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食? ? ?物

社會(huì)階層與奢侈禁止令

? ? ? ? ? 極度奢華在當(dāng)時(shí)被認(rèn)為是對道德和社會(huì)秩序的破壞。異國情調(diào)的進(jìn)口食品削弱了國內(nèi)商業(yè)的發(fā)展力，破壞了國際收支平衡。奢侈還被指責(zé)為干涉?zhèn)€人靈魂與上帝的關(guān)系。為了打擊英國社會(huì)各階層的奢侈飲食，英國通過了一些奢侈禁止令(Sumptuary law)，尤其是在愛德華三世統(tǒng)治時(shí)期（1327-1377 年）。這些飲食和服飾法規(guī)規(guī)定了每餐的菜肴數(shù)量、菜肴份量、食物品種，甚至是醬汁的種類和成本。上層社會(huì)階層可以吃的東西，下面的階層就不能吃。教會(huì)內(nèi)部也對飲食習(xí)慣進(jìn)行了類似的分層。由于奢侈會(huì)給富人帶來很多不便，而試圖模仿他們的下等人也會(huì)因此變得非常貧窮，因此他們的靈魂和肉體都受到了同樣嚴(yán)重的摧殘。節(jié)制被列入了令人震驚的禁果清單。

Outrageous luxury was deemed destructive to morality and to social order. Exotic, imported foodstuffs diminished domestic commerce and upset international balances of payments. Luxury also was accused of interfering in the individual soul’s relationship to God. Against culinary extravagance at all levels of English society, sumptuary laws were passed, particularly during Edward III’s reign between 1327 and 1377. These statutes of diet and apparel regulated numbers of courses per meal, numbers of dishes within courses, varieties of foods, and even types and costs of their sauces. What was permissible for one social station was forbidden the class below. The church stratified eating habits similarly within ecclesiastical ranks. Since the rich were much inconvenienced by extravagance, and the lesser folk who attempted to imitate them were greatly impoverished thereby, equally deplorable evils attacked their souls as well as their bodies. Moderation was legislated in startling lists of forbidden fruits.

? ? ? ? ? 膳食服務(wù)也是按階級劃分的。社會(huì)等級決定了餐廳的優(yōu)先次序。不僅是哪個(gè)階層的人吃什么，而且誰和誰坐在哪張桌子上，以及給客人上菜的先后順序，都由貴族家庭的元帥marshall（安排和指導(dǎo)聚會(huì)禮儀的人）或大廳總管嚴(yán)格控制。約翰·羅素（John Russell）的禮儀書《Boke of Nurture》（約成書于 1460 年）列舉了五個(gè)社會(huì)階層及其在餐桌上的細(xì)致分組。同等階級的人可以一起吃同樣的食物。有些人兩人一組，共用一個(gè)盤子。其他人則四對四地坐著，以家庭為單位，單獨(dú)用一個(gè)盤子。還有一些人不能與他們的同級或上級一起享用食物。

Food service also was stratified by class. Social class dictated precedence in the dining hall. Not only what was eaten by which class, but who sat with whom at which table, and in what social order guests were served, were scrupulously controlled by the noble household’s marshall or chief usher of the hall. John Russell’s etiquette book, Boke of Nurture, written circa 1460, enumerated the five social classes and their careful groupings at table. Equivalent classes could eat the same foods together. Some sat two by two and shared a plate. Others sat four by four and helped themselves from serving platters, family style. Still others were not to see the food served their equals or superiors.

? ? ? ? ? 第一等級的成員，教皇、皇帝、國王、紅衣主教、王子、大主教和公爵，身份尊貴，可以單獨(dú)進(jìn)餐。第二等級的成員，主教、侯爵、子爵和伯爵，如果個(gè)人關(guān)系友好，可以坐在一起；如果他們情投意合，也可以坐在一起。第三等級的成員，倫敦市長、男爵、修道院院長、首席大法官和議會(huì)議長，可以坐在同等級別的位置上，兩人或三人一桌（“mess”，根源是古法語 mes，“食物的一部分”（參見現(xiàn)代法語 mets），源自拉丁語動(dòng)詞mittere，意思是“發(fā)送”和“放置”（參見現(xiàn)代法語mettre），意義是“餐桌上的一道菜”）。第四個(gè)等級與騎士的等級相當(dāng)，大教堂長、騎士學(xué)士、院長、卷宗主事人（全稱卷宗保管及主事官和英格蘭大法官法院記錄官）、加萊市長、神學(xué)博士、首席檢察官。第五級也是最后一級是鄉(xiāng)紳級，包括法學(xué)博士、前倫敦市長、傳教士、藝術(shù)大師、城市法警、富商、紳士和淑女，他們都可以和鄉(xiāng)紳一起坐在桌邊。

The first class, pope, emperor, king, cardinal, prince, archbishop, and duke, was of such dignity as to dine alone. The second class, bishop, marquis, viscount, and earl, might sit together if on friendly terms personally: yf they be lovyngely. The mayor of London, a baron, a mitered abbot, the chief justices, and the Speaker of Parliament—members of a third estate—could sit at an equivalent level, two or three at a table (“mess”). The fourth class equaled the knight’s rank: a cathedral prior, a knight-bachelor, a dean, the master of the rolls, the mayor of Calais, a doctor of divinity, a prothonotary. The fifth and last, the squire’s degree, including doctors of law, ex-mayors of London, preachers, masters of arts, city bailiffs, rich merchants, gentlemen and gentlewomen, could all sit at the table along with the squire.

? ? ? ? ? 就連窮人家的小康之家和非等級婚姻的社會(huì)窘境也在餐桌規(guī)則中有所規(guī)定。對于有王室血統(tǒng)的領(lǐng)主來說，他們的階級在表中有規(guī)定。對于有王室血統(tǒng)的領(lǐng)主來說，雖然他們的財(cái)產(chǎn)不多，但與出身低微的富人相比，他們的原則是血統(tǒng)比金錢更重要。當(dāng)王室出身的女士嫁給低賤的騎士或貧窮的女士嫁給貴族血統(tǒng)的領(lǐng)主時(shí)，王室出身的女士保持婚前的身份；而低賤血統(tǒng)的女士則與丈夫一起在餐桌上占據(jù)高位。

Even the social embarrassments of the wellborn poor man and the marriages out of class were provided for in table regulations. For lords of royal blood class were provided for in table regulations. For lords of royal blood though poor in goods versus rich low-born men the rule was blood eats better than money. When a lady royally born married a lowly knight or a poor lady married a lord of noble blood, the lady of royal station kept her state as before her marriage; the lady of low blood took with her husband his high seat at table.

? ? ? ? ? 神職人員的階級根據(jù)其與世俗階級的同等地位被安排在貴族區(qū)域就餐，而修道院則一般傾向于在飲食規(guī)則上拉平階級差別。圣本尼迪克特規(guī)定的嚴(yán)格齋戒和節(jié)儉阻止了許多形式的等級飲食。不過，女修道院院長或男修道院長享有單獨(dú)用餐的特權(quán)，可以享用特殊菜肴，也可以邀請?jiān)簝?nèi)成員共享盛宴。修道院長還會(huì)為同僚們分配額外的食物和酒，以紀(jì)念特定的恩人或圣人日，這些食物和酒被稱為“pittances”（微不足道的報(bào)酬）。這些輕微的社會(huì)區(qū)別在飲食服務(wù)中被濫用，包括不守規(guī)矩的教士在社交座位上模仿世俗的飲食娛樂活動(dòng)（節(jié)慶日的歡鬧、粗俗的歌曲和滑稽戲）。

While classes of clergymen were accommodated in noble dining halls according to their parity with secular ranks, monastic houses generally tended to level class distinctions with food rules. Strict fasts and frugality as prescribed in the rule of Saint Benedict discouraged many forms of hieratic eating. However, an abbess or an abbot, privileged to eat alone and served special dishes, might invite members of the house to share feasts. Abbots also allocated to brethren those extra portions of food and wine honoring particular benefactors or saints’ days called pittances. Abuses of these mild social distinctions in food service included undisciplined clerics’ imitating secular food entertainments with their social seating (along with their feast-day hilarity, scurrilous songs, and burlesques).

? ? ? ? ? 1260 年，尤德主教訪問蒙蒂維利耶的修女院時(shí)，禁止在餐區(qū)里以小組或小團(tuán)體的形式用餐，并堅(jiān)持要求所有人隨意就座，吃同樣的食物。本篤會(huì)修道士們要求在密室里為他們提供特殊的美味佳肴和漂亮的衣服而不是簡單的口糧、習(xí)慣性地添加特殊的“pittances”（額外的食物和酒）以及優(yōu)雅的餐桌用具，這促使教皇額我略九世頒布法規(guī)，規(guī)定他們的飲食習(xí)慣。他們的口糧是一碟一杯，不包括“pittances”（額外的食物和酒）。任何人都不得為自己準(zhǔn)備更精致的食物或飲料，也不得提供超出常規(guī)的食物或飲料。禁止在餐區(qū)使用銀杯、金杯、鑲有貴金屬帶或以貴金屬為底座的杯子，以及用金銀裝飾的刀具。

Bishop Eudes, visiting the nuns’ abbey of Monvilliers in 1260, forbade eating in the refectory in little groups or cliques and insisted that all take seats haphazardly and eat the same food. Benedictine monks demanding special dishes served to them in their cells, “appareled” delicacies rather than simple rations, habitual additions of the special pittances, and elegant table gear caused Pope Gregory IX to issue statutes to reform their food practices. Their ration was to consist of one dish and one cup, not including pittances. No one was to cause anything more delicate in food or drink to be prepared for him or served beyond usual fare. Silver or gold cups or those banded or based by precious metals were forbidden in the refectory, as were knives embellished with gold or silver.

? ? ? ? ? 這些教會(huì)和世俗試圖通過限制食欲的表達(dá)來調(diào)節(jié)食欲的做法，可能并不比現(xiàn)代的禁酒令和禁食令更具執(zhí)行力。中世紀(jì)英國的禁酒令，不管是被遵守還是被忽視，直到維多利亞女王時(shí)代才被廢除。立法和文獻(xiàn)證實(shí)了中世紀(jì)通過食物來識別社會(huì)階層的做法。

These ecclesiastical and secular attempts to regulate appetite by restricting its expression probably were no more enforceable than more modern prohibitions on drink and food. Medieval English sumptuary laws, obeyed or ignored, were not repealed until Queen Victoria’s era. Legislation and literature confirm the medieval identification of social class by food.

喬叟談食物

? ? ? ? ? 美食典故和烹飪行為描述了藝術(shù)、相術(shù)、法律和文學(xué)中的性格與個(gè)性。人們吃什么就代表了什么：吃什么、怎么吃、吃多少、什么時(shí)候吃，以及除了維持生存之外，他們還吃喝什么。食物顯示了社會(huì)階層、智力和情感狀態(tài)，最重要的是，還顯示了精神狀態(tài)。幽默、悲愴和社會(huì)評論在餐桌和大口大口地進(jìn)食中得以表達(dá)。中世紀(jì)的食物與社會(huì)階層、食物與性、食物與排泄物、食物與巫術(shù)、食物與罪惡之間的聯(lián)系，補(bǔ)充了食物與性格之間的關(guān)系。

Food allusions and culinary actions described character and personality in art, physiognomy, law, and literature. People were what they ate: what they ate, how they ate it, how much, when, and that, beyond subsistence, they ate and drank at all. Food references demonstrated social class, intellectual and emotional states, and, most importantly, spiritual condition. Humor, pathos, and social commentary were expressed in exercises of table and gullet. Complementing these relationships between food and character were medieval convergences between food and social class, food and sex, food and scatology, food and sorcery, and food and sin.

? ? ? ? ? 在浩如煙海的中世紀(jì)美食典故中，喬叟的《坎特伯雷故事集》是最好的資料來源之一。書中提到的幾百種食物，從簡短的提及到詳盡的描述，包括盛宴、凱旋和婚禮、貴族晚宴、酒會(huì)，以及簡陋的茅屋晚餐、懺悔餐、野果采摘和婚前服用春藥。

In the vast repertoire of medieval gastronomic allusions, one of the finest sources is Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales. Its several hundred food references range from brief mentions to elaborate descriptions of feasts, triumphs, and nuptials; noble suppers; drinking parties; and humble cottage repasts, penance meals, wildfruit pickings, and precoital imbibing of aphrodisiacs.

飲食與特色

? ? ? ? ? 除了對所有朝圣者的社會(huì)地位、服飾和職業(yè)的描述，喬叟還補(bǔ)充了他們的飲食習(xí)慣。無論是對教會(huì)人物還是世俗人物，美食都體現(xiàn)了他們的社會(huì)地位和個(gè)人情感。一些人物從事飲食業(yè)。有些人的飲食習(xí)慣與他們的手藝一樣，或節(jié)儉或浮夸。一些人則在前往坎特伯雷的途中大吃大喝。

To the descriptions of all the pilgrims’ social rank, costume, and profession, Chaucer added their food habits. For both the ecclesiastical and secular figures, gastronomy demonstrated social standing and personal sensibility. Several characters belonged to victualing trades. Some ate with the same frugal or ostentatious habits with which they practiced their crafts. Others gorged or soused their way to Canterbury.

? ? ? ? ? 修女、修士和召喚師的食物畫像暗示了教士的習(xí)俗和虛偽。關(guān)于餐桌禮儀和用手指進(jìn)食的繁瑣儀式的描述很少，這突出了女修道院院長的禮儀。她的禮儀得到了禮儀手冊和貴族指導(dǎo)書的證實(shí)。她是修道院修女的負(fù)責(zé)人，也是渴望模仿宮廷習(xí)慣的社會(huì)攀登者，為了“countrefete cheere of court”，她細(xì)膩、靈巧地將食物送到嘴邊，小心翼翼地避免酒杯中的碎屑或油脂。她展示了宮廷習(xí)俗所要求的技巧，這種習(xí)俗蔑視叉子這種可接受的工具，并保證用手指進(jìn)食可以延長食物的感官享受。富有、勤勞的獵人蒙克喜歡吃肥肉，他自己也是一個(gè)“肥胖而有品位”的貴族。他的言語中充滿了對食物的比喻，對他來說，修士的統(tǒng)治就像拔毛的雞一樣不值錢；擔(dān)心修士離開修道院就像擔(dān)心一只牡蠣一樣不值錢；召喚者在教會(huì)法庭上召喚罪人，他在食物的選擇上顯示了他的卑鄙，也暗示了他的性??；為了一夸脫葡萄酒，他允許一個(gè)無賴包養(yǎng)他的情婦一年；他的味覺因三級梅毒而減弱，“他是一個(gè)......嘶啞......好色如麻的人”，他只吃有異味和刺激性的大蒜、洋蔥和韭菜，喝的酒特別烈，像血一樣紅。

Food portraits of the Nun, Monk, and Summoner intimated clerical customs and hypocrisies. Few descriptions of table manners and elaborate ceremony for eating with the fingers excel the Prioress’s etiquette. Her manners were corroborated by courtesy manuals and instruction books for the nobility. In charge of an abbey of nuns and a social climber eager to imitate courtly habits, to “countrefete cheere of court,” she delicately, dexterously lifted food to her lips, fastidiously avoiding crumbs or grease in her wine cup. She displayed the digital finesse required by that courtly custom that disdained forks as acceptable implements and assured sensual pleasure in food lengthened by eating with the fingers. The wealthy, hard-riding hunter Monk loved eating fat. He himself was a lord “ful fat and in good point.” His speech was larded with food analogy. For him monastic rule was worthless as a plucked chicken; worry about a monk out of a cloister was not worth an oyster. The Summoner, who hailed sinners to ecclesiastical court, demonstrated his venality and intimated his venereal disease by his food choices. For a quart of wine he allowed a rascal to keep his mistress for a year. His sense of taste diminished by tertiary syphilis, “saucefleem he was . . . hoot . . . and lecherous as a sparwe,” he ate only odoriferous and pungent garlic, onions, and leeks and drank especially strong wine, red as blood.

? ? ? ? ? 美食描繪了教會(huì)、城鎮(zhèn)和宮廷中人類的缺點(diǎn)和弱點(diǎn)。盡管富蘭克林并非宮廷出身，但他擁有高貴的土地和園藝，并享受著酒配面包的貴族式早餐。他的餐桌上擺滿了美酒和精致的食物，就好像家里下了一場美食大雪。他是饕客、美食家，也是親切的主人，他的餐桌華麗得可以代替血統(tǒng)。與此相反，喬叟的內(nèi)科醫(yī)生在飲食方面則恪守節(jié)制，沒有多余的東西，一切都以營養(yǎng)和易消化為主。

Food references made exuberant portraits of human foibles and fallibility in the church and in the town and court. Though not born to the court, the Franklin was nobly landed and lardered and enjoyed lordly breakfasts of a sop of bread in wine. His dining table dormant was so well set with fine wines and daintily crafted foods that in his house it seemed to snow food and drink. Gourmand, epicure, and gracious host, he displayed table splendor that substituted for pedigree. Conversely, Chaucer’s Physician practiced dietary measure and restraint, nothing superfluous but everything nourishing and digestible.

? ? ? ? ? 朝圣之旅的專業(yè)廚師雖然又臟又丑，卻懂得烤、焗、炙、煮等烹飪雞肉、燉肉和餡餅的技巧，還能制作出人們熟悉的白色美食 blankmanger（“Blankmanger”的意思是“白色食物”。從古代食譜中出現(xiàn)的許多版本的食譜來看，大多數(shù)中世紀(jì)廚師可能至少熟悉這道菜。根據(jù)最嚴(yán)格的定義，Blankmanger 是一種以杏仁奶為基礎(chǔ)的清淡白色濃湯，并且（除了少數(shù)版本）含有碎家禽，并用米粉增稠；標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的英式肉食版本是絞碎的閹雞（或雞肉）、米飯和杏仁奶。在一些食譜中，家禽被切成塊，而不是磨碎。今天的現(xiàn)代牛奶凍是一種大米布丁甜點(diǎn)，深受英國人的喜愛，與中世紀(jì)的版本略有相似），令人欽佩。然而，他臉上的膿皰和瘡疤是新貴行會(huì)成員盲目愚蠢的標(biāo)志，他們雇用他是為了給他披上貴族的外衣。最后，前往坎特伯雷的朝圣者的東道主以酒和麥（芽）酒起誓，歡迎大家共進(jìn)晚餐，為他們提供精美的食物和烈酒，并提出了講故事的技巧。他在自己的客棧里提供免費(fèi)晚餐，以獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)那些說出最有啟發(fā)、最令人開心的故事的人。小酒館比坎特伯雷的圣托馬斯神殿更成為后來所有故事的建筑框架。

The pilgrimage’s professional Cook, though filthy and scabrous, knew techniques for roasting, baking, broiling, boiling, and otherwise preparing chickens, mortreux (stews), and pies, admirably creating the familiar white culinary treat blankmanger. However, his running pustules and facial sores were insignia of the blind folly of the nouveaux riches Guildsmen who employed him for a semblance of nobility. Finally, the Host to the pilgrims voyaging to Canterbury swore oaths on wine and ale, welcomed the sundry folk to supper, served them fine food and strong wine, and suggested the ruse for telling the tales. He offered free supper at his inn as a prize for that story that best instructed and best delighted. The tavern more than the shrine of Saint Thomas of Canterbury became the architectural frame for all the later tales.

食物與社會(huì)階層

? ? ? ? ? ?喬叟對廚房的描述是為了在美食中體現(xiàn)社會(huì)階層的道德品質(zhì)。在設(shè)施齊全、服務(wù)周到的貴族府邸，盛宴彰顯著財(cái)富和政治力量。中產(chǎn)階級的晚宴則模仿貴族的宴會(huì)，模仿高雅的禮儀。指導(dǎo)書籍告誡人們不要粗魯?shù)卮蟪源蠛?。喬叟也贊美鄉(xiāng)村餐桌的簡樸禮儀?！多l(xiāng)紳的故事》（杰弗里·喬叟的《坎特伯雷故事集》中的一個(gè)故事）中的一場宴會(huì)詳細(xì)介紹了宴會(huì)的布置、華麗的服裝、音樂和服務(wù)，以及實(shí)際的菜單和食物的裝飾（稱為“appareling”），讓客人們震驚不已，大聲贊嘆奢侈的食物、燉菜、烤天鵝和鷺鷥以及外國珍饈，隨后是美酒和香料，由管家、引座員和鄉(xiāng)紳優(yōu)雅地端上來。整個(gè)白天和夜晚，貴族和女士們都在品嘗和享受著廚藝所帶來的味蕾奇跡，廚師們?yōu)榇烁冻隽诵燎诘膭趧?dòng)，貴族們也為此付出了高昂的代價(jià)。高雅的食物藝術(shù)將平凡變?yōu)槿A麗。

Chaucer described kitchens to give gastronomic distinction to the moral qualities of the social classes. In wellprovisioned, well-served noble houses, feasts demonstrated wealth and political might. Middle-class dinners aped noble banquets and imitated refined manners. Instruction books cautioned against rude guzzling and gorging. Chaucer celebrated also the simple decorum of the rural table. A banquet in “The Squire’s Tale” detailed setting, splendor of costume, music, and service along with the actual menus and the disguising of foods, called appareling, shocking the guests to marvel aloud at extravagant foods, stews, roast swans and herons, and foreign dainties followed by fine wines and spices elegantly served by stewards, ushers, and squires. Through the day and night lords and ladies drank and enjoyed marvels of culinary art for which cooks labored and noblemen paid dearly. Elegant artifice of food transformed the commonplace into the magnificent.

? ? ? ? ? 相比之下，農(nóng)場的晚餐則顯得莊重而簡單，年邁的奶牛場女主人吃著簡單的飯菜，她的畜欄里養(yǎng)著引人注目的公雞“Chaunticleer”（一只驕傲而兇猛的公雞，源自杰弗里·喬叟的《坎特伯雷故事集》）。貧窮的寡婦吃的是“清淡”的飯菜，沒有辛辣的醬汁，也沒有精致的小點(diǎn)心。她飲食節(jié)制，不喝紅葡萄酒或白葡萄酒，但餐桌上的食物卻是白的和黑的，有牛奶、黑面包、培根皮和一兩個(gè)雞蛋。必要的節(jié)制和強(qiáng)制的節(jié)制避免了餐桌上的驕傲腐蝕財(cái)富。

By contrast the farm dinner was dignified by simple fare, as the aging dairywoman ate, her barnyard home to the spectacular rooster Chaunticleer. The poor widow ate “slender” meals with no piquant sauces or dainty morsels. Temperate in diet, she drank no wines red or white but laid her table white and black, with milk, brown bread, a rind of bacon, and an egg or two. Necessary temperance and enforced moderation avoided the pride of table that corrupted the rich.

食物與性

? ? ? ? ? 其他的放縱則與食欲有關(guān)。喬叟通過中世紀(jì)的春藥傳說將食物和性聯(lián)系起來。一位殷勤的情人為了吸引一位女士的注意，給她送去了上等蜂蜜酒、香料麥酒、茴香酒和熱氣騰騰的威化餅。熱切的老情人在與年輕的新婚妻子上床之前，會(huì)在屋子里撒滿香料，喝下鞭子泡酒、紅葡萄酒和熱草藥酒，“以增加他的勇氣”——這些都是中世紀(jì)性愛手冊《De coitu》中推薦的刺激性能力的藥物。同樣，性感的妻子（杰弗里·喬叟所著《坎特伯雷故事集》的《巴斯之妻》）也建議用烈酒來刺激味覺和性欲，她說，好色的嘴會(huì)有好色的尾巴。當(dāng)喬叟描述好色的召喚師“像麻雀一樣火熱好色”時(shí)，他不僅暗指這種英國鳥被稱為性失禁，還暗指中世紀(jì)人認(rèn)為吃煮熟的麻雀或麻雀蛋會(huì)刺激情欲。人們認(rèn)為，由于麻雀的肉非常燥熱，它的熱量會(huì)讓人變得淫蕩。

Other indulgences are allied with appetite. Chaucer associates food and sex via medieval aphrodisiac lore. An importunate lover attempting to attract the attention of a lady sends her fine mead, spiced ale, pimento, and wafers piping hot. An eager old lover, before entering bed with his new young wife, strews the house with spices and drinks whipcords and claret and vermage of hot herbs “to increase his courage”—potions recommended for stimulating sexual qualities by the medieval sex manual De coitu. So too the sexy Wife of Bath suggests strong wine for stimulating the two appetites of taste and sexual sensation: A lecherous mouth, she says, has a lecherous tail. When Chaucer describes the lustful Summoner as “hot and lecherous as a sparrow” he alludes not only to the English bird’s reputed sexual incontinence but also to the medieval belief that eating cooked sparrow or sparrow eggs stimulated lust. It was thought that since the flesh of the sparrow is very hot, its heat would lead one to lechery.

? ? ? ? ? 石榴和梨等水果被當(dāng)作春藥食用。喬叟在《商人的故事》中利用了梨樹的多重性暗示。年輕嫵媚的梅夫人嫁給了富有、可惡、善妒、瘦弱的老一月，她與年邁失明的丈夫在花園散步時(shí)，堅(jiān)持要從自家的青梨樹上摘梨，生怕吃不到自己想要的東西而死掉。然而，通過巧妙的詭計(jì)，樹上掛著不止一種多汁的梨子；梅的年輕情人在樹枝上等待著一場樹上狂歡。她爬上樹去摘果子，給梨樹下的老人一月戴上了綠帽子。但這并不奇怪，那個(gè)熱心的老傻瓜最擅長用食物做比喻：他是一條成熟的魚，一條長成的梭子魚，而不是單純的梭子魚；她是鮮嫩的小牛肉。他認(rèn)為 30 歲以上的女人是豆莖和動(dòng)物飼料。但是，他那齒頰留香的妻子在床上或樹上所需要的酒比他的更烈。

Fruits such as pomegranate and pear were eaten as aphrodisiacs. Chaucer plays upon multiple sexual implications of the pear tree in “The Merchant’s Tale.” Young, voluptuous Lady May—married to wealthy, loathsome, jealous, scrawny-loined old January—while walking with her aged, blind husband in their garden insists on picking pears from their green pear tree lest she die if she cannot eat what she desires. By clever ruse, however, more than one variety of succulent pear hangs in that tree; May’s young lover waits in the branches for an arboreal orgy. Up she climbs for her fruit, cuckolding old man January in the pear tree. But no surprise; that ardent old fool thought best in food analogy: He was a mature fish, a full-grown pike, no mere pikerel; she was tender veal. He thought women over 30 were beanstraw and animal forage. But his toothsome wife desired stronger wines than his in bed, or tree.

? ? ? ? ? 許多酒和食物被認(rèn)為具有促進(jìn)性欲的特性。多米尼加神學(xué)家圣托馬斯·阿奎那（1225-74 年）在《神學(xué)總論》中指出，貪食和淫欲在概念上與觸覺的快感有關(guān)，因此食物和性也是如此。由于嗜欲是對美味的渴望，因此需要禁食某些食物來抵制性沖動(dòng)并減少精液的流量。因此，教會(huì)禁止禁食者進(jìn)食那些能給味覺帶來最大快感，同時(shí)又能極大刺激性欲的食物。這些食物包括在大地上休息的動(dòng)物的肉和呼吸空氣的動(dòng)物的肉及其產(chǎn)品，如在大地上行走動(dòng)物的奶和鳥類的蛋，因?yàn)檫@些動(dòng)物的身體更像人，它們作為食物能給人帶來更多的快樂，給人體帶來更多的營養(yǎng)，因此，食用這些食物會(huì)使精液有更多的剩余，而精液一旦充足，就會(huì)極大地刺激情欲。觸覺對中世紀(jì)食物的感官具有重要意義。這種食物的“觸感”是現(xiàn)代美食家所不具備的，因?yàn)楝F(xiàn)代美食家會(huì)在食物的紋理和口腔之間插入金屬餐具（用餐具進(jìn)食）。

Many wines and foods were construed as having the quality of promoting sexual desire. The Dominican theologian Saint Thomas Aquinas (1225–74) noted in the Summa theologica that gluttony and lust are conceptually related to the pleasure of touch and hence so, too, are food and sex. Since concupiscence was desire for the delectable, abstinence from certain foods was required to counteract sexual urges as well as to decrease seminal flow. Accordingly, the church forbade those who fasted to partake of those foods that afforded most pleasure to the palate and besides were a very great incentive to lust. Such was the flesh of animals that take their rest on the earth and of those that breathe the air and its products, such as milk from those that walk on the earth and eggs from birds, for since such animals are more like human in body, they afford greater pleasures as food and greater nourishment to the human body, so that from their consumption there results a greater surplus available for seminal matter, which when abundant becomes a great incentive to lust. Touch was significant to the sensuality of medieval food. This “feel” of food is a sense denied the modern gourmet, who interposes the metallic implements of cutlery between textured foods and willing mouth.

山珍海味

? ? ? ? ? 口腔和肛門的比喻強(qiáng)化了中世紀(jì)對善惡的表達(dá)。雕塑、繪畫、泥金手稿和文學(xué)作品中描繪的邪惡來自惡魔或地獄之口，或進(jìn)入惡魔或地獄的肛門。祈禱書邊注中的怪誕作品比比皆是，半人半獸的生物從臀部或下顎噴出污穢的閃爍物。地獄之口是中世紀(jì)最常見的受難地點(diǎn)之一。

Oral and anal analogies intensified medieval expressions of good and evil. Evil portrayed in sculpture, painting, manuscript illumination, and literature emanates from or enters into the mouths or anuses of demons or the mouth of hell. Grotesqueries in marginalia of prayer books abound with part-human part-bestial creatures spurting foul scintillations from their buttocks or jaws. One of the most frequent medieval locations for the torments of the damned is the mouth of hell.

? ? ? ? ? 正如“邪惡”是通過“”的食物典故來表達(dá)的一樣，善也是與神圣的飲食聯(lián)系在一起的。上帝與正義的人共進(jìn)晚餐，并奇跡般地喂養(yǎng)虔誠的人。基督教圣餐中的“變質(zhì)”讓人們得以食用神性。(在羅馬天主教傳統(tǒng)中，術(shù)語“基督的身體”主要是特指圣餐中分享的“圣體”。根據(jù)天主教教義，獻(xiàn)祭儀式之后， 變質(zhì)成為基督真正的身體和血。天主教教義認(rèn)為原料不僅經(jīng)過神經(jīng)上的改變，而且更是在物質(zhì)上的身體和血。在東正教的傳統(tǒng)中，神父拿面包和酒水祭拜、象征人把世界奉獻(xiàn)顯給上帝；上帝欣然接受祝福，便把自己奉獻(xiàn)給人，將自己的存在封印在面包以及酒水中，使之“定義上”成為“圣體血”（按照教義的傳統(tǒng)、固體物質(zhì)內(nèi)有生命，是為“肉體”；液體物質(zhì)內(nèi)有生命，是為“血”）)祭壇（主的餐桌）是上帝盛宴的餐桌。

Just as evil is expressed in alimentary allusion, so good is associated with divine eating. God sups with the righteous and miraculously feeds the devoted. Transubstantiation in the Christian sacrament allows the consuming of godliness. The altar—mensa domini, the Lord’s table—is the table for God’s feast.

? ? ? ? ? 這些中世紀(jì)的美食激情在古典、圣經(jīng)和民間傳說中有著悠久的傳統(tǒng)。古典希臘和拉丁文學(xué)中的史詩、抒情詩和 “廚房幽默”中都有關(guān)于美食的高貴遺產(chǎn)。古典文學(xué)中數(shù)量驚人的男女主人公通過食用特殊、神圣或禁忌的食物來決定自己的命運(yùn)。在中世紀(jì)文本中占有重要地位的有三位：薩圖恩（saturn)，為了防止他的孩子們閹割并殺死他，他吃掉了孩子們；美狄亞(Medea)，她對自己的孩子們有著非同尋常的烹飪興趣，她把孩子們喂給了杰森（伊阿宋（伊亞森，希臘語：Ι?σων，拉丁語：Easun），也有以英文發(fā)音譯為杰生）；還有年輕的阿喀琉斯，他的食物既預(yù)示了其后來的驍勇善戰(zhàn)，也是其驍勇善戰(zhàn)的原因——他通過吃獅子的內(nèi)臟和母狼的腸子獲得了力量與勇氣。

These medieval gastronomic passions had a venerable tradition in classical, biblical, and popular lore. A noble heritage of food reference existed in epic, lyric, and “kitchen humor” of classical Greek and Latin literature. An astounding number of classical heroes and heroines determined their fates by eating special, sacred, or forbidden foods. Three among those important in medieval texts are Saturn, who, to prevent his children from castrating and killing him, as they were destined, ate them; Medea, who had an unnatural culinary interest in her children she served up to Jason; and young Achilles, whose food both prefigured and caused his later prowess—he garnered strength and courage from eating the entrails of lions and the bowels of she-wolves.

? ? ? ? ? 對中世紀(jì)基督徒來說，比古典精神食糧更有吸引力的是《舊約》中的食物奇跡和食物象征。由于基督教圣經(jīng)解釋者試圖在希伯來經(jīng)文中找到新約事件的預(yù)言、前兆、先驅(qū)和典型，因此猶太教的每一場盛宴、每一粒葡萄和面包屑都是注釋的食物?；浇痰赖录以诖笮l(wèi)、參孫、約伯、朱迪絲（Judith）、以斯帖和路得的冒險(xiǎn)故事中重新詮釋了從《創(chuàng)世紀(jì)》到《所羅門之歌》中的食物場景。嗎哪（天主教思高本譯作瑪納，根據(jù)圣經(jīng)和古蘭經(jīng)，是古代以色列人出埃及時(shí)，在40年的曠野生活中，上帝賜給他們的神奇食物）降下，為沙漠中的信徒提供食物；摩西砸碎何烈山（西奈山（Mount Sinai）或摩西山（Mount Musa））的巖石取水；精致的燔祭包括烤肉和煎餅；逾越節(jié)的祭祀盛宴遵循特殊的降神節(jié)順序來展示和進(jìn)食?！独从洝?span id="s0sssss00s" class="color-pink-03">（摩西五經(jīng)中的第三本。這本書的英文名字采自希臘文《七十士譯本》所用的希臘字利未提綱和《通俗拉丁文本圣經(jīng)》的「利未提格斯」）中闡述了有關(guān)符合猶太教規(guī)的魚、肉和禽類的復(fù)雜禁令和規(guī)定，猶太人在日常生活中也要遵守。希伯來傳統(tǒng)將飲食習(xí)俗與精神考驗(yàn)聯(lián)系在一起，這為后來的猶太飲食儀式提供了靈感。

Even more compelling to medieval Christians than the classical spiritual foods were the Old Testament food miracles and food symbols. Since Christian biblical interpreters attempted to find in Hebrew Scripture predictions, prefigurations, precursors, and typologies for New Testament events, every Jewish feast, each grape and crumb, was food for exegesis. Christian moralists reinterpreted food scenes from Genesis through the Song of Solomon in the adventures of David, Samson, Job, Judith, Esther, and Ruth. Manna fell to feed the faithful in the desert. Moses smote the Horeb rocks for water. Elaborate burned offerings included seared flesh and fried bread. Ritual Passover feasts followed a special seder order of presentation and eating. Complex prohibitions and prescriptions for kosher fish, flesh, and fowl were explicated in the book of Leviticus and followed in a Jew’s daily life. Hebrew tradition associating food practices with spiritual tests inspired later Judaic food rites.

? ? ? ? ? 在中世紀(jì)基督教《圣經(jīng)道德》中，《舊約》中的食物傳統(tǒng)非常重要。這些《圣經(jīng)》闡釋字面意義，頌揚(yáng)傳統(tǒng)而非認(rèn)識論的生動(dòng)視覺細(xì)節(jié)，其中出現(xiàn)食物場景的頻率幾乎與武斗一樣高。對希伯來文中禁止猶太人食用鷺鷥和鵖鴔等“不潔”鳥類的“道德化”解釋，變成了反對餐桌上貪吃和無禮以及反對主教任人唯親和賄賂的忠告。舊制度下的飲食觀念變成了新制度下的教學(xué)手段。

Old Testament food tradition was important in medieval Christian “moralized Bibles.” Expounding the letter of the word and celebrating the vivid visual details of tradition rather than epistemology, these Bibles had food scenes almost as frequently as armed battles. “Moralized” explanations of the Hebraic prohibitions against Jews’ eating such “unclean” birds as the heron and hoopoe became counsels against gluttony and impoliteness at table and against bishops’ nepotism and simony. Food notions of the old dispensation were transformed into teaching devices for the new.

? ? ? ? ? 在《新約全書》中，福音書的作者圣約翰在宣講《啟示錄》之前吃了預(yù)言書。預(yù)言在他的胃里是苦的，但在他的舌頭上卻是甜的?；降呐腼兤孥E不僅讓迦拿婚禮上的賓客大飽口福，也讓眾多需要面包和魚的人大飽口福?！蹲詈蟮耐聿汀烦蔀橹惺兰o(jì)藝術(shù)中最受歡迎的題材之一。

In the New Testament itself Saint John the Evangelist ate the book of prophecy before preaching the Apocalypse. Bitter in his stomach, the words were sweet upon his tongue. Christ’s culinary miracles regaled not only the guests at the wedding of Cana but the multitudes requiring loaves and fishes. The Last Supper became one of the most popular subjects in medieval art.

? ? ? ? ? 神圣的食物與中世紀(jì)殉教、諷刺和巫術(shù)中的非自然食物相對應(yīng)。早期的基督教圣人受到食物的誘惑或折磨，或創(chuàng)造了食物奇跡，或在殉難時(shí)將自己剁碎、煮熟、烤熟或烤焦。盛行的民間傳說主題是通過吞食對方來消滅敵人?！督芸伺c豆莖》中的巨人就想把杰克的骨頭磨碎當(dāng)面包吃。《穿靴子的貓》中邪惡的食人魔搖身一變成了老鼠，貓便將其吞食。吞噬敵人在中世紀(jì)的諷刺劇中非常重要。在釀酒畫像中，人們通過在釀酒桶中搗碎紅心醪中的果汁來表達(dá)強(qiáng)烈的反教皇態(tài)度。15 世紀(jì)有一個(gè)治療圣彼得消化不良的食譜，要求神職人員用萊茵河水腌制：取24名紅衣主教、100 名大主教和主教（每個(gè)國家的人數(shù)相同）以及盡可能多的教士。將他們浸泡在萊茵河水中，保持三天。這樣得到的靈藥會(huì)對圣彼得的胃有好處，并能治愈他的所有疾病。

Holy food had its counterpoint in the unnatural foodstuffs of medieval martyrdoms, satire, and witchcraft. Early Christian saints were tempted or tortured with food or performed food miracles, or in their martyrdoms they themselves were minced, boiled, broiled, and roasted. The prevalent folklore theme was to destroy enemies by consuming them. That is the way the giant in “Jack and the Beanstalk” wanted to grind Jack’s bones to eat as bread. When the wicked ogre in “Puss in Boots” shifts his shape to a mouse, the cat gobbles him down. Consuming the enemy was important in medieval satire. Virulent antipapal attitudes were expressed in portraits of winemaking by pounding the juice in a vinting vat from a cardinal mash. A 15th-century recipe for curing the digestive troubles of Saint Peter required clergymen marinated in Rhine water: Take 24 cardinals, 100 archbishops and prelates, the same number from each nation, and as many curials as you can get. Immerse in Rhine water, keeping them submerged for three days. The resulting elixir will be good for Saint Peter’s stomach and cure all his diseases.

? ? ? ? ? 女巫的安息日盛宴、醞釀風(fēng)暴的大鍋烹飪以及魔法幻術(shù)都是對宮廷和神圣儀式的顯著顛覆和變態(tài)。對女巫廚房的描述詳細(xì)描述了稀有的原材料（例如切碎的孩子）、精細(xì)的烹飪和蒸餾技術(shù)、規(guī)定的裝飾程序以及復(fù)雜的飲食儀式。例如，《巫師的憎惡》展示了制作撒旦食譜的“烹飪書”、敞開的爐灶、準(zhǔn)備烹飪奇異動(dòng)物和人類食材的鍋、準(zhǔn)備煮沸奇異象征動(dòng)物的預(yù)言大鍋、裝有“攪拌器”和藥水鍋的吊柜，以及用于占卜的笊籬或篩子。就像領(lǐng)主的宴會(huì)是精心準(zhǔn)備、精心編排的豐盛宴席一樣，巫師和女巫的宴會(huì)通常也是擺設(shè)華麗、烹飪精致的盛宴，并配有金色的布料、鑲有寶石的酒器和殷勤的仆人。與宮廷烹飪理想背道而馳的是女巫的宴會(huì)，宴會(huì)上只有腐肉、被絞死的人的肉、未受洗禮的孩子和不干凈的奇怪動(dòng)物的肉，烹飪在一起沒有味道，上桌時(shí)也不放鹽。

Witches’ Sabbath feasts, cauldron cookery for brewing up storms, and magic illusions are remarkable inversions and perversions of courtly and sacred ceremony. Depictions of witches’ kitchens detail rare raw ingredients (chopped children, for instance), elaborate cooking and distilling techniques, prescribed embellishing procedures, and complex rituals for eating and drinking. The Abomination des sorciers, for example, illustrates the “cookbooks” from which satanic recipes were concocted, the open hearth with pots ready to cook bizarre animal and human ingredients, the cauldron of prophecy in which fantastic symbolic animals are prepared for boiling, the hanging cupboard containing “ready mixer” philter and potion pots, and the strainer or sieve used in divination. Just as lordly feasts were well served, well-choreographed, sumptuous banquets, so sorcerers’ and witches’ banquets often were opulently presented, delicately cooked extravaganzas with golden cloths, jeweled drinking vessels, and attentive servitors. An inversion of the ideals of courtly cookery was the witch banquet featuring only carrion and the flesh of hanged men, unbaptized children, and unclean strange animals, cooked together to be savorless and served without salt.

? ? ? ? ? 無論是自然的還是非自然的，神圣的還是褻瀆的，這些源自民間、圣經(jīng)和古典的中世紀(jì)食物傳說呈現(xiàn)出食物的“禁忌”或“魔力”。進(jìn)食儀式伴隨著食物的“非自然”轉(zhuǎn)化，使食物變得面目全非。食物是超自然力量的證明，如何烈山（西奈山）的甜水或迦拿的婚酒。食物是向上帝獻(xiàn)祭的儀式的一部分，如希伯來人的獻(xiàn)祭。食物是一種贊美或補(bǔ)償。具有共鳴魔法的食物，如阿基里斯的內(nèi)臟和女巫的腐肉晚餐，將英雄、神圣或魔鬼的品質(zhì)傳遞給凡人。在所有情況下，飲食都與精神狀態(tài)有關(guān)。食物是靈魂?duì)顟B(tài)的標(biāo)志。

Natural or unnatural, divine or profane, this medieval foodlore of popular, biblical, and classical origins presented food “forbidden” or “magic.” Rituals of eating accompanied “unnatural” transformations of food into something other than what it seemed. Food was proof of supernatural power, as in the sweet waters of Horeb or the wedding wine at Cana. Food was part of ritual offerings to God, as in the Hebraic sacrifices. Food was a praise or propitiation. Foods of sympathetic magic, such as Achilles’ offal and the witches’ carrion dinners, transferred to mortal beings qualities heroic, divine, or devilish. In all instances eating was allied to a spiritual condition. Food was an insignia of the state of the soul.

飲食與道德

? ? ? ? ? 中世紀(jì)食物與精神之間的這種統(tǒng)一是如此普遍，以至于飲食習(xí)慣決定了一個(gè)人與萬神殿的美德和惡習(xí)的聯(lián)系。暴食（拉丁語：gula，源自拉丁語 gluttire），貪食，這種腐蝕世界的誘人罪惡，在中世紀(jì)有一個(gè)既迷人又令人不安的定義。正如亞當(dāng)靠吃走出了天堂，人類也靠吃陷入了罪惡。令人驚訝的是，喬叟等作家和眾多神學(xué)家認(rèn)為亞當(dāng)失去伊甸園的可怕而致命的罪不是驕傲，而是貪食。貴族將培養(yǎng)品味和食欲作為教育、政治權(quán)力和經(jīng)濟(jì)優(yōu)勢的證明，而基督教道德家則認(rèn)為，精心制作的食物和飲食儀式是魔鬼獲得門徒的一種方式。

This medieval unity between food and spirituality was so pervasive that eating habits determined a human being’s association with a pantheon of virtues and vices. Gula, gluttony, that seducing sin that had corrupted the world, had a medieval definition both fascinating and unsettling. Just as Adam ate his way out of paradise, so humans eat their way into sin. Surprisingly, the dire and deadly sin to which writers such as Chaucer and a host of theologians ascribed Adam’s loss of Eden was not pride but gluttony. While the nobleman cultivated tastes and appetites as proof of education, political power, and economic supremacy, the Christian moralists saw in elaborate foods and eating ceremonials a way the devil acquired disciples.

? ? ? ? ? 亞當(dāng)和夏娃在天堂禁食時(shí)，一切都很完美。當(dāng)亞當(dāng)和夏娃吃下禁果后，上帝將他們趕出了天堂，使他們陷入悲哀和痛苦之中。那么，貪食就是人類的怨恨和后來所有弊病的根源。貪食是每天都在誘惑的罪，是最容易犯的罪，也是最難原諒的罪。正如喬叟對圣保羅的表述：一個(gè)人的喉嚨因?yàn)楸辉{咒的過剩而變成了廁所！食物進(jìn)入胃中，胃成了蟲子的食物，上帝最終摧毀了這兩者。

While Adam and Eve fasted in paradise, all was perfect. When Adam and Eve ate the forbidden fruit, God cast them out to woe and pain. Gluttony, then, was the source of humankind’s complaint and all subsequent maladies. Gluttony was the sin that tempted daily, the easiest to commit, and the hardest to forgive. As Chaucer rephrased Saint Paul: A man’s throat becomes a privy because of cursed superfluity! Food enters the stomach. The stomach becomes food for worms. God ultimately destroys both.

? ? ? ? ? 圣人托馬斯·阿奎那、奧古斯丁和保羅，額我略一世在《喬布書中的道德》中，威廉·佩拉杜斯在《惡習(xí)總結(jié)》中，彭亞福特的雷蒙德在《Summa?de casibus poenitentiae》（懺悔事例總結(jié)）中，以及其他訓(xùn)詁學(xué)家都論證了貪食的首要地位問題。貪食是第一大罪，是主要的罪，是最致命的罪。貪食高于傲慢的觀點(diǎn)滲透到神學(xué)家的理論闡述、中世紀(jì)流行的布道和視覺藝術(shù)中。七宗罪中的其他罪有時(shí)會(huì)導(dǎo)致下地獄，而貪食則是對世間罪惡和人類受其誘惑的令人信服的簡單解釋。反過來說，貪食是最復(fù)雜的罪，因?yàn)槌曰降纳眢w和寶血這一圣餐行為有其完美的平行性、特殊的緊迫性和生動(dòng)的形象性，即通過吃來消除因吃而導(dǎo)致的惡行：正如亞當(dāng)吃東西導(dǎo)致犯罪一樣，人類也可以吃東西獲得救贖。

Saints Thomas Aquinas, Augustine, and Paul; Gregory in his Moralia; Peraldus in his Tractatus; Pennaforte in his Summa casuum; and other exegetical writers argued the question of gluttony’s primacy. Gluttony was the first sin, the cardinal sin, the deadliest sin. This primacy of gluttony over pride permeated theoretical expositions of theologians, popular medieval pulpit preaching, and the visual arts. While others of the Seven Deadly Sins sometimes led the way to hell, gluttony was a compellingly simple explanation for sin in this world and humans’ temptation to it. Conversely, gluttony was the most complex sin because the sacramental act of eating the body and blood of Christ had its perfect parallel, its special urgency, and its graphic vividness, as an undoing, by eating, of an evil deed caused by eating: Just as Adam ate his way to sin, so humans might eat their way to salvation.

? ? ? ? ? 喬叟筆下的帕森效仿圣托馬斯·阿奎那，將貪食描述為“無以復(fù)加”的飲食欲望，對食物或飲料的過度貪婪。貪食是通向罪惡的門檻和門戶。貪吃的人無法抵御其他的罪。在罪中進(jìn)食的人，已經(jīng)在為一切惡習(xí)服務(wù)。貪食是魔鬼的囤積地，撒旦惡魔就藏身于此。

Chaucer’s Parson, following Saint Thomas Aquinas, described gluttony as “immeasurable” appetite for eating and drinking, an inordinate covetousness of food or drink. Gluttony is the threshold and gateway to sin. Whoever gives in to gluttony is incapable of withstanding other sins. Whoever eats in sin is already in the service of all vices. Gluttony is the devil’s hoard, wherein the satanic fiend rests and hides.

? ? ? ? ? 貪食有許多定義。醉酒是人類理性的可怕墳?zāi)?，醉酒?dǎo)致精神混亂，使人失去判斷力和智慧。貪食也是指人貪婪地吞食食物，“沒有正當(dāng)?shù)倪M(jìn)食方式”。過多的食物會(huì)導(dǎo)致身體濕氣紊亂，引發(fā)疾病。健忘也是過量飲食的結(jié)果。

Gluttony has many definitions. Drunkenness is a horrible sepulchre of man’s reason. Confusion of spirit caused by drunkenness bereaves man of discretion and wit. Gluttony occurs also when man greedily devours food and “has no rightful manner of eating.” Too great abundance of food causes distempering of the body’s humors and illness. Forgetfulness is the result of excess eating and drinking.

? ? ? ? ? 牧師們從額我略一世那里汲取靈感，劃定了貪吃的其他等級。惡魔之手的這五根手指引誘人們走向滅亡：

(1) 還沒到吃飯時(shí)間就吃東西；

(2) 獲得太精致、太嬌貴的食物和飲料；

(3) 吃得太多，超出了限度；

(4) 以好奇心或珍奇心來裝扮食物，太刻意去裝飾它；

(5) 吃得太貪婪。

Other levels of gluttony delineated by the Parson took inspiration from Gregory the Great. These five fingers of the devil’s hand lure folk to damnation: (1) to eat before it is time to eat; (2) to obtain too delicate and too dainty foods and drinks; (3) to take too much, beyond measure; (4) to fashion food with curiositee or preciosity, with too great intention to apparel and decorate it; and (5) to eat too greedily.

? ? ? ? ?貪食作為原罪具有驚人的意義。所有人都必須承認(rèn)并贖罪，因?yàn)樽锏亩x是如此全面。瑣碎的飲食癖好會(huì)危及救贖。如果兩餐之間進(jìn)食或餐桌禮儀不佳都構(gòu)成了罪，那么坎特伯雷朝圣者和現(xiàn)代快餐店的忠實(shí)擁躉們都難逃罪責(zé)。導(dǎo)致墮落、洪水和索（所）多瑪毀滅的罪有無數(shù)的形式和偽裝，在餐桌上潛入人的靈魂。

Gluttony as original sin had amazing implications. All human beings had to admit and to expiate their guilt because the definition of sin was so comprehensive. Trivial food peccadillos endangered salvation. If eating between meals or poor table manners constituted sin, then no Canterbury pilgrim and few among our modern devotees of fast-food restaurants would escape guilt. This same sin that caused the Fall, the Flood, and the destruction of Sodom had numerous forms and guises, insinuating itself into man’s soul at his dining table.

? ? ? ? ? 為了生存而必須進(jìn)食的人該如何避免貪食呢？喬叟筆下的帕森睿智地引用了圣奧古斯丁關(guān)于節(jié)欲的建議。我們的目標(biāo)不是完全禁欲，而是在吃喝的各個(gè)方面都有一個(gè)烹飪的 “度”。充足意味著不追求豐盛的食物或飲料，不對食物進(jìn)行夸張的裝飾。節(jié)制是指用理智克制飲食的欲望。清醒意味著限制飲酒。節(jié)制是指只吃飽，不喝多。甚至餐桌上的坐姿也決定了一種精神狀態(tài)。圣人避免在用餐時(shí)長時(shí)間慵懶地坐著。建議站著用餐，以減少用餐時(shí)的閑暇。雖然對于修道士或懺悔者來說禁欲是可行的，但在中世紀(jì)的宮廷餐桌上禁欲并不常見。

How might a human being who must eat to live avoid gluttony? Chaucer’s Parson sagely quotes Saint Augustine’s recommendation for abstinence. The goal is not total deprivation but a culinary “measure” in all aspects of eating and drinking. Sufficiency meant no seeking of rich foods or drinks, no outrageous appareling of food. Measure meant restraining by reason the appetite for eating. Soberness meant limiting drinking. Sparingness was the watchword— only enough, nothing too much. Even sitting positions at table defined a state of spirit. The holy avoided sitting long and languorously at mealtime. Eating standing up was recommended in order to eat at less leisure. While feasible for monastic orders or for penances, abstinence was infrequent at medieval courtly tables.

? ? ? ? ? 文學(xué)和哲學(xué)中對貪食的抨擊? ? ? ? ? 表明了對“裝飾”食物的明顯蔑視。所謂“裝飾”，是指裝飾食物以制造一種表象、一種幻覺、一種虛假的假象。過度裝飾食物被稱為“餐桌上的驕傲”。餐桌上的驕傲主要是富人的惡習(xí)，表現(xiàn)在奇形怪狀、色彩斑斕的烘焙食品，火燒食品，熊熊燃燒的野火，以及彩繪、雕刻、冰雕、杏仁糖或紡糖作品。

Literary and philosophical inveighing against gluttony shows notable disdain for “appareling” food. Appareling meant decorating to create an appearance, an illusion, a pretense of something other than what was. Excessive adornment of food was called pride of the table. Primarily the vice of the rich, table pride was expressed in contrivances of baked foods in fantastical shapes and colors, flambé foods, burning bright wild fire, and painted, sculpted, ice, marzipan, or spun sugar creations.

? ? ? ? ? 宮廷廚師將普通食物變成雕塑，但卻通過制造“表象”來欺騙、犯罪，并將他人帶入罪惡之中。廚師們迎合食客們對“新奇事物”的貪得無厭的欲望，喚起了“更新的食欲”，用他們的美味手段引誘人們?nèi)旧掀渌麗毫?xí)。中世紀(jì)的宴會(huì)手冊對這些美食大加贊賞，推薦食物繪畫、食物雕塑和幻覺食物。教士們譴責(zé)糕點(diǎn)和果凍設(shè)計(jì)、杏仁蛋白徽章、肉類菜肴（如 Yrchoun 和 Cockentrice（將乳豬的上半身縫在閹雞或火雞的下半身上的菜肴））以及音樂家餡餅，這些餡餅展示了從巨型糕點(diǎn)中躍出的現(xiàn)場樂器演奏者。這些刺激視覺和味覺的奇觀表達(dá)了過度財(cái)富、過度華麗和過度世俗的驕傲。

Courtly cooks transformed elementary foods into sculpture but by creating “appearances” deceived, sinned, and led others into sin. By pandering to their patrons’ insatiable desires for “newfangledness,” cooks aroused “newer appetites,” seducing men to other vices by their delicious devices. These delicacies were praised in medieval banquet manuals recommending food painting, food sculpture, and illusion foods. Clerics condemned pastry and aspic designs, marzipan armorial quarterings, meat dishes such as the Yrchoun and Cockentrice, and the musician pies, which presented live instrumentalists leaping out from giant pastries. Such wonders exciting the eye and palate expressed too much wealth, too great magnificence, and a too worldly pride.

? ? ? ? ? 對裝飾性食物和進(jìn)食儀式的苛責(zé)、對餐桌驕傲的譴責(zé)以及對貪食五指的斷言，都是中世紀(jì)秩序的真實(shí)寫照，就像浪漫小說、烹飪書、家庭賬目和健康手冊中對美食的贊美一樣。中世紀(jì)的食物和儀式是上帝賜予豐饒的最藝術(shù)的表達(dá)，也是走向詛咒的最卑鄙、最危險(xiǎn)的誘惑。這種相反的觀點(diǎn)表達(dá)了世俗生活的模糊性，在世俗生活中，食物與其他激情一樣，可能是人類最墮落或最神圣本性的表達(dá)。

Strictures against adorned food and the ceremony of eating, condemnations of table pride, and assertions of gluttony’s five groping fingers were as true to the medieval world order as were the exaltations of fine foods in the romances, cookery tomes, household accounts, and health manuals. Medieval food and ceremony were the most artful expression of God’s plenty or the most degrading, dangerous temptation toward damnation. Such contrary views expressed the ambiguities of living in the secular world, where food, like other passions, potentially was an expression of a human being’s most corrupt or most holy nature.

《Handbook To Life in The Medieval World》（2008）

By Madeleine Pelner Cosman and Linda Gale Jones? ?

未完待續(xù)！