear.

? ? ? ? ? 14 世紀(jì)末，一位匿名的俄羅斯旅行者說(shuō)，在圣約翰普羅德羅莫斯修道院里，有一座噴泉，奇跡般地從數(shù)百英里、許多山脈之外的多瑙河中噴涌而出。如你所見(jiàn)，這座修道院是俄羅斯的僧侶修道院之一，盡管這兩個(gè)北方的聯(lián)系是否應(yīng)該相互解釋，尚不清楚。

Setting aside such miraculous beliefs, the water supply really did come from far to the north. Most major Roman cities had their aqueducts and Byzantium Constantinople was no exception. 'In Constantinople there is an aqueduct that brings water from the country called Bulgaria,' explained the Arab hostage Harun Ibn Yahya - and he is writing not long after the Bulgars had established themselves in what used to be northern Thrace and given their name to the region, which we still call Bulgaria. 'This water flows for a distance equal to twenty days' journey. When it reaches the city, it is divided into three channels, one to the Royal Palace, one to the prison in which the Muslims were, and a third to the baths of the nobility; the population of the city also drinks from this water, which has a slightly salty taste'. And water was commonly drunk in Constantinople.

? ? ? ? ? ?撇開(kāi)這些神奇的信念，這水源確實(shí)來(lái)自遙遠(yuǎn)的北方。大多主要的羅馬城市都有渡槽，拜占庭的君士坦丁堡也不例外。 阿拉伯人質(zhì)哈倫·伊本·葉海亞（Harun Ibn Yahya）解釋說(shuō)：“在君士坦丁堡，有一條引水渠從保加利亞地區(qū)引水?，F(xiàn)在我們?nèi)匀环Q之為保加利亞。 '這水流的距離約等于二十天的路程。到了城里，分三道，一通皇宮，一通穆斯林監(jiān)獄，三通貴族浴池；城里的人也喝這種水，有點(diǎn)咸味”。在君士坦丁堡，人們常喝這種水。

According to a dietary author (text 2 section ii), 'it is suitable for those with hot and dry temperaments, and is ideal in the hottest weather and in summer. Light, sweet water is the best of all waters, particularly if it has no bad smell. There are five kinds: spring water, well water, river water, rain water, lake water. Spring water that is pure and sweet is hot in winter, cold in summer, and is the best of all waters.'

? ? ? ? ? 一位飲食作者（文本 2 第 ii 節(jié)）稱，“它適合那些性情炎熱干燥的人，在最炎熱的天氣和夏季是理想的選擇。淡而甜的水是所有水中最好的，尤其是在沒(méi)有難聞氣味的情況下。有五種：泉水、井水、河水、雨水、湖水。泉水清甜，冬熱夏冷，為萬(wàn)水之佳。

Curiously, the statement quoted above that Constantinople's water was 'slightly salty' is supported by another, almost contemporary observer, Liutprand of Cremona. The bishop regards it as self-explanatory that his people were ill during their stay in the capital, because, instead of good wine, they had only Constantinople's salty water (salsugo) to drink!

? ? ? ? ? 奇怪的是，上面引用的關(guān)于君士坦丁堡的水“略帶咸味”的說(shuō)法得到了另一位幾乎同時(shí)代的觀察者克雷莫納的柳特普蘭德的支持。這位主教認(rèn)為他的信徒在首都逗留期間生病是不言自明的，因?yàn)樗麄兒鹊牟皇呛镁疲蔷刻苟”さ南趟╯alsugo）！

There was plenty of wine, of course, even if Liutprand did not deign to consider it 'good'. The handbook 'Categories of Foods' is interesting not least for its summary (text 2 section iii) of the good and bad effects of wine. If 'wine drunk in moderation restores the constitution and nourishes the body, in all age groups,' it is equally true that 'drinking wine to repletion, and continual drunkenness, harm certain parts of the body such as the liver, the brain and the nerves. They produce a tremor of the whole body and cause ... heartburn, regurgitation, weakening of the eyes, general paralysis'. As an outline this can hardly be faulted. As with similar surveys in classical texts, the author describes all the most obvious symptoms of chronic drunkenness, to the point where it becomes life-threatening, without ever discussing the psychological side: addiction, or what would now be called alcoholism, is not described.

? ? ? ? ? 當(dāng)然，這里有很多酒，即使柳特普蘭德不認(rèn)為它“好”。 手冊(cè)“食品類別”其實(shí)很有趣，尤其是它總結(jié)了葡萄酒的好壞影響（文本 2 第 iii 節(jié)）。如果說(shuō)“適量飲酒，可以恢復(fù)體質(zhì)，滋補(bǔ)各年齡層的人”，那么“飲酒充盈，長(zhǎng)期醉酒，對(duì)肝、腦、腦等身體的某些部位，也是同樣的道理”。它們會(huì)引起全身神經(jīng)震顫并引起……胃灼熱、反流、眼睛虛弱、全身癱瘓”。作為大綱，這幾乎不會(huì)出錯(cuò)。與經(jīng)典文獻(xiàn)中的類似調(diào)查一樣，作者描述了慢性醉酒的所有最明顯的癥狀，甚至包括危及生命這一點(diǎn)，但從未討論過(guò)心理方面：成癮，或者現(xiàn)在被稱為酗酒，幾乎沒(méi)有描述。

The 'heat' that the same text attributes especially to raisin wine and to strong dry white wine is closely related to what we would identify as its alcohol content. It is in this light that we can understand the statement that 'wine made from ripened, fully sweet grapes is hot and wine made from unripe and not fully sweet grapes has less heat.' Wine had not been distilled. Alcohol as a constituent of wine had not been identified. Thus the effect of alcohol, the element that made grape juice differ from light wine and light wine differ from strong wine, could only be attributed to the inherent 'heat' of the beverage.

? ? ? ? ? 同一文本特別歸因于葡萄干酒和烈性干白葡萄酒的“熱量”與我們所識(shí)別的酒精含量密切相關(guān)。正是從這個(gè)角度，我們才能理解“用成熟的、完全甜的葡萄釀制的酒是頗富熱量的，用未成熟的、不完全甜的葡萄釀制的酒的熱度較低”的說(shuō)法。酒沒(méi)有經(jīng)過(guò)蒸餾，尚未確定酒精作為葡萄酒的成分。 因此，酒精的作用，使葡萄汁不同于淡酒、淡酒不同于烈酒的因素，只能歸因于飲品固有的“熱量”。

Byzantium was an empire of Winburga, 'cities of wine', to AngloSaxon tradition in the seventh century. In the mysterious poem Widsith a well-travelled bard is made to claim: 'I have been with the Saracens and with the Seringas. I have been with the Greeks and with the Finns; with Caesar who held sway over cities of wine, over riches and desirable things and over the empire of the Romans.'

? ? ? ? ? 拜占庭在七世紀(jì)是盎格魯撒克遜式的傳統(tǒng)的溫伯格帝國(guó)，是“葡萄酒之城”。 在神秘的詩(shī)歌 Widsith 中，一位游歷甚廣的吟游詩(shī)人聲稱：“我曾與撒拉遜人和塞林加人在一起。 我和希臘人和芬蘭人在一起； 凱撒統(tǒng)治著葡萄酒之城、財(cái)富和可欲之物以及羅馬帝國(guó)。

The great capital of this empire must have enjoyed a varied range of wines, transported from Thrace and western Asia Minor, the Aegean, the Black Sea shores, and sometimes even further afield, yet no medieval text gives us a survey of them: Byzantine authors are in fact willfully misleading, often slipping the names of classical Greek wines, such as Pramnian and Maronean, into what appear to be contemporary contexts.

? ? ? ? ? 這個(gè)帝國(guó)的偉大首都享有各式各樣的葡萄酒，從色雷斯和小亞細(xì)亞西部、愛(ài)琴海、黑海沿岸，有時(shí)甚至更遠(yuǎn)的地方運(yùn)來(lái)，但沒(méi)有中世紀(jì)的文獻(xiàn)讓我們調(diào)查：拜占庭作家實(shí)際上是故意誤導(dǎo)的，經(jīng)常將古典希臘葡萄酒的名稱（例如 Pramnian 和 Maronean）代入看似是當(dāng)代的語(yǔ)境中。

Western travellers offer a useful corrective. William of Rubruck, looking for worthwhile presents to take from Constantinople to Khazaria, chose 'fruit, muscat wine and fine biscuit' (Report 9). There were two grape varieties that provided the favourite sweet wines of the medieval Aegean. One, yielding the vinum muscatos to which William referred, is still widely grown in many Mediterranean countries. Its name is borrowed by most modern languages from Byzantine Greek, in which moskhatos meant 'musk-flavoured'. The vineyards of Samos and Lemnos today produce muscat wine very much of the style that William might have selected. The other variety was the monembasios, French malvoisie, English 'malmsey', the typical sweet grape of Crete. Its product, in later Byzantine times, was beginning to be exported to western and northern Europe through Monemvasia, hence its name. 1 This grape is now less widespread in Greece, but was in due course found to be ideally suited to the volcanic slopes of Madeira.

? ? ? ? ? 來(lái)自西方的旅行者提供了一個(gè)有用的觀點(diǎn)。魯布魯克的威廉在尋找從君士坦丁堡到可薩里亞的有價(jià)值的禮物時(shí)，選擇了“水果、麝香葡萄酒和精美餅干”（報(bào)告 9）。有兩種葡萄品種是中世紀(jì)愛(ài)琴海最受歡迎的甜葡萄酒。一種是威廉提到的葡萄，在許多地中海國(guó)家仍然廣泛種植。它的名字是從拜占庭希臘語(yǔ)中借用的大多數(shù)現(xiàn)代語(yǔ)言，其中 moskhatos 的意思是“麝香味”。今天薩摩斯和萊姆諾斯的葡萄園生產(chǎn)的馬斯喀特葡萄酒非常符合當(dāng)時(shí)威廉可能選擇的風(fēng)格。另一個(gè)品種是monembasios，法國(guó)malvoisie，英語(yǔ)'馬爾姆西'，克里特島典型的甜葡萄。這種產(chǎn)品在后來(lái)的拜占庭時(shí)期，通過(guò)莫奈姆瓦夏出口到西歐和北歐，因此而得名。 而現(xiàn)在的希臘，這種葡萄已經(jīng)不太普遍種植了，但在特殊的時(shí)候，人們發(fā)現(xiàn)它非常適合馬德拉島的火山斜坡。

Here are a few of the wine-producing districts favoured by Byzantine authors. Chian and Lesbian, the most honoured of all Greek wines in the Classical world, were still appreciated by travellers in Byzantine times and even under the Ottoman Empire. Writing in the sixth century AD, before the Muslim expansion, the medical writer Alexander of Tralles lists the 'heating' wines of Asia, 'lsaurian, Ascalonian, Mysian, Teruine, Gazan'. In one of the Prodromic Poems Cretan, Samian and Ganitic - from Mount Ganos in Thrace - are listed as good; Varniote, from the Black Sea port of Varna, is not so good. In other texts Euboean and Rhodian wines seem to be classed as not too far below Chian. In later Byzantine times Monembasiote appears for the first time - not a variety name, but rather the name for wines exported from Monembasia. From the mainland of Asia Minor there are Bithynian wines called Triglian and Nicaean: this is the Nicaea that served as Byzantine capital during the half-century (1204- 1261) when the Latin warriors ruled Constantinople. There is also wine from Cuzinas in the Thracesian theme in western Asia Minor. In the fourteenth century the Florentine merchant Francesco Pegolotti, in his trading manual Pratica della Mercatura, listed Triglian, Monembasiote, Cretan and Theban wines.

? ? ? ? ? 以下是拜占庭作家青睞的幾個(gè)葡萄酒產(chǎn)區(qū)。 Chian 和 Lesbian 作為古典世界所有希臘葡萄酒中最受尊崇的葡萄酒，在拜占庭時(shí)代甚至奧斯曼帝國(guó)時(shí)期仍然受到旅行者的青睞。公元6 世紀(jì)，在穆斯林?jǐn)U張之前，醫(yī)學(xué)作家亞歷山大（Alexander of Tralles）列出了亞洲的“加熱”葡萄酒，“l(fā)saurian、Ascalonian、Mysian、Teruine、Gazan”。在其中一首 Prodromic Poems Cretan、Samian 和 Ganitic——來(lái)自色雷斯的加諾斯山——被列為優(yōu)秀品質(zhì)；來(lái)自黑海港口瓦爾納的 Varniote 則不太好。在其他文本中，Euboean 和 Rhodian 葡萄酒似乎被歸類為低于 Chian 的品質(zhì)。在后來(lái)的拜占庭時(shí)代，Monembasiote 第一次出現(xiàn)——不是品種名稱，而是從 Monembasia 出口的葡萄酒的名稱。來(lái)自小亞細(xì)亞大陸的比提尼亞葡萄酒被稱為 Triglian 和 Nicaean：這是在拉丁戰(zhàn)士統(tǒng)治君士坦丁堡的半個(gè)世紀(jì)（1204-1261 年）期間，作為拜占庭首都的尼西亞。在小亞細(xì)亞西部的色雷斯西亞軍區(qū)中也有來(lái)自庫(kù)齊納斯的葡萄酒。十四世紀(jì)，佛羅倫薩商人 Francesco Pegolotti 在他的交易手冊(cè) Pratica della Mercatura 中列出了 Triglian、Monembasiote、Cretan 和 Theban 葡萄酒。

Resinated wine - retsina, in other words - was already popular. This was a flavour familiar in wine since very early times, for three reasons: because pine resin was used to waterproof the big earthenware vats in which wine was matured, and the earthenware amphorae in which it was stored; because an admixture of resin helped to stabilize wine and prevent spoilage; and because people had come to like it. But not everybody; not all foreigners and not all Byzantines liked retsina. Greek wine was 'owing to its mixing with pitch, resin and gypsum, undrinkable by us' said the supercilious Liutprand in the tenth century.

? ? ? ? ? 樹(shù)脂葡萄酒——換句話說(shuō)，retsina——在當(dāng)時(shí)已經(jīng)很流行了。這是很早以前就出現(xiàn)在葡萄酒種類中的一種酒，原因有三：松脂被用來(lái)作防水熟化葡萄酒的大陶罐和儲(chǔ)存葡萄酒的陶罐；樹(shù)脂的混合物有助于穩(wěn)定葡萄酒并防止變質(zhì)；人們開(kāi)始喜歡它的味道，但不是所有人；不是所有的外國(guó)人、或所有的拜占庭人都喜歡retsina。10世紀(jì)，目空一切的Liutprand說(shuō)，希臘葡萄酒“由于混合了瀝青、樹(shù)脂和石膏，我們無(wú)法飲用”。

Classical Greeks had believed that the only civilized way to drink wine was to mix it with water. Their usual practice was to drink it at less than half strength. Romans of the Empire had come to perceive some virtue in neat wine; but their doctors were Greek, and continued to recommend mixed wine a fa grecque to all who paid attention to medical advice. There are signs in the middle Byzantine period, at last, that the attractions of neat wine are beginning to assert themselves even to the dieticians: they permit their Byzantine readers up to three doses of neat wine on a cold winter morning (text 4 section i), and in general they seem to recommend rather stronger than half-and-half mixtures. 2 This must be the sign of a more widespread change in behaviour. In the sixteenth century, Pierre Belon, on a visit to Venetian-governed Crete, found that ancient and Byzantine customs were no longer followed.

? ? ? [The Greeks] all consider it bad to put water in their wine. Their present practice is to drink equally and by turns, especially the Cretans ... with frequent little sips of their strong malmsey ... It must be understood that the Greeks' tables are usually very low, and their custom is to drink as they sit, by turns, never getting out of sequence. If anyone asked for wine out of turn he would be considered rude. The quickest at pouring has the wine-jug and pours for all the company. The custom is to drink from a small glass without a stem, and to drink all that is poured out, not leaving a drop ... They always have the water urn at hand and drink water as well, in big mouthfuls, to restore themselves. Women never take part in their banquets, and are not present when they drink and eat in company.

? ? ? ? ?古希臘人認(rèn)為，唯一文明的飲酒方式就是將其與水混合。他們通常的做法是喝不到一半的強(qiáng)度。帝國(guó)的羅馬人開(kāi)始從純酒中看出一些美德。但他們的醫(yī)生是希臘人，他們向所有關(guān)注醫(yī)療建議的人推薦混合葡萄酒。 最終，在拜占庭中期，有跡象表明純葡萄酒的吸引力甚至對(duì)營(yíng)養(yǎng)師也顯而易見(jiàn)：他們?cè)试S人們?cè)诤涞亩赵绯孔疃嗪热齽┘兤咸丫疲ㄎ谋?4 第 i 部分） )，一般來(lái)說(shuō)，這似乎推薦的比半混合物更強(qiáng)。這一定是飲酒行為發(fā)生更廣泛變化的標(biāo)志。十六世紀(jì)，皮埃爾·貝隆在訪問(wèn)威尼斯人統(tǒng)治的克里特島時(shí)，發(fā)現(xiàn)古老的拜占庭風(fēng)俗已不再被遵循。

? ? ? ? ? [希臘人]都認(rèn)為在他們的酒中加水是不好的。他們目前的做法是平等地輪流喝酒，尤其是克里特島人……他們經(jīng)常小口啜飲濃烈的馬爾姆酒……要知道，希臘人的餐桌通常很低，他們的習(xí)慣是隨倒隨喝， 輪流坐下，永遠(yuǎn)不要亂序。 如果有人不按順序要酒，他會(huì)被認(rèn)為是粗魯?shù)娜恕?/span> 倒酒最快的是酒壺，可以為所有人倒酒。他們習(xí)慣用沒(méi)有握把的小杯子喝，倒出來(lái)的都喝，一滴也不留……他們手邊總是有水甕，喝酒的同時(shí)也喝水，恢復(fù)自己的酒力。婦女從不參加宴會(huì)，在工會(huì)喝酒和吃飯時(shí)也不在場(chǎng)。

Wine - product of the fermentation of grapes - was by far the most important of the alcoholic drinks available to Byzantine drinkers. There is a good reason for this: in regions where grapes grow to full ripeness, they produce a stronger and better-tasting alcoholic drink, more quickly and with less expenditure of human effort, than any rival raw material. For all that, wine was not the only alcoholic drink known in Constantinople. Mead, which is made by fermenting diluted honey and was a beverage of high status in contemporary northern Europe, was familiar. 'Mead has more heat and dryness than any wine,' according to a dietary text. 'It is suited to those with cold and moist temperaments and constitutions, and in cold weather and in cold climates ... Some people mix in hot spices when making mead' (see text 2 section 3). Beer, too, was well known in northern Europe, and barley and millet beer had certainly been produced in the southern Balkans, not far from ancient Byzantium, in Classical times. Was beer ever familiar in Constantinople? The answer is not clear; it depends on whether the Greek word written phouska and occasionally phoukas might mean beer. What it certainly meant originally, like Latin posca, was vinegar-and-water, the regular beverage of the classical Roman army on bad days. Thus Aetius gives, and Paul of Aegina repeats, a recipe for a 'palatable and laxative phouska' which includes cumin, fennel seed, pennyroyal, celery seed, anise, thyme, scammony and salt to be added to the basic liquid, which is explicitly called oxykraton 'vinegar diluted with water'. I So far, so unambiguous. But the Roman army had taken to drinking beer in such provinces of the barbarian north as Pannonia, Germany and Britain, and it seems possible that the word phouskal phoukas was eventually used as a collective term for all low-grade wine substitutes. This would explain why Simeon Seth says of phoukas that 'simply made it is cold and wet, but with spices it becomes hot and dry'; phoukas, to him, cannot be vinegar, because vinegar was not cold and wet in ancient humoral theory. He adds that ivory is more workable after steeping in beer. Phoukas is listed among foods that hurt the head in De Alimentis 3I.

? ? ? ? ? 葡萄酒——葡萄發(fā)酵的產(chǎn)物——是拜占庭飲酒者最重要的酒精飲品。這有一個(gè)很好的理由：在葡萄完全成熟的地區(qū)，與任何競(jìng)爭(zhēng)對(duì)手的原材料相比，它們生產(chǎn)出的酒精飲料更濃、味道更好，而且速度更快，人力消耗更少。盡管如此，葡萄酒并不是君士坦丁堡唯一已知的酒精飲品。蜂蜜酒是由稀釋的蜂蜜發(fā)酵而成的，在當(dāng)代北歐是一種地位很高的飲料，大家都很熟悉。 “蜂蜜酒比任何葡萄酒都具有更多的熱量和干燥度，”根據(jù)飲食文本， “它適合那些性情和體質(zhì)寒冷潮濕的人，在寒冷的天氣和氣候中……有些人在制作蜂蜜酒時(shí)會(huì)加入熱香料”（見(jiàn)文本 2 第 3 節(jié)）。啤酒在北歐也很有名，大麥和小米啤酒是在古典時(shí)期的巴爾干半島南部生產(chǎn)的，距離古代拜占庭不遠(yuǎn)。君士坦丁堡曾經(jīng)有過(guò)啤酒嗎？答案不明確；這取決于希臘語(yǔ)單詞 phouska 和偶爾出現(xiàn)的 phoukas可能表示啤酒。就像拉丁語(yǔ) posca 一樣，它最初的意思當(dāng)然是醋和水，這是古典羅馬軍隊(duì)在糟糕的日子里的常規(guī)飲品。因此，Aetius 給出了，埃伊納島的保羅重復(fù)的，一個(gè)“可口和通便的 phouska”的配方，其中包括小茴香、茴香籽、茴香、芹菜籽、茴香、百里香、scammony 和鹽添加到基本液體中，這是明確的將oxykraton稱為“用水稀釋的醋”。我到目前為止，也是如此明確這種說(shuō)法。但是羅馬軍隊(duì)已經(jīng)開(kāi)始在北野蠻人的潘諾尼亞、德國(guó)和英國(guó)等省份喝啤酒，而且 phouskal phoukas 這個(gè)詞似乎最終被用作所有低檔葡萄酒替代品的統(tǒng)稱。這可以解釋為什么 Simeon Seth 說(shuō) phoukas “只是讓它變得又冷又濕，但是用香料使它變得又熱又干”；對(duì)他來(lái)說(shuō)，phoukas 不可能是醋，因?yàn)樵诠糯w液理論中醋不是冷和濕的。他補(bǔ)充說(shuō)，在啤酒中浸泡后，象牙更容易使用。在 De Alimentis 3I 中，Phoukas 被列為會(huì)危害思考的飲品之一。

For all who could afford it, wine remained an everyday necessity as well as a luxury. Byzantine diplomats, when travelling in the savage north, immediately notice its absence. Those on a sixth-century embassy to the Turks of the Altai mountains reported that 'they drank wine, but not a wine pressed from the grape as ours is, because the grape vine is not native to that country and will not grow there. Some different, barbarous juice was served to them instead' (Menander Protector, History Io.3 Blockley), and it was probably kumiss, fermented mare's milk.)

? ? ? ? ? 對(duì)于所有買得起的人來(lái)說(shuō)，葡萄酒仍然是日常必需品和奢侈品。 拜占庭外交官在野蠻的北方旅行時(shí)會(huì)立即注意到它的缺乏。 六世紀(jì)駐阿爾泰山土耳其人大使館的人報(bào)告說(shuō)，“他們喝葡萄酒，但不像我們的葡萄那樣用葡萄壓榨而成的酒，因?yàn)槠咸烟俨皇悄莻€(gè)國(guó)家的本地物，也不會(huì)在那里生長(zhǎng)。 取而代之的是一些不同的野蠻果汁”（Menander Protector，History Io.3 Blockley），可能是 kumiss，發(fā)酵的馬奶。）

Whatever range of drinks the term phouska included, these drinks were for sale at Constantinople at drinking shops called phouskaria and were prepared and dispensed by barmen called phouskarioi. But in the Byzantine Empire, as in Imperial Rome and its provinces, few inns can claim a respectable position in literature. For Constantinople we have an epigram of the fifth century with a convincing picture of the City's amusements: 'the Zeuxippus', mentioned here, was a gymnasium and bath, or, in modern jargon, a sports centre.

? ? ? On a hostelry between the Zeuxippus and the Hippodrome. On the one side I have close by me the Zeuxippus, a pleasant bath, and on the other the race-course. After seeing the races at the latter and taking a bath in the former, come and rest at my hospitable table. Then in the afternoon you will be in plenty of time for the other races, reaching the course from your room quite near at hand.

? ? ? ? ? 無(wú)論 phouska 一詞包括什么范圍的飲料，這些飲料都在君士坦丁堡名為 phouskaria 的飲料店出售，由名為 phouskarioi 的酒保準(zhǔn)備和分配。 但在拜占庭帝國(guó)，就像在羅馬帝國(guó)及其各省一樣，很少有旅館能在文學(xué)中享有可敬的地位。 對(duì)于君士坦丁堡，我們有一個(gè) 5 世紀(jì)的警句，帶有令人信服的城市娛樂(lè)畫(huà)面：這里提到的“宙克西普斯”是一個(gè)體育館和浴室，或者用現(xiàn)代術(shù)語(yǔ)來(lái)說(shuō)，是一個(gè)體育中心。

? ? ? ? ? 在 Zeuxippus 和 Hippodrome 之間的旅館。 一方面，我附近有 Zeuxippus，一個(gè)令人愉快的沐浴，另一方面是賽馬場(chǎng)。 在后者看過(guò)比賽并在前者洗過(guò)澡后，來(lái)我熱情好客的餐桌上休息。 然后在下午，您將有充裕的時(shí)間參加其他比賽，從您近在咫尺的房間到達(dá)賽道。

It is not by chance that the poet celebrates the attractions of his chosen tavern at midday, at siesta time. In the late evening, if the ninth century rule already applied, that tavern would have been closed

? ? ? Innkeepers must not open their taverns or sell wine or foodstuffs before 8 o'clock on the mornings of great feasts or Sundays. They must close them by 8 p.m. and put out every fire, because, if the customers of these inns had the right of access to them at night as well as through the day, the result might be that under the influence of drink they would be able to indulge in violence and rioting with impunity.

? ? ? ? ? 詩(shī)人在午睡時(shí)間慶祝他選擇的小酒館的魅力絕非偶然。 傍晚時(shí)分，如果九世紀(jì)的規(guī)則已經(jīng)適用，那小酒館早就關(guān)門(mén)了

? ? ? ? ? 在盛宴或周日的早晨 8 點(diǎn)之前，旅館老板不得開(kāi)小酒館或出售葡萄酒或食品。 他們必須在晚上 8 點(diǎn)之前關(guān)閉它們。 把所有的火都撲滅，因?yàn)槿绻@些客棧的顧客在晚上和白天都有權(quán)進(jìn)入他們，結(jié)果可能是他們?cè)陲嬀频挠绊懴履軌虺撩杂诒┝万}亂、逍遙法外。

The same regulation tells us that the price of wine at taverns was fixed centrally by reference to the current market price of wine; also that wine must be served in standard measures, officially stamped. The phouskaria were certainly separate businesses, as they were also in Ottoman times; it is not clear whether they were bound by this regulation.

? ? ? ? ? 同樣的規(guī)定告訴我們，小酒館的葡萄酒價(jià)格是參照當(dāng)前的葡萄酒市場(chǎng)價(jià)格集中確定的； 此外，葡萄酒必須以標(biāo)準(zhǔn)尺寸供應(yīng)，并加蓋官方印章。 phouskaria 肯定是獨(dú)立的企業(yè)，就像在奧斯曼帝國(guó)時(shí)期一樣。 目前尚不清楚他們是否受該條例的約束。

Aegean wines were exported westwards in some quantity in the Middle Ages. Cretan malmsey, like earlier Greek wines intended for long-distance export, was specially treated. Belon's description of this practice shows that the solera method of blending sherry, and the 'cooking' undergone by French fortified wines such as Banyuls and Maury, may both be traceable to medieval Greece.

? ? ? The wine we call malmsey is only made in Crete, and we are able to assert that what travels furthest, to Germany, France and England, has first been cooked, for the ships that come to Crete to carry it abroad insist on loading that of Rethymo. This is well known to keep its quality for a long time, and the more it travels the better it is. In the town of Rethymo there are big cauldrons all along the harbour side, which they use to boil their wines each vintage. We do not say that all malmseys are boiled. Those of the town and district of Candia, which are only exported as far as Italy and are not expected to turn sour, are not boiled. Bur, refreshing their wines annually, they correct the old with the new and reinforce the new with the old ... Crete also produces very good muscat ... There is muscat and malmsey of two kinds, one sweet, one not sweet ... but the latter is not exported, because it is not cooked as the sweet is, and does not keep so long.

? ? ? ? ? 有一定數(shù)量的愛(ài)琴海葡萄酒在中世紀(jì)向西出口?？死锾貚u的馬爾姆西葡萄酒，就像早期用于長(zhǎng)途出口的希臘葡萄酒一樣，都經(jīng)過(guò)特殊處理。貝隆對(duì)這種做法的描述表明，混合雪利酒的索萊拉方法，以及巴紐爾和莫里等法國(guó)強(qiáng)化葡萄酒所經(jīng)歷的“烹飪”，都可以追溯到中世紀(jì)的希臘。

? ? ? ? ? 我們認(rèn)為馬爾姆西的酒只產(chǎn)于克里特島，我們可以斷言，最遠(yuǎn)到達(dá)德國(guó)、法國(guó)和英國(guó)的酒，首先是煮熟的，因?yàn)閬?lái)克里特島運(yùn)送它出國(guó)的船只堅(jiān)持要裝載羅西莫。 眾所周知，它可以長(zhǎng)時(shí)間保持其質(zhì)量，并且行駛得越多越好。 在 Rethymo 鎮(zhèn)，海港邊都有大鍋，每個(gè)年份都用它來(lái)煮酒。 我們并不是說(shuō)所有的馬爾姆塞都是煮熟的。 坎迪亞鎮(zhèn)和區(qū)的那些，只出口到意大利，預(yù)計(jì)不會(huì)變酸，則不煮。 布爾，每年更新他們的葡萄酒，他們用新的更換舊的，用舊的融合新的......克里特島也生產(chǎn)非常好的馬斯喀特......有兩種馬斯喀特和馬爾姆西，一種甜，一種不甜.. ..但后者不出口，因?yàn)樗幌裉鸬哪菢又笫?，也不?huì)保存那么久。

未完待續(xù)！