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奧斯曼·賓·阿凡、阿里和分裂的苗頭

? ? ? ? ? 先知的女婿奧斯曼·賓·阿凡（644-656年）接替歐瑪爾成為伊斯蘭國(guó)家的哈里發(fā)。在其統(tǒng)治期間，伊斯蘭勢(shì)力的統(tǒng)治范圍擴(kuò)大到北非、塞浦路斯和高加索地區(qū)。最重要的是，奧斯曼成立了一個(gè)委員會(huì)，以確定《古蘭經(jīng)》的經(jīng)典版本和誦讀規(guī)范。這個(gè)版本迅速遍及伊斯蘭世界，奧斯曼下令銷毀不同的版本。他確保全球的穆斯林將使用相同的神圣文本，這一過(guò)程類似于基督教法學(xué)博士在第三和第四世紀(jì)對(duì)圣經(jīng)的修正。 ?

The Prophet’s son-in-law, Uthman ibn Affan (r. 644–656), succeeded Umar as caliph of the Islamic state. During his reign Islamic rule spread into North Africa, Cyprus, and the Caucasus. Most significantly, it was Uthman who formed a committee to fix the canonical version of the Quran and the norms of its recitation. This version was dispatched around the Islamic world, and Uthman ordered variant versions to be destroyed. Uthman ensured that Muslims globally would use the same sacred text in a process analogous to the fixing of the Bible by Christian doctors of the law in the third and fourth centuries.

? ? ? ? ? 奧斯曼是一位富有的麥加商人，屬于古萊什部落的倭馬亞分支。他被選為哈里發(fā)，是因?yàn)樗尿\(chéng)，作為先知的第一批弟子之一，他與先知關(guān)系密切，而且富有。然而，作為麥加貴族的一員，他的遺產(chǎn)和行為方式引發(fā)了嚴(yán)重的不和。有人指責(zé)他搞裙帶關(guān)系。其他人則指責(zé)他違反了哈里發(fā)歐瑪爾的堅(jiān)持，即所有被征服的土地都屬于新的伊斯蘭國(guó)家，而不是個(gè)別阿拉伯地主。奧斯曼于656年被暗殺，由穆罕默德的表弟和女婿阿里·賓·阿比·塔利卜（656-661）繼任，他曾與先知的女兒法蒂瑪結(jié)婚。奧斯曼的謀殺案沒(méi)有得到報(bào)復(fù)，因此阿里面臨著來(lái)自家族報(bào)復(fù)性攻擊的巨大風(fēng)險(xiǎn)。

Uthman was a wealthy Meccan merchant belonging to the Umayyad branch of the Quraysh tribe. He was elected to the caliphate for his piety, closeness to the Prophet as one of his first disciples, and wealth. Yet as a member of the aristocracy of Mecca, he had a heritage and acted in ways that stimulated grave discord. Some accused him of nepotism. Others accused him of violating Caliph Umar’s insistence that all conquered land belong to the new Islamic state rather than to individual Arab landowners. Uthman was assassinated in 656 and succeeded by Ali ibn Abi Talib (r. 656–661), Muhammad’s cousin and son-in-law, who had married the Prophet’s daughter, Fatima. The murder of Uthman had not been avenged, and therefore Ali was at considerable risk of revenge attacks from the family.

? ? ? ? ? 阿里是穆罕默德家族中最早接受伊斯蘭教的成員之一，也是伊斯蘭教最忠實(shí)的支持者之一。作為一名出色且勇敢的士兵，阿里在所有早期的伊斯蘭教戰(zhàn)斗中表現(xiàn)突出。關(guān)于阿里的劍Zulfiqar的伊斯蘭民間傳說(shuō)，可以比作亞瑟王關(guān)于神劍的傳說(shuō)。阿里因其虔誠(chéng)、禁欲主義以及對(duì)《古蘭經(jīng)》的完美認(rèn)識(shí)和理解而受到贊譽(yù)，并被認(rèn)為是信士的典范——圣行的忠實(shí)、專業(yè)解釋者（被稱為“真主的雄獅”）。

Ali had been one of the first members of Muhammad’s family to accept Islam and was among his most faithful supporters. A brilliant and brave soldier, Ali distinguished himself in all the early Islamic battles. Islamic popular legends about Ali’s sword, Zulfiqar, may be likened to the Arthurian legends about Excalibur. Ali was exalted for his piety, asceticism, and perfect knowledge and understanding of the Quran and was considered a faithful, expert interpreter of the correct customs of the Prophet, the Sunna.

? ? ? ? ? 阿里只是不情愿地接受了哈里發(fā)，因?yàn)樗麚?dān)心被懷疑從奧斯曼的死亡中謀取利益。然而，當(dāng)他拒絕審判殺害奧斯曼的兇手時(shí)，奧斯曼的侄子、敘利亞總督穆阿維亞·本·阿布·蘇富揚(yáng)（602-680）起兵反對(duì)他。他的叛亂得到了穆罕默德的妻子，即第一任哈里發(fā)阿布·巴克爾的女兒阿伊莎的支持。阿里的支持者和穆阿維亞的游擊隊(duì)之間爆發(fā)了內(nèi)戰(zhàn)。阿里于661年在庫(kù)法被暗殺，從而使他成為前四任哈里發(fā)中第三個(gè)死于刺客之手的人。領(lǐng)導(dǎo)權(quán)傳給了穆阿維亞。阿里遇刺導(dǎo)致了遜尼派和什葉派之間的分裂。

Ali only reluctantly accepted the caliphate, fearing suspicion of seeking to benefit from the death of Uthman. However, when he refused to try the murderers of Uthman, Uthman’s nephew Muawiyya ibn Abi Sufyan (602–680), a governor of Syria, rose up against him. His rebellion was supported by Muhammad’s wife, Aisha, daughter of the first caliph, Abu Bakr. Civil war broke out between Ali’s supporters and the partisans of Muawiyya. Ali was assassinated in 661 at Kufa, thereby making him the third of the first four caliphs to die by assassins’ hands. Leadership passed to Muawiyya. Ali’s assassination led to a schism between Sunnis and Shiites.

遜尼派和什葉派

? ? ? ? ? 遜尼（Sunnis）源于圣所（圣訓(xùn)），即正宗的正統(tǒng)方式，承認(rèn)穆阿維亞以及前四個(gè)哈里發(fā)的合法性，他們稱之為“被正確引導(dǎo)的人”，他們的權(quán)威來(lái)自于從阿布·巴克爾當(dāng)選時(shí)建立的社區(qū)共識(shí)原則。

The Sunnis, derived from Sunna, the proper orthodox way, recognized the legitimacy of Muawiyya as well as the first four caliphs, whom they called “the rightly guided ones,” whose authority was derived from the principle of the consensus of the community established from the time of the election of Abu Bakr.

? ? ? ? ? 反對(duì)遜尼派的是什葉派，他們是阿里的黨派，來(lái)自阿拉伯語(yǔ)的Shiat Ali，即阿里黨，他們否認(rèn)之前三個(gè)哈里發(fā)的合法性，并認(rèn)為穆罕默德在一次事件中提名阿里繼任伊斯蘭社會(huì)的領(lǐng)袖，而遜尼派和什葉派對(duì)該事件的解釋存在爭(zhēng)議。阿里的黨派認(rèn)為，哈里發(fā)應(yīng)該保持在先知家族的直系血統(tǒng)中。

Against the Sunnis were the Shiites, who were the partisans of Ali, from the Arabic Shiat Ali, the party of Ali, who denied the legitimacy of the three preceding caliphs and believed that Muhammad had nominated Ali to succeed him as head of the Islamic community during an event whose interpretation is disputed among Sunnis and Shiites. Ali’s partisans believed that the caliphate should remain in the direct line of descent of the Prophet’s family.

? ? ? ? ? 這種分裂的政治和神學(xué)層面可與導(dǎo)致天主教和東正教之間大分裂的因素相媲美。遜尼派認(rèn)為哈里發(fā)是先知的代言人和法律的捍衛(wèi)者，是社區(qū)的世俗領(lǐng)袖。確定宗教正統(tǒng)性以及界定和裁決宗教法律事務(wù)的權(quán)力屬于烏里瑪（學(xué)者），他們?cè)谘芯亢徒忉尅豆盘m經(jīng)》以及根據(jù)經(jīng)文、先知的圣訓(xùn)和社區(qū)的共識(shí)（稱為ijma）解釋法律方面受過(guò)專門訓(xùn)練。另一方面，什葉派不承認(rèn)對(duì)《古蘭經(jīng)》或法律的任何共識(shí)解釋。它相信伊瑪目（直譯為教長(zhǎng)，即領(lǐng)袖）在傳授教義方面有卓越的權(quán)威，它認(rèn)為穆罕默德指定阿里為教義的解釋者。阿里又指定了自己的繼承人，每個(gè)人都會(huì)在漫長(zhǎng)的繼承過(guò)程中指定一個(gè)神圣的接受者。什葉派認(rèn)為這條繼承線繼承了先知的神賜魅力。

The political and theological dimensions of this division were comparable to those that gave rise to the Great Schism between the Catholic and Orthodox Churches. The Sunnis viewed the caliphs as the vicars of the Prophet and defenders of the law. The caliph was the temporal leader of the community. Authority to determine religious orthodoxy and define and adjudicate matters of religious law was invested in the ulema (scholars), who were specially trained in the study and interpretation of the Quran and in the interpretation of the law based on scripture, the Sunna of the Prophet, and the consensus of the community, called ijma. Shiism, on the other hand, did not recognize any consensus interpretation of the Quran or the law. It believed in preeminent authority of the imam, the leader, for imparting lessons, and it held that Muhammad had named Ali as the interpreter of doctrine. Ali, in turn, was to name his own successor, and each would name a holy recipient in a long line of succession. This line of succession was thought to have inherited the divinely endowed charisma of the Prophet.

? ? ? ? ? 遜尼派認(rèn)為這種繼承是褻瀆神明的。在阿里和穆阿維亞之間的沖突中，出現(xiàn)了第三個(gè)團(tuán)體，被稱為“哈瓦利及派”，意思是“出去的人”。之所以這樣稱呼他們，是因?yàn)?58年，在阿里和穆阿維亞就誰(shuí)應(yīng)該繼承哈里發(fā)的問(wèn)題進(jìn)行仲裁時(shí)，哈瓦利及派退出了對(duì)阿里或穆阿維亞的支持，聲稱此事應(yīng)該由真主來(lái)決定，他將決定爭(zhēng)執(zhí)的結(jié)果。哈瓦利及派嚴(yán)格遵守《古蘭經(jīng)》，否認(rèn)古萊什部落有任何特殊權(quán)利，并主張哈里發(fā)可以是任何穆斯林，不分種族或部落歸屬，只要他有必要的才能和素質(zhì)，特別是純潔性，使他成為所有穆斯林中最優(yōu)秀的人。

Sunnis considered such succession blasphemy. During the conflict between Ali and Muawiyya a third group emerged and came to be known as the Kharijites, meaning “those who go out.” They were so called because in 658, during the arbitrations between Ali and Muawiyya over who should inherit the caliphate, the Kharijites withdrew their support from Ali and Muawiyya, claiming that the matter should be decided by God alone, who would determine the outcome of the battle. Their strict conformity to the Quran denied that the Quraysh tribe had any special rights and asserted that the caliph could be any Muslim, irrespective of race or tribal affiliation, so long as he had the necessary talent and qualities, especially the purity, to make him the finest of all Muslims.

? ? ? ? ? 先知穆罕默德家族的各個(gè)分支都吵著要統(tǒng)治權(quán)，但最終穆阿維亞和倭馬亞家族在伊斯蘭教的多數(shù)意見(jiàn)中占上風(fēng)。什葉派認(rèn)為阿里和他的后代是社會(huì)的合法統(tǒng)治者（伊瑪目），他們并沒(méi)有放棄自己的信念，認(rèn)為自己是合法的繼承人。他們還宣稱，阿里從穆罕默德那里得到了一種特殊的知識(shí)和靈性，使他對(duì)《古蘭經(jīng)》有一種獨(dú)特的、深?yuàn)W的理解。680年，阿里的次子侯賽因·本·阿里與一群親屬一起來(lái)到伊拉克，在庫(kù)法附近集結(jié)軍隊(duì)，以打擊穆阿維亞的兒子耶齊德的軍隊(duì)。侯賽因和他的追隨者在卡爾巴拉的戰(zhàn)斗中被殺。這一事件發(fā)生在穆哈蘭姆月的前十天，當(dāng)時(shí)許多穆斯林模仿先知的習(xí)俗，自愿舉行阿舒拉節(jié)齋戒。對(duì)什葉派來(lái)說(shuō)，阿舒拉節(jié)被轉(zhuǎn)化為一個(gè)巨大的哀悼日，是對(duì)侯賽因“受難”的儀式性紀(jì)念，類似于基督教圣周（受難周）期間對(duì)基督受難的紀(jì)念。

Various branches of the prophet Muhammad’s family clamored to rule, but in the end Muawiyya and the Umayyads would prevail in the majority opinion of Islam. The Shiites, who regarded Ali and his descendants as the legitimate rulers (imams) of the community, did not relinquish their conviction that they were the rightful heirs. They had also promulgated the idea that Ali had received from Muhammad a special knowledge and spirituality that gave him a unique, esoteric understanding of the Quran. In the year 680 Ali’s second son, Husayn ibn Ali, along with a group of kinsmen moved to Iraq to gather an army near Kufa to combat the forces of Muawiyya’s son, Yazid. Husayn and his followers were killed in the battle at Karbala. The event occurred sometime during the first 10 days of the month of Muharram, when many Muslims observed the voluntary fast of Ashura in imitation of the Prophet’s custom. For Shiites the feast of Ashura would be converted into a day of great mourning, a ritual celebration of the “passion” of Husayn similar to the commemoration of Christ’s crucifixion during Holy Week.

倭馬亞王朝哈里發(fā)

? ? ? ? ? 盡管繼承的沖突導(dǎo)致四位第一任哈里發(fā)中的三位暴斃，但穆斯林認(rèn)為阿布·巴克爾、歐瑪爾、奧斯曼和阿里是“受到正確引導(dǎo)的哈里發(fā)”，即Khulafa' al-rashidun，因?yàn)樗麄冏鳛橄戎钣H密的伙伴，與先知關(guān)系密切，他們被選舉的過(guò)程是協(xié)商一致的，他們的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)是平等的，而不是君主的平等性質(zhì)。這種傳統(tǒng)的部落領(lǐng)導(dǎo)模式在大約661年至680年的穆阿維亞統(tǒng)治時(shí)期被打破。穆阿維亞是倭馬亞哈里發(fā)中第一個(gè)幾乎是世襲的哈里發(fā)。他選擇了他的兒子耶齊德繼任，并說(shuō)服了選舉哈里發(fā)的議會(huì)承認(rèn)他兒子為統(tǒng)治者。這種新的哈里發(fā)繼承模式實(shí)際上將哈里發(fā)變成了一個(gè)君主制國(guó)家。倭馬亞王朝從661年持續(xù)到750年，直到被阿撥斯王朝推翻，后倭馬亞王朝（科爾多瓦哈里發(fā)國(guó)）在西班牙從711年持續(xù)到1031年（一說(shuō)是756年至1031年）。

Despite the conflict of succession that resulted in the violent death of three of the four first caliphs, Muslims regard Abu Bakr, Umar, Uthman, and Ali as “the rightly guided caliphs,” or Khulafa’ al-rashidun, by virtue of their proximity to the Prophet as his closest companions, the consensual process by which they were elected, and the egalitarian nature of their leadership as a first among equals rather than as monarchs. This model of traditional tribal leadership broke down during the reign of Muawiyya, who ruled from about 661 to 680. Muawiyya was the first of a virtually hereditary line of Umayyad caliphs. He selected his son, Yazid, to succeed him and convinced the council of men who elected the caliph to recognize his son as ruler. This new model of caliphal succession virtually transformed the caliphate into a monarchy. The Umayyad dynasty lasted from 661 to 750 until their overthrow by the Abbasids and from 711 to 1031 in Spain.

? ? ? ? ? 作為與以往傳統(tǒng)決裂的標(biāo)志，穆阿維亞將首都遷至敘利亞的大馬士革。那座城市位于一個(gè)物產(chǎn)豐富的地域，可以讓宮廷、政府和軍隊(duì)衣食無(wú)憂。大馬士革也是一個(gè)方便的城市，可以控制東地中海的海岸線和東邊的土地。在戰(zhàn)略上，大馬士革當(dāng)然優(yōu)于麥地那，哈里發(fā)從它的基地向北非擴(kuò)張，稱為馬格里布（“遠(yuǎn)西”）。第一個(gè)重要的馬格里布地區(qū)城市是拜占庭非洲省的凱魯萬(wàn)，位于現(xiàn)代突尼斯。伊斯蘭的軍隊(duì)向西移動(dòng)，在七世紀(jì)末到達(dá)摩洛哥的大西洋海岸。然后，他們從703-704年開(kāi)始進(jìn)入西班牙，表面上是為了干預(yù)西哥特統(tǒng)治者之間的內(nèi)戰(zhàn)，并在716年前征服伊比利亞半島的大部分地區(qū)。在另一個(gè)方向上，倭馬亞王朝越過(guò)胡拉山，最遠(yuǎn)到達(dá)了奧克蘇斯河谷（阿姆河谷，歷史上以其拉丁名稱Oxus或希臘語(yǔ) ?ξο? 為人所知）和印度西北部。

As a sign of his break with the previous tradition, Muawiyya moved the capital to Damascus, Syria. That city was situated in a country of abundance and surplus that could feed and clothe a court, government, and army. Damascus also was a convenient city for controlling the eastern Mediterranean coastlands and the land to the east of them. Strategically, Damascus certainly was superior to Medina, and from its base the caliphate expanded across North Africa, called the Maghrib (“the Far West”). The first important Maghribi city was Qayrawan, in the Byzantine province of Africa, in modern Tunisia. The armies of Islam moved westward, reaching the Atlantic coast of Morocco by the end of the seventh century. Then they crossed into Spain, beginning in 703–704, ostensibly to intervene in the civil war between the Visigoth rulers, and would conquer most of the Iberian Peninsula by 716. In the other direction the Umayyads moved beyond Khurasan, reaching as far as the Oxus Valley and northwestern India.

? ? ? ? ? 倭馬亞王朝的這個(gè)新帝國(guó)需要一種新的政府風(fēng)格。阿拉伯地區(qū)的居民已經(jīng)習(xí)慣了平等的部落統(tǒng)治形式。穆罕默德和“被正確引導(dǎo)”的哈里發(fā)們沒(méi)有以任何明顯的方式將自己與他們的臣民區(qū)分開(kāi)來(lái)，他們的生活謙遜而樸實(shí)。以前拜占庭和薩珊帝國(guó)的臣民習(xí)慣于一種不同的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)模式，在這種模式下，領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者是全能的、距離民眾遙遠(yuǎn)的，官員們沉浸在令人眼花繚亂的宮廷儀式和典禮中。倭馬亞統(tǒng)治者模仿了拜占庭帝國(guó)和波斯王權(quán)的宮廷模式。他們建造了富麗堂皇的宮殿，用宮廷圖案進(jìn)行裝飾，這些圖案在羅馬藝術(shù)中找到了明顯的先例。倭馬亞王朝開(kāi)創(chuàng)了一種典型的宮廷與君主文化，其中統(tǒng)治者是藝術(shù)和建筑的主顧。

This new empire of the Umayyads required a new style of government. The inhabitants of Arabia had been accustomed to a form of egalitarian tribal rule. Muhammad and the rightly guided caliphs did not distinguish themselves in any visible way from their subjects and lived modestly and unpretentiously. The former subjects of the Byzantine and Sassanid Empires were accustomed to a different model of leadership in which the leader was all-powerful and distant, enmeshed in dazzling court ritual and ceremonial. The Umayyad rulers imitated the courtly customs of the Byzantine Empire and the Persian kingship. They built magnificent palaces richly decorated with courtly motifs that find their obvious precedents in Roman art. The Umayyads inaugurated a courtly and monarchical culture in which the ruler was the patron of the arts and architecture.

? ? ? ? ? 他們建造了令人自豪的清真寺，作為伊斯蘭教輝煌和統(tǒng)治的明顯標(biāo)志。他們從拜占庭人那里獲得靈感，改造了財(cái)政和行政系統(tǒng)。他們還按照拜占庭和薩珊的模式改革軍隊(duì)。早期作為圣戰(zhàn)戰(zhàn)士的自愿性和無(wú)償性軍隊(duì)被定期帶薪部隊(duì)所取代。與軍隊(duì)隊(duì)長(zhǎng)和部落首領(lǐng)有關(guān)的新統(tǒng)治者取代了曾經(jīng)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)伊斯蘭政治的麥加和麥地那的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)家族。伊拉克的城市被忠于大馬士革哈里發(fā)的地方長(zhǎng)官所控制。

They built proud mosques as a visible sign of the splendor and rule of Islam. They drew their inspiration from the Byzantines in remodeling the fiscal and administrative systems. They also reformed the army along Byzantine and Sassanian models. Early voluntary and unpaid armies that had worked as holy warriors on jihad were replaced by regularly paid forces. New rulers associated with army captains and tribal chiefs replaced the leading families of Mecca and Medina that had led Islamic politics. Cities of Iraq were controlled by local governors loyal to the caliphs in Damascus.

? ? ? ? ? 在倭馬亞王朝時(shí)期，阿拉伯語(yǔ)成為這個(gè)龐大帝國(guó)的普遍統(tǒng)一語(yǔ)言。阿拉伯語(yǔ)作為新的伊斯蘭教義揭示語(yǔ)言，也成為商業(yè)和管理的常用語(yǔ)言。在阿卜杜勒-麥立克·本·麥爾萬(wàn)·本·赫凱姆（685-705年）的哈里發(fā)時(shí)期，阿拉伯文字也被印在新的硬幣上。金錢象征著權(quán)力，并體現(xiàn)了民族特性。新貨幣自豪地用阿拉伯語(yǔ)宣稱真主的唯一性和真主使者穆罕默德的真理。與羅馬人所征服的新省份的拉丁化驚人地相似，阿拉伯語(yǔ)是權(quán)力和精英文化的語(yǔ)言。整個(gè)伊斯蘭國(guó)家的皈依者和穆斯林采用阿拉伯語(yǔ)，并使之成為他們自己的語(yǔ)言，在詩(shī)歌、散文、歷史和其他體裁的創(chuàng)作中與阿拉伯人競(jìng)爭(zhēng)。

Under the Umayyads the Arabic language became the universal unifier in the vast empire. Arabic, the language in which the new Islamic doctrine had been revealed, also became the language of commerce and administration. During the caliphate of Abd al-Malik (r. 685– 705), Arabic was also printed on new coinage. Money symbolized power and exemplified national identity. New coins proudly proclaimed in Arabic the oneness of God and the truth of his messenger, Muhammad. In a way strikingly parallel to the Latinization of the new provinces conquered by the Romans, Arabic was the language of power and elite culture. Converts and dhimmis throughout the Islamic lands adopted Arabic and made it their own, competing with the Arabs in the composition of poetry, prose, historical, and other genres.

? ? ? ? ? 雖然倭馬亞王朝在大多數(shù)情況下是由高效的統(tǒng)治者來(lái)管理，但倭馬亞王朝宮廷文化的富麗堂皇和世俗裝飾開(kāi)始讓許多穆斯林感到不滿，他們渴望回到更虔誠(chéng)的傳統(tǒng)生活方式和統(tǒng)治模式。當(dāng)哈里發(fā)希沙姆一世在743年去世時(shí)，哈瓦利及派、阿里派和其他派別紛紛反叛。阿拔斯派是先知穆罕默德的叔叔阿拔斯的后裔，他們?cè)谝粓?chǎng)血腥的政變中奪取了權(quán)力，謀殺了倭馬亞家族的所有成員。一位倭馬亞王子設(shè)法逃脫了屠殺，逃到了西班牙。

Although the Umayyads were for the most part efficient and effective rulers, the opulence and secular trappings of Umayyad court culture began to disaffect many Muslims, who yearned for a return to a more pietistic traditional lifestyle and model of rulership. When Caliph Hisham died in 743 the Kharijites, Alids, and other factions rebelled. The Abbasids, a branch of the prophet Muhammad’s family descended from his uncle, Abbas, seized power in a bloody coup, murdering all the members of the Umayyad family. One Umayyad prince managed to escape the slaughter and fled to Spain.

西班牙的倭馬亞王朝(755-1031)

? ? ? ? ? 在倭馬亞哈里發(fā)時(shí)期，隨著伊斯蘭統(tǒng)治的擴(kuò)張，新征服的領(lǐng)土由倭馬亞王子（埃米爾，Emir 有時(shí)音譯為amir、 amier 或 ameer）在當(dāng)?shù)剡M(jìn)行管理，其統(tǒng)治被稱為酋長(zhǎng)國(guó)，受大馬士革哈里發(fā)管轄。這就是倭馬亞王朝統(tǒng)治西班牙的情況，直到阿拔斯家族上臺(tái)。當(dāng)幸存的倭馬亞王子阿卜杜拉赫曼一世（756-788）到達(dá)西班牙時(shí)，他宣布酋長(zhǎng)國(guó)獨(dú)立于阿拔斯王朝，并在科爾多瓦建都。為了鞏固在埃及和馬格里布新成立的法蒂瑪哈里發(fā)（910-1171）的地位，阿卜杜拉赫曼三世（912-961年）于929年宣布自己為倭馬亞王朝的安達(dá)魯斯（穆斯林在中世紀(jì)對(duì)伊比利亞半島的稱呼）哈里發(fā)。

As the expansion of Islamic rule progressed during the Umayyad caliphate, newly conquered territories were governed locally by Umayyad princes (amirs), whose rulership, called an emirate, was subject to the caliph at Damascus. This was the situation in which the Umayyads ruled Spain until the Abbasids rose to power. When the surviving Umayyad prince Abd al-Rahman I (r. 756–788) arrived in Spain, he declared the emirate independent of the Abbasids and established its capital at Córdoba. In a bid to strengthen his position vis-à-vis the newly formed Fatimid caliphate established in Egypt and the Maghrib (910–1171), Abd alRahman III (r. 912–961) declared the Umayyad caliphate of al-Andalus in 929.

? ? ? ? ? 倭馬亞王朝將宮廷文化提升到了新的高度，在對(duì)世俗和宗教科學(xué)以及藝術(shù)的資助方面，模仿了其競(jìng)爭(zhēng)對(duì)手阿撥斯王朝的巴格達(dá)，因此，在哈里發(fā)阿卜杜拉赫曼三世時(shí)代，世人稱贊科爾多瓦是“世界的裝飾品”。阿卜杜拉赫曼三世的繼任者哈克汗二世（Al-Hakam II ，961-976年）在科爾多瓦建造了宏偉的圖書館，據(jù)說(shuō)收藏了超過(guò)40萬(wàn)冊(cè)阿拉伯-伊斯蘭宗教、文學(xué)和世俗科學(xué)文獻(xiàn)以及海量希臘科學(xué)文獻(xiàn)，并組織了一個(gè)由穆斯林、猶太和基督教學(xué)者組成的聯(lián)合委員會(huì)，將希臘文獻(xiàn)翻譯成阿拉伯語(yǔ)。哲學(xué)家伊本·魯世德（1198年）等名人都曾在這個(gè)圖書館的大廳里留下足跡?？茽柖嗤咔蹰L(zhǎng)國(guó)非常富有，他們從整個(gè)非洲、地中海、歐洲、中東和亞洲的利潤(rùn)豐厚的貿(mào)易中獲取利潤(rùn)。安達(dá)盧西亞的蠶絲、紙張、奢侈品和農(nóng)產(chǎn)品讓基督教西班牙和西歐求知若渴。

Contemporaries of Caliph Abd al-Rahman III lauded Córdoba as the “ornament of the world,” for the Umayyads had raised the culture of the court to new heights of splendor, imitating its rival, Abbasid Baghdad, in the patronage of the secular and religious sciences and the arts. Abd al-Rahman III’s successor, alHakam II (961–976), built the magnificent library at Córdoba, housing reputedly over 400,000 volumes containing Arabo-Islamic religious, literary, and secular scientific texts as well as all the Greek sciences, and organized a joint committee of polyglot Muslim, Jewish, and Christian scholars to translate Greek texts into Arabic. The halls of this library would later be graced by luminaries such as the philosopher Ibn Rushd (d. 1198). The Emirate of Córdoba was immensely wealthy, drawing income from lucrative trade throughout Africa, the Mediterranean, Europe, the Middle East, and Asia. Andalusian manufacturers of silk, paper, luxury items, and agricultural products were the envy of Christian Spain and western Europe.

? ? ? ? ? 科爾多瓦倭馬亞王朝對(duì)卡斯蒂利亞、萊昂、納瓦拉等基督教王國(guó)和加洛林王朝的西班牙邊疆區(qū)進(jìn)行了戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。科爾多瓦強(qiáng)大的哈吉卜（大宰相，阿拉伯語(yǔ)：??????）阿布·埃米爾·曼蘇爾，通常以他的尊稱al-Mansur bi amri Allah（“因真主的恩典而勝利的人”）（卒于1002年）而聞名，他在985年摧毀了圣地亞哥-德孔波斯特拉，只放過(guò)了圣詹姆斯的神殿，穆斯林把它比作麥加的克爾白(Kaaba，又稱愷阿白、天堂禮拜寺、卡巴天房、天房)，并從那里向巴塞羅那進(jìn)軍，并在997年摧毀了該城市。曼蘇爾的戰(zhàn)績(jī)與基督教西班牙的羅德里戈·迪亞茲·德·維瓦爾（又稱熙德，Rodrigo Díaz de Vivar）的戰(zhàn)績(jī)并無(wú)不同。它們表明了如果統(tǒng)治者處于弱勢(shì)地位，那么其權(quán)力會(huì)被一個(gè)野心勃勃的強(qiáng)人所篡奪。曼蘇爾甚至建造了一座名為al-Zahra的宮殿，即“輝煌的”，作為對(duì)合法倭馬亞哈里發(fā)的侮辱。1010年，倭馬亞哈里發(fā)哈基姆·比阿穆?tīng)枴ぐ⒗吐K爾的繼承人之間爆發(fā)了內(nèi)戰(zhàn)（fitna，或fitnah，阿拉伯語(yǔ)：??? 、????，是一個(gè)阿拉伯語(yǔ)單詞，具有廣泛的審判、苦難或痛苦的含義。盡管它是一個(gè)具有重要?dú)v史意義的詞，但它在現(xiàn)代阿拉伯語(yǔ)中也被廣泛使用，但沒(méi)有潛在的歷史內(nèi)涵），導(dǎo)致1031年倭馬亞哈里發(fā)（科爾多瓦哈里發(fā)國(guó)）的垮臺(tái)，并被分割成各種泰法（taifa，“黨派”或“派系”，專指11世紀(jì)早期后倭馬亞王朝解體后出現(xiàn)于伊比利亞半島上的穆斯林小王國(guó)）王國(guó)。

The Córdoban Umayyads conducted war against the Christian kingdoms of Castile, León, Navarre, and the Carolingian Spanish March. The powerful hajib (grand vizier) of Córdoba, Abu Amir ibn Abi Amir, more commonly known by his honorific title al-Mansur bi amri Allah (“the victorious by the grace of God”) (d. 1002), devastated Santiago de Compostela in 985, sparing only the shrine of Saint James, which Muslims compared to the Kaaba at Mecca, and from there marched onward to Barcelona, destroying that city in 997. Al-Mansur’s exploits were not unlike those of El Cid (Rodrigo Díaz de Vivar) of Christian Spain: They were an indication of the weakened position of the ruler, whose power was usurped by an ambitious strongman. Al-Mansur went so far as to build a palace called al-Zahra, “the resplendent,” as an affront to the legitimate Umayyad caliphs. In 1010 civil war (fitna) broke out between the successors of the Umayyad caliph al-Hakim and al-Mansur, leading to the fall of the Umayyad caliphate in 1031 and its partition into various taifa (“party” or “faction”) kingdoms.

? ? ? ? ? 從這時(shí)起，安達(dá)魯斯的歷史就與基督教西班牙的分裂王國(guó)的歷史交織在一起。穆斯林和基督教國(guó)王在伊比利亞半島各王國(guó)之間結(jié)成聯(lián)盟，對(duì)抗共同的基督教或穆斯林?jǐn)橙?，結(jié)果是穆斯林無(wú)法明確地恢復(fù)早期倭馬亞王朝時(shí)期享有的強(qiáng)大而統(tǒng)一的哈里發(fā)地位。穆拉比特王朝（Almoravids）是一個(gè)由正統(tǒng)的、虔誠(chéng)的改革派穆斯林組成的柏柏爾王朝，大約于1040年在馬格里布崛起，1086年將其統(tǒng)治擴(kuò)展到安達(dá)盧西亞，但他們無(wú)法收復(fù)在基督教征服托萊多（西班牙）之后喪失給伊斯蘭教的所有西班牙領(lǐng)土。他們虔誠(chéng)的救世主繼任者柏柏爾人穆瓦希德（阿拉伯語(yǔ)：al-Muwa??idūn，“認(rèn)主獨(dú)一者”，1147-1212）也是如此，由于卡斯蒂利亞和葡萄牙的征服，穆拉比特王朝對(duì)半島的控制進(jìn)一步削弱?；浇掏鯂?guó)之間的內(nèi)部戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)使伊比利亞半島的最終“統(tǒng)一”（1492年1月格拉納達(dá)投降后，整個(gè)伊比利亞半島被基督教統(tǒng)治者控制）延長(zhǎng)到1492年。

The history of the kingdom of al-Andalus from this point onward is intermingled with that of the fractious kingdoms of Christian Spain. Muslim and Christian kings forged alliances with each other against a common Christian or Muslim enemy among the kingdoms of the Iberian Peninsula, resulting in the inability of the Muslims to revive definitively the strong and united caliphate enjoyed under the early Umayyads. The Almoravids, a Berber dynasty of orthodox, puritanical, and reformist Muslims who rose to power in the Maghrib circa 1040, extended their rule into al-Andalus in 1086, but they were unable to recover all the Spanish territories lost to Islam in the aftermath of the Christian conquests of Toledo. The same may be said of their pious, messianic successors, the Berber Almohads (1147–1212), whose control over the peninsula had been further reduced by Castilian and Portuguese conquests. Internal wars among the Christian kingdoms protracted the final “Reconquest” of the Iberian Peninsula until 1492.

阿拔斯王朝

? ? ? ? ? 阿布·阿拔斯·阿卜杜拉·薩法赫·本·穆罕默德（卒于754年）策劃了推翻倭馬亞王朝的血腥叛亂。(阿布·阿拔斯屬于哈希姆部落（Banu Hashim）部族，他對(duì)哈里發(fā)的要求是基于他是先知的叔叔阿拔斯的后裔，即阿拔斯王朝的祖先。阿拔斯王朝以庫(kù)法為中心，在一面驕傲的黑色旗幟指引下，從胡拉山向西移動(dòng)，并在749年至750年間的各種戰(zhàn)斗中擊敗了倭馬亞王朝，并殺死了倭馬亞王朝的最后一位哈里發(fā)馬爾萬(wàn)二世（744-750年）。強(qiáng)大的新哈里發(fā)在一次令人震驚的政治事件中登上歷史舞臺(tái)。

Abu l-Abbas ibn Abdallah al-Saffah (d. 754) engineered the bloody rebellion that ousted the Umayyads. (The name al-Saffah is an epithet that means “the blood shedder.”) Abu lAbbas, who belonged to the Banu Hashim clan, based his claim to the caliphate on his descent from the Prophet’s uncle, Abbas, the progenitor of the Abbasids. The Abbasids created an organization centered at Kufa and under a proud black banner moved westward from Khurasan and defeated the Umayyads in various battles between 749 and 750, killing the last Umayyad caliph, Marwan II (r. 744–750). The powerful new caliph was proclaimed in a stunningly theatrical political event.

? ? ? ? ? 為了鞏固新統(tǒng)治，并與現(xiàn)已失效的倭馬亞王朝拉開(kāi)距離，阿拔斯王朝哈里發(fā)阿布·加法爾·阿卜杜拉·曼蘇爾·本·穆罕默德（R. 754-775）在762年建立了巴格達(dá)市（伊拉克），并將其作為阿拔斯王朝的首都。巴格達(dá)的優(yōu)勢(shì)在于離阿拔斯王朝的波斯盟友更近。盡管阿拔斯哈里發(fā)擁有阿拉伯哈希姆部族的血統(tǒng)，但他們吸引了許多波斯人和其他非阿拉伯人加入其宮廷和政府，這讓他們的阿拉伯支持者的守舊派感到驚愕，他們認(rèn)為應(yīng)該永遠(yuǎn)優(yōu)先考慮與先知家族有關(guān)的阿拉伯部落。他們還宣稱自己是遜尼派伊斯蘭教的堅(jiān)定捍衛(wèi)者，這讓他們的什葉派盟友感到失望。786年，遜尼派阿拔斯王朝和什葉派在麥加進(jìn)行了一場(chǎng)可怕的戰(zhàn)斗。后者輸了，大部分人逃到了北非，并在那里建立了獨(dú)立的王國(guó)。為了加強(qiáng)軍隊(duì)的力量，阿拔斯王朝開(kāi)始招募土耳其士兵，他們?cè)趹?zhàn)斗中的兇猛和效率具有傳奇性。這三個(gè)因素——波斯人在政府中的突出地位、與什葉派的沖突以及土耳其士兵在軍隊(duì)中的主導(dǎo)地位，將在短期甚至長(zhǎng)期內(nèi)對(duì)阿拔斯王朝產(chǎn)生巨大的影響。

To consolidate their new rule and distance themselves from the now defunct Umayyads, the Abbasid caliph Abu Jafar Abdallah ibn Muhammad al-Mansur (r. 754–775) founded the city of Baghdad, Iraq, in 762 and made it the Abbasid capital. Baghdad had the advantage of being closer to the Abbasids’ Persian allies. Despite their Arab Hashimite pedigree, the Abbasid caliphs attracted many Persians and other non-Arabs into their court and government to the consternation of the old guard of their Arab supporters, who believed preference should always be given to the Arab tribes associated with the family of the Prophet. They also disappointed their Shiite allies by declaring themselves to be staunch defenders of Sunni Islam. A terrible battle was fought in Mecca in 786 between the now Sunni Abbasids and the Shiites. The latter lost, and most fled to North Africa, where they would establish independent kingdoms. In an effort to shore up the ranks of the army, the Abbasids began to recruit Turkish soldiers, whose ferocity and effectiveness in battle were legendary. These three factors—Persian prominence in government, the fallout with the Shiites, and the dominance of Turkish soldiers over the army—would have tremendous consequences for the Abbasids in the long and short terms.

? ? ? ? ? 拜占庭軍隊(duì)抓住786年內(nèi)戰(zhàn)的機(jī)會(huì)，重新攻擊穆斯林，試圖收復(fù)他們?cè)跀⒗麃喓桶布{托利亞失去的一些省份。在拜占庭-阿拔斯的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中，強(qiáng)大的波斯家族巴爾馬克（Barmakids）在曼蘇爾政府的隊(duì)伍中位極人臣，但他們反叛了曼蘇爾，并試圖于786至809年間在呼羅珊建立一個(gè)獨(dú)立王國(guó)。雖然后來(lái)巴爾馬克家族被打敗了，但其他波斯家族，如布維西家族（白益王朝，945-1055）和加茲尼家族（962-1187）對(duì)阿拔斯王朝的波斯、伊拉克和阿富汗省份實(shí)行了實(shí)際統(tǒng)治。

Byzantine armies seized upon the opportunity that the civil war of 786 had presented to renew their attacks upon the Muslims in an effort to recover some of their lost provinces in Syria and Anatolia. In the midst of the Byzantine-Abbasid wars, the Barmakids, a powerful Persian family who swelled the ranks of alMansur’s government, rebelled against him and attempted to establish an independent kingdom in Khorasan between 786 and 809. Although the Barmakids were defeated, other Persian dynasties such as the Buyids (945–1055) and the Ghaznavids (962–1187) exercised de facto rule over the Abbasid Persian, Iraqi, and Afghan provinces.

阿拔斯王朝的宗教和管理

? ? ? ? ?阿拔斯王朝通過(guò)公開(kāi)呼吁宗教象征主義和培養(yǎng)烏里瑪?shù)闹С质蛊浣y(tǒng)治合法化。他們聲稱哈里發(fā)是基于他們與先知家族的關(guān)系而獲得的神圣授權(quán)。他們不遺余力地表明，阿拔斯的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)層完全遵循了《古蘭經(jīng)》和圣行(Sunnah)的規(guī)定。為此，他們尋求烏里瑪?shù)闹С?，因?yàn)闉趵铿斪鳛橄戎獋鹘y(tǒng)的守護(hù)者，可以為哈里發(fā)的主張?zhí)峁?dān)保。伊斯蘭法官（qadi，卡迪是伊斯蘭教法法庭裁判官或法官的名稱）被賦予了突出的地位，他獨(dú)立于總督工作，并根據(jù)新興的伊斯蘭法律體系進(jìn)行裁決。

The Abbasids legitimated their rule by appealing overtly to religious symbolism and cultivating the support of the ulema. They claimed the caliphate as a divine mandate based upon their ties to the family of the Prophet. They went out of their way to demonstrate that their leadership followed the prescriptions of the Quran and the Sunna to the letter. To this end, they sought the support of the ulema, who, as the guardians of the prophetic tradition, could vouchsafe the caliphal claims. Prominence was accorded to the office of the Islamic judge (qadi), who, working independently of the governor, adjudicated according to the emerging system of Islamic law.

? ? ? ? ?在行政方面，阿拔斯王朝也進(jìn)行了創(chuàng)新。政府官僚機(jī)構(gòu)被劃分為若干底萬(wàn)（diwans，伊斯蘭國(guó)家的高級(jí)政府部門或其首席官員），負(fù)責(zé)監(jiān)督國(guó)庫(kù)、軍隊(duì)和總理府。阿拔斯王朝的統(tǒng)治者試圖通過(guò)建立一個(gè)廣泛的間諜網(wǎng)絡(luò)來(lái)確保沒(méi)有官員會(huì)濫用權(quán)力或挑戰(zhàn)哈里發(fā)，這在《一千零一夜》中得到了生動(dòng)的描述。阿拔斯王朝還在巴格達(dá)南部建造了一座駐軍城市薩邁拉，將軍隊(duì)駐扎在那里，以此來(lái)使士兵遠(yuǎn)離平民百姓。

Administratively, the Abbasids also made innovations. Government bureaucracy was divided into a number of offices (diwans) that oversaw the treasury, army, and chancellery. The Abbasid rulers sought to ensure that no officer would abuse his power or challenge the caliph by establishing an extensive network of spies, as is so vividly depicted in the Thousand and One Nights. The Abbasids also built a garrison city of Samarra, south of Baghdad, to station the army there as a means of keeping the soldiers away from the civilian population.

哈倫·拉希德的巴格達(dá)：一場(chǎng)文化革命

? ? ? ? ? 歷史學(xué)家塔巴里（卒于923年）保留了曼蘇爾（伊斯蘭教第二十代哈里發(fā)，阿拔斯帝國(guó)第二代哈里發(fā)）建立巴格達(dá)這一段軼事。他在Qasr al-Salam附近過(guò)夜時(shí)做了一個(gè)夢(mèng)，據(jù)說(shuō)他受到啟發(fā)，說(shuō)“這是我要建造的地方，東西可以通過(guò)幼發(fā)拉底河、底格里斯河和運(yùn)河網(wǎng)到達(dá)這里。只有這樣的地方才能支持軍隊(duì)和普通民眾…以真主的名義，贊美他，這片土地是神的。他讓他所滿意的仆人來(lái)繼承它。凡敬畏他的人，都獲得了好結(jié)果…建造吧，真主保佑你！” (Hourani 1991, 33)。巴格達(dá)位于底格里斯河和幼發(fā)拉底河的交匯處，建成一個(gè)精致的圓形城堡，被世人稱為Medinat alSalam（和平之城）。曼蘇爾認(rèn)為在這塊肥沃的土地上建造一座富饒的城市是正確的。這片土地不僅物產(chǎn)豐富，而且有許多來(lái)自不同國(guó)家和擁有不同信仰的商人、藝術(shù)家和學(xué)者。

The historian al-Tabari (d. 923) preserves an anecdote of how al-Mansur founded Baghdad. Inspired by a dream he had while staying overnight near Qasr al-Salam, he is said to have stated: “This is the place which I shall build. Things can arrive here by way of the Euphrates, Tigris, and a network of canals. Only a place like this will support the army and the general populace. . . . In the name of God, and praise to him: The earth is God’s. He causes to inherit of it whom he wills among his servants. The results come to them that fear Him. . . . Build, and God bless you!” (Hourani 1991, 33). Baghdad, located at a junction between the Tigris and Euphrates, was built as an exquisite round citadel and was dubbed Medinat alSalam (The City of Peace). Mansur was correct in assuming a rich city could be built on that fertile site. Not only did the land produce abundantly, but so did merchants, artists, and scholars from many nations and creeds.

? ? ? ? ? 阿拔斯王朝統(tǒng)治期間，拜占庭、波斯、古印度和古中國(guó)是許多古代文明和民族的故鄉(xiāng)，在農(nóng)業(yè)、灌溉、工業(yè)、物理學(xué)、數(shù)學(xué)、天文學(xué)、醫(yī)學(xué)、植物學(xué)、哲學(xué)和文學(xué)領(lǐng)域具有先進(jìn)的科學(xué)與文化。阿拔斯王朝明智地將這些民族的部分人才納入他們的宮廷、政府和行政管理中。他們的知識(shí)成為伊斯蘭文化和文明的一部分，而他們也在文化上被伊斯蘭化和阿拉伯化。在曼蘇爾統(tǒng)治時(shí)期，學(xué)者們開(kāi)始將這些外國(guó)文本的作品翻譯成阿拉伯語(yǔ)，但當(dāng)哈倫·拉希德和他的繼承人阿布·阿拔斯·阿卜杜拉·馬蒙·本·哈倫（813-833年）在巴格達(dá)建立Bayt al-Hikma（智慧之家）時(shí)，這一過(guò)程邁出了決定性的一步。學(xué)者們翻譯了一些重要的作品。僅舉兩例：Siddanta（《悉檀》，又稱《四悉檀教學(xué)法》），一部印度的數(shù)學(xué)和天文學(xué)文本，引入了印度的數(shù)字符號(hào)，包括零的概念；以及托勒密的《天文學(xué)大成》（又譯《至大論》），一部關(guān)于天文學(xué)和數(shù)學(xué)的百科全書式匯編。實(shí)際上，希臘哲學(xué)思想、形而上學(xué)、醫(yī)學(xué)和其他知識(shí)領(lǐng)域的大部分文獻(xiàn)都被翻譯成了阿拉伯語(yǔ)，并在整個(gè)伊斯蘭世界傳播，從12世紀(jì)開(kāi)始，這些文本通過(guò)西班牙和西西里的翻譯學(xué)校傳入歐洲。波斯人和印度人也留下了一些文學(xué)作品，如《卡利拉和迪姆納》（Kalila wa Dimna）和《天方夜譚》（Hazar Afsana），后者是《一千零一夜》的前身，后來(lái)成為歐洲西方的流行文學(xué)作品。

The Byzantine, Persian, Indian, and Chinese territories under Abbasid rule were the homeland of peoples with ancient civilizations scientifically and culturally advanced in the fields of agriculture, irrigation, industry, physics, mathematics, astronomy, medicine, botany, philosophy, and literature. The Abbasids wisely incorporated these peoples in their court, government, and administration. Their knowledge became part of Islamic culture and civilization, and they in turn were Islamized and Arabized culturally. Scholars began to translate the works of these foreign texts into Arabic during the reign of al-Mansur, but this process took a decisive step forward when Harun al-Rashid and his successor, Abu Jafar al-Mamun ibn Harun (r. 813–833), founded the Bayt al-Hikma (House of Wisdom) in Baghdad. Seminal works were translated. To name just two: the Siddanta, an Indian mathematical and astronomical text that introduced Indian number symbols, including the concept of zero, and Ptolemy’s Almagest, an encyclopedic compendium of astronomy and mathematics. Practically the entire legacy of Greek philosophical thought, metaphysics, medicine, and other realms of knowledge was translated into Arabic and disseminated throughout the Islamic world, from there to enter Europe via the translation schools of Spain and Sicily from the 12th century onward. The Persians and Indians also bequeathed a legacy of literature, such as the Kalila wa Dimna (Kalila and Dimna) and the Hazar Afsana (Thousand stories), the latter being the precursor of The Thousand and One Nights, which later became favorites in the European West.

伊斯蘭法律和阿拉伯文學(xué)蓬勃發(fā)展

? ? ? ? ? 阿拔斯王朝不僅發(fā)揚(yáng)了外國(guó)的智慧和藝術(shù)。在他們的統(tǒng)治下，伊斯蘭科學(xué)蓬勃發(fā)展，并促使了伊斯蘭法律的編纂。阿拔斯王朝開(kāi)創(chuàng)了一個(gè)美麗而復(fù)雜的阿拉伯語(yǔ)文學(xué)傳統(tǒng)，非阿拉伯穆斯林以及猶太人和基督徒也受此影響競(jìng)相模仿。阿拔斯王朝為了獲得宗教合法性，邀請(qǐng)了阿拉伯希賈茲地區(qū)（漢志，Hijaz）最優(yōu)秀的學(xué)者來(lái)教授古蘭經(jīng)注釋和背誦、阿拉伯語(yǔ)言學(xué)、圣訓(xùn)（先知的傳統(tǒng)和關(guān)于先知的傳說(shuō)）和圣行等伊斯蘭科學(xué)。伊斯蘭法學(xué)（fiqh）在阿拔斯王朝時(shí)期逐漸成型，法律學(xué)者艾阿布·哈尼法（767年）、麥地那的馬里克·阿本·阿納斯（795年）、巴勒斯坦的穆罕默德·本·伊德里斯·沙斐儀（820年）和巴格達(dá)的艾哈邁德·伊本·罕百勒（855年）開(kāi)始對(duì)指導(dǎo)整個(gè)穆斯林社區(qū)的伊斯蘭法律的產(chǎn)生依據(jù)進(jìn)行理論研究和辯論。他們被認(rèn)為是遜尼派四大法律學(xué)派（madhhabs，麥茲海布）的創(chuàng)始人，即哈乃斐派、馬立克派、沙斐儀派、罕百里，這些學(xué)派在10至11世紀(jì)得到鞏固。來(lái)自整個(gè)伊斯蘭世界的法學(xué)生都聚集在伊拉克，學(xué)習(xí)不同的法學(xué)理論。

The Abbasids did not only cultivate foreign wisdom and arts. Under their rule Islamic sciences—which generated the codification of Islamic law—flourished, and a beautiful and sophisticated Arabic literary tradition that would be imitated by non-Arab Muslims as well as Jews and Christians began. True to their desire to gain religious legitimacy, the Abbasids invited the best scholars from the Arabian Hijaz to teach the Islamic sciences of quranic exegesis and recitation, Arabic philology, Hadith (the traditions of and about the Prophet), and the Sunna. The science of Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) took shape during the Abbasid period as the legal scholars Abu Hanifa al-Nuaman (d. 767), Malik ibn Anas in Medina (d. 795), Muhammad ibn Idris al-Shafii (d. 820) in Palestine, and Ahmad ibn Hanbal al-Shaybani in Baghdad (d. 855) began to theorize and debate about the bases for deriving Islamic laws that would guide the entire Muslim community. They would be considered the founders of the four major Sunni schools of law (madhhabs), Hanafi, Maliki, Shafii, and Hanbali, which would be consolidated by the 10th to 11th centuries. Students from all over the Islamic world converged upon Iraq to study the different schools of law.

? ? ? ? ? 在阿拔斯時(shí)代，所有類型的阿拉伯文學(xué)都很繁榮。法庭秘書（katib）創(chuàng)造了華麗的外交書信。曼蘇爾委托傳統(tǒng)主義者伊本·易斯哈格（Muhammad b. Ishaq）撰寫先知生平的歷史，產(chǎn)生了一種新的歷史寫作體裁，他的繼任者撰寫了整個(gè)伊斯蘭世界或特定城市或朝代的專門歷史。它還促使穆斯林名人傳記辭典的出現(xiàn)，這些辭典根據(jù)名人的職業(yè)或原籍地進(jìn)行分類。宮廷文化也促使了對(duì)詩(shī)人和音樂(lè)家的贊助，他們?yōu)樵诎嗡雇醭膶m廷中占有一席之地而勾心斗角。

All genres of Arabic letters flourished in the Abbasid era. Court secretaries (katib) cultivated florid diplomatic epistles. Al-Mansur’s commissioning of the traditionalist Muhammad b. Ishaq to write a history of the Prophet’s life generated a new genre of historical writing as his successors wrote specialized histories of the entire Islamic world or of particular cities or dynasties. It also inspired the emergence of biographical dictionaries of Muslim notables categorized according to profession or place of origin. Last but not least, courtly culture stimulated the patronage of poets and musicians who vied with each other for a place in the Abbasid court.

學(xué)院的崛起：宗教學(xué)校

? ? ? ? ? 傳統(tǒng)上，伊斯蘭教的學(xué)習(xí)是在清真寺中專門保留的長(zhǎng)廊中進(jìn)行的。10世紀(jì)時(shí)，出現(xiàn)了一種新的學(xué)術(shù)機(jī)構(gòu)，稱為“宗教學(xué)?！保ā皩W(xué)習(xí)的地方”）。第一所宗教學(xué)校據(jù)說(shuō)是由阿拔斯王朝巴格達(dá)的塞爾柱突厥宰相尼札姆·穆勒克（1092年）創(chuàng)建的，被稱為Nezamiyeh宗教學(xué)校。尼札姆·穆勒克希望建立一個(gè)遜尼派伊斯蘭學(xué)習(xí)堡壘，以對(duì)抗法蒂瑪什葉派傳教士日益增長(zhǎng)的影響力，也就是所謂的達(dá)瓦。Nezamiyeh的學(xué)生學(xué)習(xí)遜尼派伊斯蘭法的四個(gè)流派理念，以及《古蘭經(jīng)》、《圣訓(xùn)》和阿拉伯語(yǔ)語(yǔ)言學(xué)。宗教學(xué)校在納斯里德王朝時(shí)期傳播至從印度到格拉納達(dá)的許多國(guó)家和地區(qū)。

Traditionally Islamic learning took place in the mosque in special galleries reserved for this purpose. The 10th century witnessed the emergence of a new academic institution called the madrasa (“the place where one studies”). The first madrasa was reputedly founded by a Seljuk Turkish vizier of Abbasid Baghdad, Nizam alMulk (d. 1092) and was called the Nizamiyya Madrasa. Nizam al-Mulk wanted to create a bastion of Sunni Islamic learning that would counter the increasing advances of Fatimid Shiite missionary propaganda, called dawa. Students at the Nizamiyya studied all four schools of Sunni Islamic law, as well as the Quran, the Hadith, and Arabic philology. The institution spread to numerous other countries from India to Granada under the Nasrid dynasty

阿拔斯王朝的輝煌宮廷

? ? ? ? ? 917年，一支拜占庭使團(tuán)拜訪了哈里發(fā)穆克塔迪爾一世（908-932年），拜占庭人被宮廷的壯觀和輝煌所吸引。這些拜占庭大使已經(jīng)習(xí)慣了偉大的藝術(shù)和浮夸的財(cái)富，但當(dāng)他們參觀宏偉的宮殿：大廳、庭院、公園、近衛(wèi)、太監(jiān)、侍從、庫(kù)房和披著孔雀絲錦緞的大象時(shí)，拜占庭人對(duì)哈里發(fā)對(duì)客人的親切態(tài)度毫無(wú)心里準(zhǔn)備。

A Byzantine embassy arrived to see Caliph alMuqtadir (r. 908–932) in 917 and was dazzled by the spectacles and splendors of his court. These Byzantine ambassadors already were accustomed to great art and ostentatious wealth but were unprepared for the caliph’s graciousness to his guests as they toured the magnificent palace: its halls, courts, parks, soldiers, eunuchs, pages, treasuries, and elephants caparisoned in peacock silk brocade.

? ? ? ? ? 在一個(gè)叫 “樹(shù)室”的房間里，他們看到一棵樹(shù)矗立在一個(gè)裝滿清水的圓形大水池中。這棵樹(shù)有18段樹(shù)枝，主要是銀制的，有些是金制的。每段樹(shù)枝上都有許多小樹(shù)枝，樹(shù)枝上有金銀鳥(niǎo)，它們鳴叫著。樹(shù)枝上有不同顏色的樹(shù)葉。樹(shù)葉伴隨著風(fēng)的吹拂和鳥(niǎo)兒的歌唱而搖曳。

In one chamber called the Room of the Tree they saw a tree standing in the midst of a great circular tank filled with clear water. The tree had 18 branches mainly made of silver with some crafted of gold. Every branch had numerous twigs on which sat gold and silver birds that piped and sang. On the branches of the trees were leaves of different colors. The leaves of the tree moved as the wind blew and the birds sang.

? ? ? ? ? 哈里發(fā)本人穿著繡有黃金的華麗衣服。他坐在一個(gè)烏木寶座上，左右兩邊都是不同顏色的珍貴寶石。巴格達(dá)城被結(jié)滿果實(shí)的棕櫚樹(shù)裝飾得格外繁茂。

The caliph himself wore opulent clothing embroidered in gold. He sat on an ebony throne surrounded to the right and left by precious gems of different colors. His city of Baghdad was lusciously decorated with fruit-bearing palm trees.

《Handbook To Life in The Medieval World》（2008）

By Madeleine Pelner Cosman and Linda Gale Jones??

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