牧游社 牧有漢化翻譯

Victoria 3 - Dev Diary #57 - The Journey So Far

lachek, Victoria 3 Lead Designer

Hello all! Now that we know the Victoria 3 release date and have seen a bit of actual, live gameplay, I thought it would be a good idea to recap what the game is and tell you a bit about how we got here. Today I'm going to focus less on abstract principles and pillars and more on concrete game mechanics, the play experience and the process by which we arrived at the current version of the game.

大家吼啊！現(xiàn)在我們知道了維多利亞3的發(fā)售日期，也看到了實(shí)際的游戲玩法直播，我覺得是時候重新過一遍游戲內(nèi)容，和大家說說我們是如何走到今天的。今天我就不會著重介紹抽象的原理和要素，而是講一講實(shí)際的游戲機(jī)制，游玩體驗，以及我們是如何做出現(xiàn)在這個版本的游戲的。

It took us a while, but we built a world!

確實(shí)花了點(diǎn)功夫，但我們構(gòu)建了一個世界！

Let's start with simply: What is Victoria 3? We call it a society builder grand strategy game, where the focus is to mold and shape your chosen country's population, economy, and laws to navigate the power struggles, revolutions, and devastating wars of the 19th and early 20th centuries. In practice this means you will be making many difficult decisions about how to construct your economy, which political factions to empower, and which other countries to befriend and rival.

先從一個簡單的問題開始吧：維多利亞3是什么？我們稱之為社會構(gòu)建大戰(zhàn)略游戲，重心在于塑造你所選國家的人民、經(jīng)濟(jì)和法律，以應(yīng)對19世紀(jì)和20世紀(jì)早期的權(quán)力斗爭、革命和毀滅性的戰(zhàn)爭。實(shí)際游戲中，這意味著你需要做出許多艱難的決定，包括如何構(gòu)建你的經(jīng)濟(jì)，哪一個政治派系應(yīng)該上位，要和哪些國家交好或者敵對。

Everything in Victoria begins and ends with Pops, a.k.a. your population. Pops and their living conditions determine what sorts of economies you are able to run. An agrarian economy may be great at feeding itself and could sustain itself for a long time, but lacks access to manufactured goods to increase living standards. Manufacturing-based industry is more centralized, creating urban centers with wider wealth gaps, but the resulting increase in domestic demand can provide a stable economic foundation for your market. Laissez-faire could make sense for countries whose population demands a wide variety of products while specializing in highly effective production of specific goods, while a command economy may be desirable to counteract foreign influence and steer your population with more precision.

維多利亞中的一切都從Pop中來，到Pop中去，而Pop就是你的人口。Pop和他們的生活水平?jīng)Q定了你能運(yùn)營起一個怎樣的經(jīng)濟(jì)。農(nóng)業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)或許很擅長填飽自己人的肚子，也能夠長時間保持穩(wěn)定，但缺少獲取工業(yè)制成品的途徑來改善生活條件。制造業(yè)為主的工業(yè)體系更加中心化，會創(chuàng)造出有著更大貧富差距的城市中心，但是也會帶來更高的國內(nèi)需求，為你的市場提供堅實(shí)的經(jīng)濟(jì)基礎(chǔ)。自由放任的經(jīng)濟(jì)體系，對于那些人口需要許多種類的商品，且專精于特定商品的高效生產(chǎn)方式的國家來說是行之有效的，而指令經(jīng)濟(jì)對于對抗外國影響并精準(zhǔn)指導(dǎo)你的人民來說，或許是更加合適的選擇。

Your people, the bedrock of the simulation and the enduring feature of Victoria games.

你的人民，模擬的基石，也是維多利亞游戲經(jīng)久不衰的特色。

Your economy is based around a web of industries (a.k.a. "buildings") that produce and/or consume goods, and the consumption demands of the Pops themselves. Buildings do nothing on their own but must be staffed by Pops, who in return are (hopefully!) provided with wages sufficient to purchase goods and services to improve their living conditions. Privately owned buildings have owner Pops who collect the profits, which they may reinvest or conspicuously spend on lavish luxuries, driving up demand for exotic imports like Fruit or new inventions like Automobiles. As the spirit of your nation, you decide which buildings to construct, where they should be situated, and whether they should be state-subsidized or not. Each such decision will have long-term implications for your country's future.

你的經(jīng)濟(jì)基于一整套產(chǎn)出且/或消耗商品的工業(yè)網(wǎng)絡(luò)（也就是“建筑”），以及由Pop自己所決定的消費(fèi)需求。建筑本身沒有功能，必須要由Pop在其中工作才能產(chǎn)生效果，而Pop也會獲得足以購買商品和服務(wù)來改善他們的生活水平的工資（希望如此！）。私有建筑的收益會被所有者Pop拿走，之后這些錢要么被拿去重新投資，要么高調(diào)地花在各種窮奢極欲的奢侈品上，從而增加水果這樣的異國風(fēng)情進(jìn)口商品，以及汽車這樣的全新發(fā)明的需求。作為國家意志的化身，你可以決定在哪里修建什么建筑，是否對其提供國家補(bǔ)貼。每個這樣的決定都會對你的國家的未來有著長期影響。

Buildings are your main tool for nation building, as you determine what your population should be occupying their time with and how. During development, more and more gameplay features were implemented using buildings and their production methods.

建筑是你建設(shè)國家的主要工具，因為藉此你可以決定你的人民如何利用自己的工作時間。在發(fā)展過程中，越來越多的游戲特性會通過建筑和它們的生產(chǎn)方式來得以體現(xiàn)。

Pops are "real people", they don't suddenly appear just because there's work to be done. This begs the question, what would Pops be doing before suitable workplaces have been constructed for them? In Victoria 2, Pops not employed in factories or in special roles like Capitalists contributed towards "Resource Gathering Operations" (RGOs) which created all raw resources in the game. In V3, we wanted resource industries to be among the viable, active choices you could focus your efforts on, but we also didn't want the majority of the population to work on high-yield modern farms at game start. The solution we came up with was subsistence farming, where all unused arable land in a state could be used by Pops of the Peasant Profession to sustain themselves and produce a very small amount of excess goods for the market. These subsistence farms will gradually disappear as modern, industrialized farms and organized plantations are constructed in their place. As there is no guarantee that proper resource industries will pay lower-class Pops a better wage than the living standard Peasants could achieve by simply working the land, depending on when and how this transition is done it may lead to increased wealth disparity even while it's certainly better for your market economy.

Pop是“真實(shí)的人”，不會因為有工作要做就突然憑空出現(xiàn)。這就帶來了一個問題，Pop在合適的工作場所建造出來之前在干什么呢？在維多利亞2中，不在工廠中上班，也不從事資本家這樣的特殊工作的Pop進(jìn)行的是“資源收集活動”（RGOs），這會產(chǎn)生游戲中所有的原材料。在維多利亞3中，我們想讓資源工業(yè)也成為你能著重發(fā)展的可用選項之一，但是我們也不想在游戲一開始就讓大部分人口在高產(chǎn)出的現(xiàn)代化農(nóng)場上工作。我們得出的解決方案是自給性農(nóng)業(yè)，從事貧農(nóng)職業(yè)的Pop可以利用一個地區(qū)內(nèi)所有的可用耕地來養(yǎng)活自己，同時生產(chǎn)很少一部分額外商品到市場上。隨著現(xiàn)代化，工業(yè)化的農(nóng)場和有組織的種植園在可用耕地上建設(shè)起來，這些自給性農(nóng)場也會逐漸消失。因為沒法保證會有合適的資源工業(yè)能給下層階級Pop提供比在地里干活更高的收入，即便這對于你的市場經(jīng)濟(jì)有好處，這種轉(zhuǎn)變什么時候以及怎么樣發(fā)生還是可能會引發(fā)更大的財富差距（譯注：類似于圈地運(yùn)動中的羊吃人）。

Each Pop has an amount of Political Strength derived primarily from their size and wealth, modified by the country's laws. This influence is distributed across the various Interest Groups the Pop supports, empowering them to steer the country's political direction. For example, a wealthy plantation-owning Aristocrat might put most of their gravitas behind the Landowners, espousing a kind of patronizing conservatism. A nation of Farmers might champion the Rural Folk and their simple, honest, and non-expansionist way of life. Meanwhile, a group of coal mining Machinists might join the Trade Unions to push for both workplace safety regulations and more egalitarian expansion of the voting franchise. Over time you will start to recognize the patterns in how your economy has developed over the decades, and how this results in altered power distributions and the emergence of different political movements demanding change.

每個Pop都有一定的政治力量，主要由人口數(shù)量和財富量決定，也受到國家法律的修正。政治力量的影響會分散到Pop支持的各個利益集團(tuán)中，給予他們引導(dǎo)國家發(fā)展方向的能力。例如，一個有種植園的富有貴族可能會主要支持地主階級和宗主式保守主義。主要由農(nóng)民構(gòu)成的國家可能會推崇“鄉(xiāng)下人”和他們那簡單，誠實(shí)，以及非擴(kuò)張主義的生活方式。同時，一群在煤礦工作的機(jī)械師可能會加入“工會”，來推動工作地點(diǎn)安全規(guī)范和更加平等主義的投票群體擴(kuò)大化。隨著時間推移，你會注意到幾十年來你的經(jīng)濟(jì)模式發(fā)生的變化，以及這樣的變化會帶來怎樣不同的權(quán)力分配，同時還會帶來迥異的各路尋求改變的政治運(yùn)動。

Interest Groups are new to Victoria 3 and act as the people's voice in their interactions with you. Just like everything else in the game they ultimately only function due to the Pops that lend them support, so impacting the Pops directly will also affect the Interest Groups.

利益集團(tuán)是維多利亞3的新東西，在它們與你的互動中充當(dāng)人民的代言人。就像游戲中的其它東西一樣，它們最終只能靠支持它們的Pop來運(yùn)作，所以直接影響Pop也會影響利益集團(tuán)。

In the earliest playable iteration of Victoria 3, Interest Groups were very dynamic and always organized into parties or factions. Interest Groups could suddenly appear in a country or change their beliefs based on triggered conditions. They had opinions on everything from reforms to what buildings should be constructed to which wars should be waged. This turned out to be extremely confusing, as players never really got a handle on what their country was all about or the outside limits of what might happen if they performed an action. To combat this we created eight Interest Group "templates" which were the same for all countries, with individual variations on those templates for different countries. Rather than popping into existence or fading away as there were causes to champion, we split off a new type of organization - Political Movements - from Interest Groups, so the latter would always have their own identity and ideology while the former could be used to push issues. Rather than changing Interest Groups' opinions based on triggered conditions, we introduced Interest Group Leaders which could modify an Interest Group's ideologies. Finally, we removed the Party/Faction layer altogether, only to reintroduce Parties much later in development as a more comprehensible political layer active only in democracies that still puts Interest Groups front and center.

在維多利亞3最早的可玩性版本中，利益集團(tuán)是非常動態(tài)的，并且總是組織成政黨或派系。利益集團(tuán)可能突然出現(xiàn)在一個國家，或者根據(jù)觸發(fā)的條件改變他們的信念。他們對一切都有意見，從改革到應(yīng)該建造什么建筑再到應(yīng)該發(fā)動什么戰(zhàn)爭。這非常令人困惑，因為玩家從來沒有真正掌握他們的國家是什么，或者如果他們執(zhí)行一個行動會有怎樣的外部限制。為了解決這個問題，我們創(chuàng)建了八個利益集團(tuán)“模板”，這些模板對所有國家都是一樣的，不同的國家在這些模板上有不同的衍生變體。與其讓利益集團(tuán)因為有需要支持的事業(yè)而突然出現(xiàn)或消失，我們選擇從利益集團(tuán)中分離出一種新的組織類型——政治運(yùn)動，這樣后者就會一直有自己的身份和意識形態(tài)，而前者可以用來推動問題。與其讓利益集團(tuán)根據(jù)觸發(fā)的條件來改變理念，我們轉(zhuǎn)而引入了利益集團(tuán)的領(lǐng)袖，他們可以修正興趣小組的意識形態(tài)。最后，我們完全刪除了政黨/派系層面的內(nèi)容，只是在開發(fā)的后期重新引入了政黨，作為一個更容易理解的政治層面的內(nèi)容，只在民主國家活動，仍然把利益集團(tuán)放在表層和中心。

The set of laws available for a player to try to change has evolved during development, with different tax laws merging into a single category, trade policy being split from the economic system, and the various army model laws being introduced.

在開發(fā)過程中，可供玩家嘗試改變的法律設(shè)定已經(jīng)發(fā)生了變化，不同的稅法合并為一個類別，貿(mào)易政策從經(jīng)濟(jì)體制中分離出來，各種軍隊模式的法律被引入。

The laws themselves, and the institutions they sometimes enable, tie back into the economy through the Pops. Changes to your taxation system might require you to course-correct your economy to both keep your people fed and your treasury in the black. Different army models might permit you to maintain a well-trained, professional army, or require you to rely on raising part of your population as conscripts during times of war which could disrupt your industry. Universal pensions will raise your overall standard of living and decrease poverty rates and turmoil, but can be costly to maintain. And without an education system, you will have a hard time developing the qualifications your Pops need to take advanced professions in cutting-edge factories, academic, and financial institutions.

法律本身，以及它們有時會解鎖的機(jī)構(gòu)，通過Pop反饋回經(jīng)濟(jì)中。稅收制度的變化可能要求你對經(jīng)濟(jì)進(jìn)行調(diào)整，以保證你的人民有飯吃、你的國庫有收入。不同的軍隊模式可能允許你保持一支訓(xùn)練有素的專業(yè)軍隊，或者要求你在戰(zhàn)爭時期倚仗召集部分人口作為征召兵，這可能會擾亂你的工業(yè)。全民養(yǎng)老金將提高你的整體生活水平，減少貧困率和動亂，但維持成本很高。如果沒有一個教育系統(tǒng)，你將很難發(fā)展你的Pop在尖端工廠、學(xué)術(shù)機(jī)構(gòu)和金融機(jī)構(gòu)從事高級職業(yè)所需要的資格。

Our initial model for how Interest Groups should support one Laws over another was based on a kind of 3D political compass, or maybe something akin to Stellaris' Ethics system. But it did not take long for us to realize just how inadequate this method was for describing all the different political positions people in the 19th century could take. For example, is "colonization" a progressive or conservative policy? The answer is that it entirely depends on the context, culture, and whatever intellectual arguments had been voiced by one philosopher or another within the prior decade. So rather than trying to create a brand new theory of Political Science, we abandoned this matrix-model for a much more bespoke system of many dozens of ideologies that each have their own set of stances on specific laws.

至于利益集團(tuán)如何選擇要支持哪項法律而不是另一項法律，我們最初的模型是基于一種三維政治坐標(biāo)系，或者類似于Stellaris的思潮系統(tǒng)。但沒過多久，我們就意識到這種方法對于描述19世紀(jì)的人們可能采取的所有各種政治立場是多么的不足。例如，“殖民化”是一項進(jìn)步的還是保守的政策？答案是，這完全取決于背景、文化，以及此前十年內(nèi)這個或那個哲學(xué)家所表達(dá)的任何知識論點(diǎn)。因此，我們沒有試圖創(chuàng)建一個全新的政治學(xué)理論，而是放棄了這種矩陣模式，轉(zhuǎn)而建立一個由幾十種意識形態(tài)組成的更有針對性的系統(tǒng)，這些意識形態(tài)在具體法律上都有自己的一套立場。

An enduring question during early development was, how much should government employees be paid? A fixed amount seemed particularly wrong, but so did a fully configurable amount. We settled on a continually updating national Normal Wage value - a weighted average of wages paid by private industry across incorporated states - and letting the player set wages in steps around this norm, with bonuses or penalties applying for paying more or less.

在早期開發(fā)過程中，一個持續(xù)很長時間的問題是，政府雇員的工資應(yīng)該是多少？設(shè)定一個固定的數(shù)額似乎大錯特錯，但一個完全可配置的數(shù)額也是如此。我們決定采用一個不斷更新的全國正常工資數(shù)值——即各地區(qū)私營企業(yè)支付的工資的加權(quán)平均數(shù)，并讓玩家圍繞這個標(biāo)準(zhǔn)來設(shè)定工資，如果支付的工資更多或更少，則會有加成或懲罰。

If you want to run a competitive nation, you cannot rely exclusively on private industry - the bureaucratic machine has to function, taxes must be collected, trains and ships have to depart on time, and the army and navy has to be fully staffed and on alert. These government functions are also represented via buildings, with the Pops who work there paid directly by the treasury. Every individual in your country is represented by Pops, who perform all the functions that make your nation what it is.

如果你想管理一個有競爭力的國家，你不能完全依靠私營企業(yè)——官僚機(jī)器必須運(yùn)作，必須收稅，火車和船只必須準(zhǔn)時出發(fā)，陸軍和海軍必須人員充足和軍備完善。這些政府職能也通過建筑來體現(xiàn)，在那里工作的Pop直接由國庫支付工資。你的國家的每一個人都由Pop來代表，他們執(zhí)行所有的功能，使你的國家成為現(xiàn)在這樣。

Originally Institutions was just another type of Law that you could invest Bureaucracy into. Splitting them out into their own entities whose nature can be changed by Laws made them come alive in a totally new way, and lets you more clearly see how your country's becoming more capable and complex over time.

起初，機(jī)構(gòu)只是另一種類型的法律，你可以將行政力投入其中。我們把它們分離出來，形成自己的實(shí)體，其性質(zhì)可以通過法律來改變，這使它們以一種全新的方式活躍起來，并讓你更清楚地看到你的國家是如何隨著時間的推移變得更有能力和更加復(fù)雜。

One design challenge we had to tackle early on in development was how we would represent institutions: as concrete buildings on a local level, or more abstractly on a national level? We really wanted Pops to be responsible for staffing the public sector, so as to not pretend that things like healthcare, education, and policing just happen from legislating their existence. But on the other hand we didn't want to have to saddle the player with having to micromanage constructing the exact right number of hospitals, jailhouses, employment offices, tax collectors, etc etc in every state. In a fit of insanity we briefly flirted with the idea of non-local buildings, where Pops would live in one place but work in an indeterminate "cloud-based" workplace that provides benefits to the entire population, but this started looking like the kind of weird hacky solution that would come back to haunt us later in development and we thankfully abandoned it quite quickly. After consulting a programmer with much fresher eyes on this issue than the design team at this point, we decided to make a building that creates a currency (Bureaucracy) that institutions would consume, just to see how that felt. This proved an excellent trade-off, letting players customize which parts of their country their administration was centered in while ensuring that legislated promises of access to services were distributed correctly across the country in different proportions without excessive micromanagement.

我們在開發(fā)早期遇到的一個挑戰(zhàn)是如何設(shè)計機(jī)構(gòu)：是作為各地的一棟水泥建筑，還是在更抽象的國家層面表示？我們很想讓Pop來負(fù)責(zé)運(yùn)轉(zhuǎn)公共設(shè)施，而不是假裝醫(yī)療、教育以及治安等體系都能夠脫離人而自行運(yùn)轉(zhuǎn)。但另一方面我們也不想讓玩家進(jìn)行大量微操來使各個地區(qū)時刻保持合適等級的醫(yī)院、監(jiān)獄、就業(yè)辦公室、稅務(wù)局等等。在沖動的驅(qū)使下我們曾產(chǎn)生過設(shè)計全局建筑的想法，通過讓Pop們在一個虛無縹緲的“云”單位進(jìn)行異地工作來為全國人民服務(wù)，但是這越看越像是一種奇怪的卡bug行為，在日后的開發(fā)中很可能會帶來更多的麻煩，因此我們及時地否決了這個想法。為此我們請教了一位程序員，通過他看待這一問題的全新視角，我們決定嘗試設(shè)計一種為機(jī)構(gòu)提供消耗品（即行政力）的建筑，并觀察它的效果。結(jié)果這一設(shè)計充分實(shí)現(xiàn)了協(xié)調(diào)，使玩家在能夠決定國家施政重點(diǎn)方針的同時，無需額外的微操即可保證全國的公共服務(wù)能力按照不同比例正確分配。

With a well-oiled market supported by appropriate laws you can turn your eye to the economies abroad. Not all goods your people demand can be acquired locally, so which countries do you want to trade with? Importing another country's products could be exactly the kickstart your economy needs, but will also enrich the exporting nation and make you dependent on their economy. Exporting consumer goods will benefit those of your Pops who own the factories the most, while it will come to the detriment of Pops consuming those goods. Each decision made will impact different segments of your population, both economically and politically.

有了合適的法律支持，一個運(yùn)轉(zhuǎn)良好的市場就足以使你能夠把經(jīng)濟(jì)的眼光投向海外。你的人民所需的貨品并不能全部從本地獲得，因此你要與哪個國家開展貿(mào)易？進(jìn)口其他國家的產(chǎn)品可以成為你經(jīng)濟(jì)的一腳油門，但也會給出口國帶去利潤并加大你對他們的依存度。出口消費(fèi)品對于擁有工廠的Pop是最有利的，但會損害到消費(fèi)那些貨品的Pop。你所作的每一個決定都將在經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治上對不同的人群帶來影響。

In the original trade system, the amount of goods your routes moved was quite open-ended and required trade center management on both ends. It was micromanagement heavy, complex to understand, and easy for both player and AI to abuse.

在原本的貿(mào)易系統(tǒng)中，你的貿(mào)易路線所能吞吐的商品量是可以無限增加的，并且需要進(jìn)出口端的貿(mào)易中心來進(jìn)行管理。這會帶來繁重的微操，也很難以理解，同時容易被玩家或AI濫用。

Trade has gone through a number of iterations, as it works very differently from both Victoria 2 and most other strategy games. We knew very early on that we wanted market-to-market trade of specific goods, and our supply-and-demand system works well out of the box for creating incentives to trade. The first trade system was serviceable - you would earn trade routes from building Trade Centers and would spend them to move a certain number of goods between two markets. It made sense and was simple to understand, but turned out quite micro-intensive as you had to babysit routes to move just the right amount. It was also much too easy to destroy foreign economies by simply stealing all their supply of a crucial good or oversaturating a market, which was nominally fun to do to the AI but less fun when the AI did it to you.

貿(mào)易系統(tǒng)經(jīng)歷了一系列的改動，與維多利亞2以及其他大部分策略游戲都截然不同。我們很早就確立了通過市場對市場來交易特定商品的指導(dǎo)方針，我們的供需系統(tǒng)很好地創(chuàng)造了貿(mào)易的源動力。第一代貿(mào)易系統(tǒng)確實(shí)可用——你將通過建造貿(mào)易中心來獲得貿(mào)易路線，然后花費(fèi)貿(mào)易路線來在兩個市場間交換一定量的商品。這固然能夠起作用也很容易理解，但是卻需要花費(fèi)大量的精力來確保每條線路的吞吐量都正好合適。這也使得你可以通過搶走所有急需的關(guān)鍵物資或向其市場大量傾銷某種商品來摧毀敵方的經(jīng)濟(jì)，對AI這樣做固然有意思，但當(dāng)AI來制裁你時就不是那么好玩了。

In the new system, only the country establishing the route gets a trade center to manage it, and the quantity of goods is dependent on what is actually profitable to trade. You can still fine-tune who your trading partners are and how large the routes can grow by using tariffs and embargoes, but the level of interactivity is much more even.

在新系統(tǒng)中，只有建立貿(mào)易路線的國家能夠獲得貿(mào)易中心來進(jìn)行管理，并且吞吐量將取決于能夠獲取的利潤。你仍然可以通過關(guān)稅和禁運(yùn)來微調(diào)你的貿(mào)易對象以及貿(mào)易路線能夠增長的上限，但互動性將更加平衡。

The trade system currently in the game instead creates and expands Trade Centers to manage trade as needed, earning money for the Pops who work it based on the marginal price difference between the two markets. This way you simply establish a route between two markets, and if that good is in high demand in one and in high supply in the other, it will grow until there's no money in trading a larger quantity. That also meant we could implement a tariff system where a player can both earn money off trade and deter other players (or the AI) from importing or exporting particular goods. Crucially though, we needed to see the first, simpler system in action before figuring out what the problems with it would be.

當(dāng)前版本的貿(mào)易系統(tǒng)則是根據(jù)需要來創(chuàng)建和擴(kuò)展貿(mào)易中心以管理貿(mào)易，同時基于兩個市場的邊際價差來為從事工作的Pop帶來利潤。這樣你只需要在兩個市場間設(shè)立一條貿(mào)易路線，如果商品在其中一邊供不應(yīng)求而另一邊供大于求，那么就會自動擴(kuò)大該商品的貿(mào)易額度直到無法賺取更多的利潤為止。這也意味著我們能夠引入關(guān)稅系統(tǒng)，來使玩家能夠從貿(mào)易中抽稅或阻止其他玩家（或AI）針對特定商品進(jìn)行進(jìn)出口。但重要的是，我們需要先對第一代更簡單的貿(mào)易系統(tǒng)進(jìn)行實(shí)際檢驗，而后才能指出該系統(tǒng)可能存在哪些問題。

Your nation's prestigiousness, determined by the size and power of its economy, military, culture, and other aspects, sets its position on the global power ranking ladder. Are you but a Minor Power, barely involved in local affairs involving your neighbors? Or a Major Power, a regional powerhouse or up-and-coming global player? Or one of the few Great Powers, whose tendrils reach all over the world, constantly trying to one-up each other so none get too far ahead?

你的國家的國際聲望是由經(jīng)濟(jì)、軍事、文化以及其他方面的規(guī)模和實(shí)力決定的，并在全球排定名次。也許你只是一個次強(qiáng)，只能參與和鄰國相關(guān)的本地事務(wù)？或者你是一個強(qiáng)國，作為一個地方強(qiáng)權(quán)并且準(zhǔn)備參與國際事務(wù)？或者你是少數(shù)列強(qiáng)之一，能夠?qū)⒂|手伸到全世界，在你追我趕的競爭中不斷嘗試超過其他列強(qiáng)？

This ranking sets the amount of Influence you receive, which can be used to establish and maintain Diplomatic Pacts with other nations. Trade Agreements simplify trade between your countries, Alliances permit you to come to one another's aid, Customs Unions merge several markets, and numerous types of Subject relationships can be either demanded or requested - by either party, since enjoying the protection of a Great Power may be worth the loss of freedom it entails. Pacts can only be established if countries have overlapping strategic interests, a limited resource forcing you to pick and choose between the parts of the world that matters to you. Interests have always been core to the design principles of Victoria 3 but have gone through a number of revisions as well, some of which will be covered by Martin next week!

國家等級設(shè)定了你所獲得的影響力數(shù)量，影響力可以用來建立和維持與其他國家之間的外交條約。貿(mào)易協(xié)定簡化了你們國家之間的貿(mào)易，同盟允許你們互相幫助，關(guān)稅同盟合并了幾個市場，還可以要求或索取許多種類的附屬關(guān)系——不管是宗主國還是附屬國任何一方都可以要求，因為享受一個列強(qiáng)的保護(hù)可能是值得失去自由的。只有當(dāng)國家有重疊的戰(zhàn)略利益時才能建立盟約，有限的資源迫使你在對你來說重要的世界各部分之間做出取舍。利益存在一直是維多利亞3設(shè)計原則的核心，但也經(jīng)歷了一些修改，Martin下周將介紹其中的一些內(nèi)容。

Rather than fabricating claims or war justifications, in Victoria 3 you can be as bold and brash with your demands as you wish - for as long as you can afford the Infamy and don't endanger the wrong Great Powers. Finding a balance between the ability to strategically pre-plan your Plays and still having to navigate uncertain outcomes is key to making Diplomatic Plays feel satisfying, and a lot of iteration on both mechanics and AI has gone into finding it.

與其通過偽造宣稱或正當(dāng)化戰(zhàn)爭，取而代之的是，在維多利亞3中，你可以隨心所欲地提出你的要求——只要你能承受得起惡名，并且不會惹到不該惹的列強(qiáng)。在戰(zhàn)略上預(yù)先計劃你的游戲，但仍然必須應(yīng)對不確定的結(jié)果，在這二者之間找到一個平衡點(diǎn)，是使外交博弈感到令人滿意的關(guān)鍵，我們在機(jī)制和AI方面都進(jìn)行了大量的迭代，以找到這個平衡點(diǎn)。

Demands between nations can also be asserted as Diplomatic Plays, where every country with a stated interest in a region may weigh in on the issue by supporting one of the sides. With enough military strength supporting your claims, even a territorial dispute may be resolved without a single shot being fired. But this is much less a negotiation and more a game of chicken, where in a best-case scenario at most one side walks away with what they want. If that would be you, are you prepared to press this issue even to the point of war, knowing the tremendous loss of money and lives that would bring? Or should you make a concession now and start planning your revenge?

國家之間的要求也可以作為外交博弈來進(jìn)行，在某一區(qū)域有公開利益的每一個國家，都可以通過支持其中一方來介入這個事務(wù)。如果有足夠的軍事力量支持你的要求，即便是領(lǐng)土爭端，也可以在不開一槍的情況下得到解決。但這與其說是談判，不如說是一場膽小鬼博弈，在最好的情況下，最多只有一方能帶走他們想要的東西。如果那是你，你是否準(zhǔn)備把這個問題推到甚至走向戰(zhàn)爭的地步，而那會帶來巨大的金錢和生命損失？或者你應(yīng)該現(xiàn)在做出讓步，并開始計劃你的復(fù)仇？

Diplomatic Plays is in many ways an evolution of the Crisis system from Victoria 2: Heart of Darkness, where a "flashpoint" somewhere on the globe could spark an international crisis involving several Great Powers picking sides. The mechanic works well to emphasize the importance of international "policing" of world conflict in the era. Instead of it arising from a flashpoint, issuing a Diplomatic Play in Victoria 3 causes an incident which adversely affects the country initiating it. It can also involve a lot more countries than just Great Powers, as regional or local players might also become involved or recruited.

在很多方面來說，外交博弈都是維多利亞2：黑暗之心中危機(jī)系統(tǒng)的進(jìn)化——全球某處的“熱點(diǎn)”可能會引發(fā)一場導(dǎo)致幾大列強(qiáng)選邊站的國際危機(jī)。這一機(jī)制很好地強(qiáng)調(diào)了這個時代的世界沖突中國際“治安”的重要性。但是與其讓熱點(diǎn)引起危機(jī)，在維多利亞3中，我們選擇發(fā)起外交博弈導(dǎo)致外交事變，從而反過來對發(fā)起事變的國家產(chǎn)生不利影響。它也可以涉及更多的國家，而不僅僅是列強(qiáng)，因為區(qū)域性的或當(dāng)?shù)匦酝婕乙部赡鼙痪砣牖虮徽賳尽?/p>

The point of going to war is to press your war goals and sign a peace deal as soon as possible. Nothing is worse for the economy than a forever-war (unless the foundation of your economy is arms manufacturing, that is…)

戰(zhàn)爭的意義在于壓制你的戰(zhàn)爭目標(biāo)，并盡快簽署和平協(xié)議。對經(jīng)濟(jì)來說，沒有什么比永遠(yuǎn)的戰(zhàn)爭更糟糕的了（除非你的經(jīng)濟(jì)基礎(chǔ)是武器制造，那就另說……）。

Should war become inevitable, you have many further choices to make. What proportion of your population do you conscript into service, and which parts of the country do you leave to keep the economy running? Which of your generals do you mobilize, and which do you retain in reserve? Which troops do you send where? Do you keep your navy back to defend your shorelines, send them out to protect your trade routes, or try to sabotage enemy trade and supply lines? As generals and admirals have different ranks, skill traits, and force allocations from supporting barracks and naval bases, which resource you utilize where can make a big difference in the outcome of the war. Since generals and admirals also support their own Interest Groups, their performance against the enemy can also cause political shifts that persist even after the war.

如果戰(zhàn)爭不可避免，你還有很多進(jìn)一步的選擇要做。你要征召多大比例的人口服役，你要讓哪部分的人口留下來保持經(jīng)濟(jì)運(yùn)轉(zhuǎn)？你要動員哪些將軍，哪些將軍要留作后備？你要把哪些部隊派往哪里？你是保留你的海軍來保衛(wèi)你的海岸線，還是派他們出去保護(hù)你的貿(mào)易路線，或者試圖破壞敵人的貿(mào)易和供給線？由于將軍和海軍上將有不同的軍銜等級、技能特質(zhì)，以及不同的兵力分配（來自支持他們的兵營和海軍基地），你在哪里利用哪種資源會對戰(zhàn)爭的結(jié)果產(chǎn)生很大影響。由于將軍和海軍上將也支持他們自己的利益集團(tuán)，他們對抗敵人時的表現(xiàn)也會引起政局的轉(zhuǎn)變，甚至在戰(zhàn)爭結(jié)束后仍然存在。

After having allocated your resources and issued orders, your generals and admirals perform their duties to their best abilities, letting you focus on managing the home front - expanding or subsidizing industries necessary for the war effort, establishing trade routes, managing your taxes, and dealing with dissidents and radicals that use the chaos of war to further their own causes. The outcome of the war is to a large extent determined by if you can keep your population's spirits high - even if your frontlines are gaining ground, it won't help a people demoralized from lack of bread (or furniture, or coffee, or…). Such a population may insist you sign a peace deal as quickly and favorably as possible, whatever your long-term plans were.

在分配好資源和發(fā)布命令后，你的將軍和海軍上將會盡其所能地履行職責(zé)，讓你專注于管理后方——擴(kuò)大或補(bǔ)貼戰(zhàn)爭所需的工業(yè)，建立貿(mào)易路線，管理你的稅收，以及處理那些利用戰(zhàn)爭的混亂來推進(jìn)他們自己事業(yè)的異見者和激進(jìn)派。戰(zhàn)爭的結(jié)果在很大程度上取決于你是否能讓你的人民保持高昂的精神狀態(tài)——即使你的前線取得了勝利，但對于一個因缺乏面包（或是家具、咖啡等等……）而士氣低落的人民來說，這并沒有什么幫助。這樣的人民可能會堅持要求你盡可能快地簽署和平協(xié)議，而不管你的長期計劃是什么。

As you might imagine, the warfare mechanics have gone through extensive iteration to hit the design goals. Moving stacks of variable-sized armies between small provinces and having fights break out when they overlap is a tried and true mechanic that works great in many strategy games, not just Paradox GSGs. But for Victoria 3 it didn't feel right - the pacing felt off compared to the management/society building gameplay, handling multiple simultaneous wars (or multiple fronts) as a global Great Power was a pain, and the element of "tactics cheese" where a human could use trickery to devastate an AI with a superior army actively harmed the dynamics of Diplomatic Plays where armies are measured against each other by statistics.

正如你所想象的那樣，戰(zhàn)爭機(jī)制經(jīng)過了廣泛的迭代，才達(dá)到設(shè)計目標(biāo)。在小型省份之間移動大大小小的軍隊，并在它們遭遇時爆發(fā)戰(zhàn)斗，這是一種久經(jīng)考驗的機(jī)制，在許多戰(zhàn)略游戲（而不僅僅是Paradox的大戰(zhàn)略游戲）中都很有效。但是對于維多利亞3來說，這種感覺并不對頭——與管理/社建設(shè)社會的玩法相比，這樣的戰(zhàn)爭節(jié)奏感不對，作為一個全球列強(qiáng)處理多場同時進(jìn)行的戰(zhàn)爭（或多條戰(zhàn)線）是一種痛苦。而且“戰(zhàn)術(shù)奶酪”的元素，即人類可以使用詭計來擊敗擁有優(yōu)勢軍隊的AI，會對外交博弈的驅(qū)動力有傷害，因為在那里，軍隊是作為一個統(tǒng)計數(shù)據(jù)來衡量雙方的力量對比的。

Of course, new systems come with new sets of challenges. If you are forced to manage 20 generals and their orders, it's no less work than managing 5 stacks and their locations. Giving the player a sense of presence and an overview of their forces when you can't give a precise location for an army or fleet is a challenge, especially when they're moving to or from something. And most of all, even though we want to reward foresight and strategic thinking, having the outcome of a war virtually predetermined the moment someone starts a Play against you is no fun at all. We're happy with the way it works now, but it has required a lot of experimentation, testing, compromises, and particularly UX work and visual polish.

當(dāng)然，新的系統(tǒng)也會帶來新的挑戰(zhàn)。如果你被迫管理20個將軍和他們的命令，這操作量并不比管理5堆軍隊和他們的位置少。當(dāng)不給出軍隊或艦隊的精確位置時，給玩家?guī)聿筷牭拇嬖诟泻蛯Σ筷牭母攀鍪且粋€挑戰(zhàn)，特別是當(dāng)他們正在向某處移動或離開時。最重要的是，盡管我們想獎勵先見之明和戰(zhàn)略思維，但當(dāng)有人開始對你發(fā)起外交博弈時，戰(zhàn)爭的結(jié)果就幾乎已經(jīng)注定的話，這一點(diǎn)都不好玩。我們對現(xiàn)在的運(yùn)作方式很滿意，但這需要大量的實(shí)驗、測試、妥協(xié)，特別是用戶體驗工作和視覺方面的潤色。

The true enemy of Victoria 3 is often found inside your borders.

維多利亞3中，真正的敵人往往就在你的邊境內(nèi)。

Fail to keep your population content and you may have a revolution or even a cultural secession on your hands. As a populace grows more literate they become class-conscious and politically active, starting or supporting movements to change the nation's laws or demand autonomy. Such situations can be dealt with in several different ways, ranging from the classic bread-and-circus approach of ensuring everyone is so materially satisfied they have no reason to complain, through granting other popular concessions such as welfare programs or a somewhat expanded voting franchise, to suppressing the rowdy Interest Groups and cracking down on protesters with a national guard or secret police. Managing such uprisings before they break out is important even if you have a strong military, since other countries may take advantage of your internal strife and support the revolutionaries in exchange for making you a future puppet state.

如果不能讓你的人民滿意，你可能面臨一場革命，甚至是一次文化分離。隨著民眾識字率的提高，他們變得有階級意識，政治上開始活躍，開啟或支持改變國家法律或要求自治的政治運(yùn)動。這種情況可以用幾種不同的方式來處理：比如“面包和馬戲團(tuán)”的經(jīng)典方式，確保每個人都在物質(zhì)上得到滿足，使他們沒有理由抱怨；再比如通過給予其他民眾讓步，如福利計劃或某種程度上擴(kuò)大的投票權(quán)；再比如鎮(zhèn)壓這些吵鬧的利益集團(tuán)，用國民警衛(wèi)隊或秘密警察壓制抗議者。即使你有一支強(qiáng)大的軍隊，在起義爆發(fā)前管理這些起義也很重要，因為其他國家可能會利用你的內(nèi)亂來支持革命者，以換取你成為未來的傀儡國。

One system we thought we'd knocked out of the park on the first attempt was the algorithm for determining which states would rise up against you in case of a revolution. The number would be largely based on the total Political Strength share of the revolting Interest Groups, so if 25% of the Political Strength was against you and your country had eight states, two of them would revolt. Furthermore they would tend to revolt in a cluster, so you wouldn't be fighting on a number of fronts against individual states but as a unified force. The state with the highest proportion of revolutionary Political Strength would be selected as the epicenter, with states neighboring the epicenter likely to follow them.

在第一次嘗試時就讓我們感到非常驚艷的一個系統(tǒng)，是確定哪些地區(qū)在發(fā)生革命時將起來反對你的算法。這個數(shù)字主要是基于叛亂的利益集團(tuán)的政治力量所占的份額，所以如果25%的政治力量反對你，而你的國家有八個地區(qū)，則其中兩個地區(qū)會叛亂。此外，他們會趨向于抱團(tuán)造反，所以你不會在多個戰(zhàn)線上與個別地區(qū)作戰(zhàn)，而是會與一個統(tǒng)一的力量進(jìn)行作戰(zhàn)。擁有最高比例的革命政治力量的地區(qū)將被選為中心，中心附近的地區(qū)可能會跟隨他們。

That worked quite well for large, terrestrial countries like for example France, USA, Brazil, and Russia. But for some reason, every progressive reform in Sweden would result in Gotland - a small sheep-farming island between Sweden and the Baltic states - rising up in lone protest. Can you guess why? The very small population of Gotland consists of only politically apathetic Peasants, and those few Aristocrats who own the land. Therefore, the conservative Landowners held the most dominant position there - relatively speaking - by far. And, in order to be guaranteed more than 1 rebellious state out of Sweden's 5, the Landowners would need to hold 40%+ of the Political Strength. The current algorithm is substantially less elegant but a lot more nuanced, producing results that don't require launching naval invasions against angry shepherds with every social reform you make!

這對法國、美國、巴西和俄羅斯等大型陸地國家來說效果相當(dāng)好。但由于某些原因，瑞典的每一項進(jìn)步改革都會導(dǎo)致哥特蘭島——夾在瑞典和波羅的海國家之間的一個放羊小島——孤獨(dú)地站起來抗議。你能猜到原因嗎？哥特蘭島的人口很少，只包括對政治漠不關(guān)心的貧農(nóng)，以及那些擁有土地的少數(shù)貴族。因此，保守的地主們在那里占據(jù)了最主要的地位——相對而言——到目前為止。而且，為了保證在瑞典的5個地區(qū)中的叛亂地區(qū)超出1個，地主們需要掌握40%以上的政治力量。目前版本的算法在很大程度上不那么優(yōu)雅，但卻更加細(xì)致入微，產(chǎn)生的結(jié)果不會讓你每次在社會變革時都需要對憤怒的牧羊人發(fā)動海軍入侵！

This is of course just scratching the surface of all the systems and dynamics that emerge within Victoria 3's simulation of the modern era. I didn't even get into technology, colonization, infrastructure, slavery, literacy and qualifications, enactment of laws, population growth and migration, national unifications, and all the journal entries and events that shake the game up and keep it eventful throughout the century-long campaign. You can look back at previous dev diaries to get more details on all of these, or wait a mere 8 weeks to see for yourself!

當(dāng)然，以上談及的只是在維多利亞3對近代世界的模擬中出現(xiàn)的所有系統(tǒng)和驅(qū)動力的表面內(nèi)容。我甚至沒有涉及到科技、殖民化、基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施、奴隸制、識字率和資格、法律的頒布、人口增長和遷移、民族統(tǒng)一，以及所有的任務(wù)日志和事件，這些都會在長達(dá)整個世紀(jì)的游戲戰(zhàn)役中驅(qū)動游戲，并保持其多變性。你可以回顧以前的開發(fā)日志，以獲得關(guān)于所有這些的更多細(xì)節(jié)，或者等待區(qū)區(qū)8周的時間，然后自己去看一看!

As mentioned, next week Martin will return to discuss the revisions we have made to the Interests mechanics. Tomorrow the team will head out to PDXCON to see several hundreds of you play the game for the very first time, help moderate a massive Victoria megagame, and run panels about the game and its development. We'll be back to continue polishing the brass and tweaking the knobs on Monday, getting everything just right for when you get your hands on the game on October 25th!

如前所述，下周Martin將回來討論我們對利益Interests機(jī)制所作的修改。明天，團(tuán)隊將前往PDXCON，見證幾百人第一次玩這個游戲，幫助主持一個大規(guī)模的維多利亞對戰(zhàn)局，并舉辦關(guān)于游戲及其開發(fā)的小組討論。我們會在周一回來繼續(xù)打磨銅板和調(diào)整旋鈕，以便讓你在10月25日拿到游戲的時候能把一切都弄得恰到好處！

Victoria 3 is now available for pre-order!

維多利亞3現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)可以預(yù)購了！

https://pdxint.at/3KlLWgf

翻譯：AntiAccess 摸魚怪 李勛回來了 子炎君

校對：三等文官猹中堂

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本作品英文原文著作權(quán)屬Paradox interactive AB所有，中文譯文著作權(quán)屬牧有漢化所有。