UNIT13 ?What Is "American”About the USA?

?

是什么讓美國獨(dú)一無二，成為地球上一個特別的地方? What makes the USA unique, a special place on earth? 首先，這是“西方”最極端的例子。 ?For one thing, it is the most extreme example of what it means to be "Western." 在主要西方國家中，美國收稅最少，為陷入困境的公民提供的社會保障水平最低。 ?Among the major Western countries, the USA collects the least taxes and provides the lowest levels of social safety nets for citizens in trouble.' 它的積極承諾顯然是理想主義的，在現(xiàn)實(shí)環(huán)境中可能無法實(shí)現(xiàn)。 ?Its positive promises are notably idealistic, perhaps unrealizable in real-world circumstances. 它聲稱要為公民提供最多的幸福，但對于他們應(yīng)該相信什么卻保持沉默(除了美國的生活方式)。 ?It claims to offer citizens the heights of wellbeing, but is silent about what they should believe (except in the American way of life). 例如，在美國的建國文本——《獨(dú)立宣言》(1776年)和《憲法》(1788年，外加27項(xiàng)修正案)中都沒有提到資本主義。 ?For example, there is no mention of capitalism in its founding texts, the Declaration of Independence (1776) and the Constitution (1788, plus 27 amendments). 但很明顯，美國人期望無論建立什么制度，它都應(yīng)該給人們提供金錢和金錢能買到的東西。 ?But clearly Americans expect that whatever system is instituted, it should deliver money and what money can buy. 他們對理論的興趣不如對實(shí)際結(jié)果的興趣。 ?They are less interested in theories than in practical results.2016年，一場殘酷的總統(tǒng)選舉突顯了美國人對自己在世界上的地位的看法存在巨大分歧。?ContestsIn 2016 a brutal presidential election underlined a great divide in the way Americans think about their place in the world. 面對如此嚴(yán)重的分歧，是什么讓美國人團(tuán)結(jié)在一起? ?Given such stark divisions, what holds Americans together as a people? 根據(jù)對國旗的效忠誓詞，是什么使這個國家“不可分割”?（戰(zhàn)爭/內(nèi)戰(zhàn)） ?What, if anything, makes the nation, according to the Pledge of Allegiance to the national flag, "indivisible"? 要回答這個問題，我們不能指望存在態(tài)度或價值觀的共識。 ?To answer this question, we cannot look to nationally shared attitudes or values. 相反，大多數(shù)美國人的共同點(diǎn)在于他們對重要決策方式的信任:在有規(guī)則的競爭范圍內(nèi)，在不同選擇之間自由競爭。（有點(diǎn)拗口，就是說觀點(diǎn)的自由競爭） ?Instead, what most Americans share lies in their loyalty to the way important decisions are made: through competition between alternatives, within the rules that define contests.在競爭中，會有勝利者，也會有失敗者。 ?In contests, there will be victors but also losers.失敗者可能會感覺很糟糕，但如果比賽被認(rèn)為是“公平的”，人們就不會抱怨太多或抱怨太久。 ?The losers may feel bad, but if the contest is seen as "fair," people will not complain too much or for too long. 失敗者可能會對彼此說:“祝你下次好運(yùn)?！??"Better luck next time" the losers may say to each other. 失敗者通常會集中精力為下一場競爭做更好的準(zhǔn)備。 ?The losers then typically concentrate on preparing better for the next contest. 他們可以相信會有下一次競爭，（自由競爭，且有多次競爭機(jī)會）因?yàn)檫@就是體制的運(yùn)作方式，這意味著無論今天的選擇是什么，它一定是民主國家目前可以獲得的最好的選擇。（美國人對美式民主的蜜汁自信） ?They can be confident that there will be a next contest because that is the way the systern works, implying that whatever alternative wins today must be the best available now in a democracy. 未來仍將由另一場競爭決定。 ?The future remains to be decided-by yet another contest.

?

體育作為一種文化

這種競爭在美國生活中的普及程度令人印象深刻。

Sports as Enculturation

The degree to which such contests pervade life in the USA is impressive. 無論美國人在什么領(lǐng)域中，都能看到競爭。 ?Wherever Americans may turn, they see contests being played out. 美國人從小就開始接觸這些模范榜樣。 ?Exposure to these exemplary models starts from a young age. 他們傳達(dá)的信息是“美國人”成長的核心含義。 ?Their message is central to what it means to grow up "American." 體育運(yùn)動無處不在，從學(xué)校開始; ?Sports are pervasive, starting in schools; 首先是“小聯(lián)盟”，然后是全國性的體育比賽，現(xiàn)在是一個主要的娛樂產(chǎn)業(yè)。 ?first through "little leagues" and on to the national sports contests, now a major entertainment industry'. 運(yùn)動在美國人的生活中一年四季都無處不在。 ?Sports are everywhere in American life throughout every year. 每個大城市在每一項(xiàng)主要運(yùn)動中都有職業(yè)球隊(duì)，這保證了全年都有比賽:棒球在春季、夏季和初秋，美式足球在秋季和初冬，籃球在冬季和春季。 ?Every major city has professional teams in every major sport, which guarantees contests all year round: baseball in spring, summer and early autumn, American football in autumn and early winter, and basketball in winter and spring. 這些主流體育項(xiàng)目在一年中與其電視轉(zhuǎn)播的比賽重疊的時候直接相互競爭。 ?These mainstream sports compete with each other directly during the times of the year when they and their televised contests overlap. 此外，還有許多其他不太受歡迎的體育比賽，如網(wǎng)球、橄欖球或足球等。 ?In addition there are many other less popular sports contests, as in tennis, rugby, or soccer, among a host of others. ?學(xué)院和大學(xué)隊(duì)伍參與所有的體育運(yùn)動，他們會選出最有天賦的球員，并給予他們廣泛的宣傳和獎學(xué)金。 ?All sports are supported by college and university teams that identify the most talented players and give them widespread publicity as well as scholarships. 許多最好的球員都是非裔美國人。 ?Many of the best players are African-American. 無論如何，頂級運(yùn)動員的高獎學(xué)金和薪水使這些優(yōu)秀運(yùn)動員在他們的運(yùn)動生涯中非常富有。 ?In any case the high scholarships and then salaries earned by top sports players make those high performers comfortably rich during their playing years.一般來說，美國公眾在這些比賽中投入了大量資金和情感，僅僅是因?yàn)轶w育被視為培養(yǎng)公民素質(zhì)的絕佳途徑。 ?The American public in general invests a great deal-financially and emotionally -in these contests, if only because sports are seen as excellent training for citizenship. 美國人構(gòu)建的“性格”，是，能夠公平地贏得比賽或優(yōu)雅地失敗并繼續(xù)戰(zhàn)斗。 ?They build "character," that is, the ability to win fairly or to lose gracefully and still fight on. 潛在的信息基本上是一樣的:我們希望我們的團(tuán)隊(duì)獲勝，但如果沒有，我們將目睹一場勇敢的競爭，一場在對國家級戲劇，也就是每次選舉的縮小版重演。 ?The underlying message is basically the same: we hope our team will win, but if not, we will have witnessed a valiant contest, a miniature version of the national drama that is replayed in every election. 如果我們這次沒有贏，我們也會打得很努力。 ?If we have not won this time, we have played hard. 明年還會有一個季節(jié)。 ?There will be another season next year. 祝你下次好運(yùn)。 ?Better luck next time.?

?

政治領(lǐng)域也隱含著類似的信息。 ?

Politics?

A parallel message is implicit in the political sphere. 定期舉行選舉以確定獲勝者。 ?Elections are held periodically to identify winners. 總統(tǒng)每四年選舉一次。 ?Presidents are elected every four years. 眾議院435名議員每兩年改選一次，美國國會100名參議員也每兩年有三分之一要改選。 ?The 435 members of the House of Representatives are up for election every two years, as are one-third of the 100 Senators in the US Congress. 自1800年美國獨(dú)立后不久，就有兩個政黨在選舉中競爭。 ?Ever since 1800, shortly after the USA established its independent existence, there have been two political parties contesting elections. ??

?

為了在選舉中獲得優(yōu)勢，兩黨的傾向仍然可以不斷重新定義; The orientations of each Party remain open to constant redefinition in search of electoral advantage over the other; 但每個黨都保持著大致的定位。 ?but each retains an approximate identity.?共和黨人通常是保守的，尋求保持熟悉的行事方式; ?Republicans are generally conservative, seeking to maintain familiar ways of proceeding; 民主黨人通常是進(jìn)步派，尋求改變以實(shí)現(xiàn)改良。 ?Democrats generally progressive, seeking changes to enable improvements. 但這些術(shù)語可能會發(fā)生變化，而且經(jīng)常被隨意重新定義。 ?But these terms may shift and are frequently redefined at will. 潛在的信息類似于體育比賽中隱含的信息:我們中的一個會贏——因此被視為“更好”——但這也只是暫時的。 ?The underlying message is similar to that implicit in sports contests:One of us will win—thus seen as "better" — but only for now. 正是由于這個原因，大多數(shù)美國人接受選舉的結(jié)果，即使他們不喜歡當(dāng)選的人。 ?It is for this reason that most Americans are prepared to accept the results of an election, even if they do not agree with the person elected. 大多數(shù)歐洲國家都有多個政黨，只有英國有兩個主要政黨的傳統(tǒng)。 ?Most European nations sustain multiple political parties, with only the United Kingdom maintaining a tradition of two major rival parties. 兩個主要競爭者的存在讓劇情更加精彩，重演了基督教的“善”對抗“惡”的情節(jié)劇。 ?Having two major contenders heightens the drama, replaying the Christian melodrama which pits "good" against "evil.

?

資本主義被稱為“資本主義”的經(jīng)濟(jì)制度是在類似的規(guī)則約束競爭原則下運(yùn)作的。 ?"

Capitalism?

The economic system known as "capitalism" operates on similar principles of rule?bound competition. 參與競爭者通常是公司，自19世紀(jì)末以來被稱為“有限責(zé)任”公司。 ?The contestants are usually corporations, known since the late 19th century as "limited-liability" companies. 債務(wù)的“限制”是指貸款給或投資于公司股份(“股票”)的資金不受任何擔(dān)保的保護(hù)。 ?The "limits" to liabilities means that money loaned to or invested in corporation shares ("stocks") is not covered by any guarantees. 如果公司在與其他公司的競爭中失敗，這些投資或貸款可能會損失，而且沒有補(bǔ)償?shù)谋ＷC。 ?If the corporation fails in its competition with other corporations, those investments or loans may be lost with no guaranteed compensation. 追求利潤是公司存在的原因，所以他們通常很少關(guān)注競爭可能降低利潤的副作用; ?Seeking profits is the reason for the existence of corporations, so they typically pay little attention to the side effects of competition that might reduce profits; 經(jīng)常造成環(huán)境污染。 ?pollution of the environment frequently results. 他們盡可能少給員工發(fā)工資(高層管理人員除外)，并且反對那些旨在幫助那些因疾病或年齡而失去競爭力的人的政策規(guī)劃。 ?They pay their employees as little as possible (except for high executives), and oppose programs that aim to help people who lose out competitively, due to illness or age.一個多世紀(jì)以來，這些規(guī)則推動了資本主義的擴(kuò)張。 ?These rules have fueled capitalistic expansion for well over a century now. 總的來說，這些風(fēng)險(xiǎn)得到了回報(bào)。 ?The risks have, overall, paid off. 這里的要點(diǎn)是，資本主義游戲、體育競爭、政治對抗具有相同的本質(zhì)。 ?The point here is that the capitalist game has the same structure as the sports contests and the political confrontations. 實(shí)體競爭:有些成功; ?Entities compete: some are successful; 其他實(shí)體消失了。 ?the others disappear. 我們假設(shè)是最好的，也就是最強(qiáng)的，會贏。 ?The assumption is that the best, that is, the strongest, will win. 這種淘汰弱者，優(yōu)勝劣汰，并將強(qiáng)者定義為“最好的”的過程，通常被理解為“進(jìn)步”。 ?This process of weeding out the weak in favor of the strong, and defining the strong as the "best" is generally understood as "progress." 該體制實(shí)現(xiàn)了查爾斯·達(dá)爾文在自然界發(fā)現(xiàn)的進(jìn)化原則:“適者生存”。 ?The system implements the evolutionary principle Charles Darwin discovered in the natural world: "the survival of the fittest." 一項(xiàng)指示性的統(tǒng)計(jì)數(shù)據(jù)衡量了美國大公司的壽命， ?One indicative statistic measures the life-span of major corporations in the USA,

?

也就是，那些在標(biāo)準(zhǔn)普爾指數(shù)中排名前500位的公司。 that is, those that are among the 500 largest as reported on the Standard & Poor's index. 一個世紀(jì)前，大公司的平均預(yù)期壽命是50年; ?A century ago the average life expectancy for a major corporation was 50 years; 到2015年，這個數(shù)字下降到了15年。 ?by 2015 it had declined to 15 years. 簡而言之，今天的大公司很少在幾十年前就已經(jīng)存在，而且大多數(shù)都將在未來幾十年內(nèi)消失。 ?In short, very few of today's major corporations even existed a few decades ago and most must be expected to disappear in coming decades. 熟悉的參與者在經(jīng)濟(jì)舞臺上的出現(xiàn)和消失，掩蓋了對其運(yùn)作至關(guān)重要的競爭的殘酷。 ?The arrival and disappearance of familiar players from the economic scene obscures the brutality of the contests that are central to its functioning.

?

企業(yè)之間的競爭同樣適用于個人求職的情境。 ?

Competing for a Job?

What applies to competition among corporations is also visible in what happens to individuals who apply for jobs. 一個職位發(fā)布廣告，候選人尋求被錄用，面試或其他競爭機(jī)制會出現(xiàn)，最終優(yōu)先考慮某個候選人。 ?A position is advertised, candidates seek to be hired, interviews or other competitive mechanisms are deployed,?and one candidate is preferred.其他人繼續(xù)尋找其他工作。 ?The others move on to look elsewhere. 大學(xué)和其他非營利組織的運(yùn)作與公司一樣需要競爭，因?yàn)樗鼈円彩求w制的一部分。 ?Universities and other non-profit organizations function just as competitively as corporations because they too are part of the system. 但有些大學(xué)的聲譽(yù)高于其他大學(xué)。 ?But some universities have higher reputations than others. 因此，在一個宣稱“平等”為核心價值的世界里，等級制度得以建立和維持。 ?Thus in a world that proclaims "equality" as a core value, hierarchies are built and maintained. 這是建立一支能夠贏得比賽的球隊(duì)的方法。 ?This is the way to build a team that can win competitions.?的確，有些工作可能是根據(jù)家族關(guān)系或類似的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)來分配的 ?It is true that some jobs may turn out to be allocated on the grounds of family connections or similar criteria.?但大多數(shù)雇傭選擇都是基于競爭優(yōu)勢，也就是所謂的“優(yōu)點(diǎn)”。 ?But most hiring choices are made on grounds of competitive advantage, otherwise known as "merit." 整個體制渴望 “精英統(tǒng)治”。 ?The system as a whole aspires to being a "meritocracy.?再一次，競爭體制的隱含承諾是“最好的”應(yīng)該贏得勝利。 ?"Again, the implicit promise of the competitive system is that the "best" deserves to win winning. 什么是“最佳”當(dāng)然會隨著時間的推移而變化，但在美國，通過競爭進(jìn)行篩選永遠(yuǎn)不會過時。 ?What is "best" will of course vary according to circumstances that evolve over time, but in the USA testing by competition never goes out of date. 在美國有少數(shù)例外的東西，總會被公開批評。 ?There are few exceptions within this world, which are openly criticized from time to time. 對于大學(xué)教授來說，終身教職是極其難以獲得的，這就是一個例子。 ?Tenure, which is extremely difficult to get, for university professors is one example. 終身工作保障被認(rèn)為是保護(hù)教育工作者免受不當(dāng)政治或意識形態(tài)壓力的必要條件。 ?Lifetime job security is defended as necessary to protect educators from undue political or ideological pressure.?因此，獲得終身教職的研究人員可以繼續(xù)自由地追求“真理”，而不管當(dāng)局對結(jié)果是否滿意。 ?Hence tenured researchers can remain free to pursue "truth," regardless of whether authorities are pleased with the results or not. “真理”被理解為難以捉摸，但可以獲得的。 ?"Truth" is understood as elusive but attainable. 當(dāng)然，在任何制度中都存在弊端，也就是說，一些大學(xué)教師一旦獲得終身教職，就無法進(jìn)行有效的教學(xué)或深刻的研究; ?Naturally there are abuses, as in any system, that is, some university teachers, once tenured, do not produce effective teaching or memorable research; 但到目前為止，這些抱怨并沒有破壞整個美國體制中的這一例外。 ?but so far these complaints have not undermined this exception to the overall system.

?

我們可以通過分析對國旗的效忠誓詞來追蹤這些復(fù)雜問題的答案。

The Pledge of Allegiance to the National Flag?

We can track these complexities through analyzing the Pledge of Allegiance to the national flag. 這個誓言起源于19世紀(jì)末，作為一種宣誓效忠的誓言，將數(shù)百萬貧窮移民的孩子與他們現(xiàn)在正在建立家園的新國家聯(lián)系在一起。 ?This Pledge, originating in the late 19th century, operated as a kind of loyalty oath to bind millions of children of poor immigrants to the new nation they were now making their homeland. 這一誓言在美國各地開學(xué)時都會重復(fù)。 ?This pledge is repeated at the start of school days all over the USA. 現(xiàn)在的文本是這樣的:“我宣誓效忠美利堅(jiān)合眾國國旗，效忠它所代表的共和國，一個上帝庇佑、不可分割、人人享有自由和正義的國家?！??Here is the text in its current form:"?I pledge allegiance to the Flag of the United States of America, and to the Republic for which it stands,?one Nation, under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all."這個儀式性的文本值得分析。 ?This ritual text merits some analysis. “上帝保佑”一詞是在德懷特·艾森豪威爾總統(tǒng)任期內(nèi)添加的。 ?The phrase "under God" was added under the Presidency of Dwight Eisenhower. 長期以來，對大多數(shù)美國人來說，宗教對國家福祉的保佑似乎是“自然的”事情，但到1954年，這一點(diǎn)變得明確起來（公開說出來）。 ?A religious dimension to national well-being had long seemed "natural" to most Americans, but as of 1954 it became explicit.?這個國家被稱為“共和國”:這與兩大政黨之一的共和黨沒有任何關(guān)系。 ?"The nation is called a "republic": that has nothing to do with the Republican Party, one of the two major political parties. 相反，這個標(biāo)簽將美國視為一個獨(dú)立的國家，其公民自己決定他們應(yīng)該如何被治理。 ?Instead this label identifies the USA as an independent country whose citizens themselves decide how they should be governed. 效忠誓詞還承諾，“一個國家”是“不可分割的”。 ?The Pledge of Allegiance also promises that this "one nation" is "indivisible." 過去，在1860年至1865年的血腥內(nèi)戰(zhàn)期間，國家統(tǒng)一受到了最嚴(yán)峻的考驗(yàn)，當(dāng)時南方11個蓄奴州退出聯(lián)邦，組建了南部邦聯(lián)。 ?In the past, national unity was most severely tested during a bloody Civil War from 1860 to 1865 when eleven slave-holding states in the South withdrew from the Union to form the Confederacy. 自那時以來，沒有任何其他對民族團(tuán)結(jié)的威脅能與這場災(zāi)難相提并論。 ?Since then, no other threat to national unity has come close to that catastrophe. 但是，今天的美國人在價值觀、宗教信仰和政治忠誠方面存在著深刻的分歧。 ?But today's Americans are profoundly disunited when it comes to their values, their religious convictions, and their political loyalties.?更有問題的是，《誓言》承諾“人人享有自由和正義”。 ?More problematically the Pledge promises "liberty and justice for all." 這個承諾說起來容易，實(shí)現(xiàn)起來難。 ?This promise is easy to say but hard to realize. 公民不能自由地做任何他們喜歡做的事，因?yàn)檫@可能很容易干擾其他人的平等待遇，他們合法地感到有權(quán)維護(hù)自己的自由。 ?Citizens cannot be free to do anything they like because that might easily interfere with the equal treatment of others who legitimately feel authorized to assert their own freedoms. 盡管如此，這一承諾在每天開學(xué)的時候都會被重復(fù)，似乎是為了向美國人保證，這兩項(xiàng)原則都能夠而且將會得到尊重。 ?Nonetheless the promise is repeated at the start of every school day, as if to reassure Americans that both of these principles can and will be respected. 在這里，我們需要從相關(guān)的定義開始，解開隱藏在“自由”和“正義”結(jié)合背后的更深層次的緊張關(guān)系。 ?Here we need to unpack the deeper tensions that lurk behind the idea of combining "liberty": and "justice," starting with the relevant definitions.

?

自由 (“人人享有自由和公正....”)現(xiàn)在應(yīng)該很清楚，一個不可或缺的美國價值觀是“自由”。 Liberty/ Freedom("with liberty and justice for all....")As should be clear by now, one indispensable American value is "freedom." 如果競爭不是“自由的”，就不會是“公平的”。 ?If the competition is not "free," it will not be "fair." 也就是說，競爭將受到對其假定規(guī)則有敵意的人或物的影響甚至控制。 ?That is, the contest will be influenced or even controlled by someone or something hostile to its presumed rules. “自由”意味著任何競爭都是合法的，不能預(yù)先確定結(jié)果。 ?"Freedom" means that every competition, to be legitimate, must not be predetermined. 提前決定誰贏是錯誤的，因?yàn)槟菚卧旄偁幍摹肮健苯Y(jié)果。 ?It is wrong to decide in advance who wins because that would falsify the "fair" outcome of the competition.美國人很難理解，即使是“自由”也有限制。 ?Americans have a hard time understanding that even "freedom" has limits. 如果你發(fā)現(xiàn)一份工作的候選人中有你最好朋友的兒子或女兒，這應(yīng)該是——總是會被認(rèn)為是——無關(guān)緊要的。 ?If the candidates for a job include a son or daughter of your best friend, that should be -will always be said to be— irrelevant. 在這種情況下，你可能會被排除在面試委員會之外，或者被要求擱置你的偏見。 ?In that case you might be eliminated from the interview board or asked to set your prejudice aside. 因此，“自由競爭”被認(rèn)為是所有競爭中的基本條件。 ?"Free competition" is thus a presumed basic promise of all contests.否則，選舉結(jié)果就會顯得偏頗、不可信，因此也就不公平、不公正。 ?Otherwise the results would seem skewed and untrustworthy, hence unfair, unjust.這種觀點(diǎn)所隱含的價值承諾，用美國《獨(dú)立宣言》(1776)的話說，可以概括為每個人都擁有的一種信念： ?The value commitment simplicit in this view can be summarized as a belief that every individual has, in the words of the US Declaration of Independence (1776) “不可剝奪的權(quán)利”包括“生命、自由和追求幸?！薄??"inalienable rights" involving "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." 這些權(quán)利被認(rèn)為不屬于某個團(tuán)體，而是屬于每一個美國公民。 ?Such rights are deemed to belong not to a group but to every US citizen. 這是民主的基本條件，因?yàn)檎暮戏ㄐ詠碜杂谌嗣褡杂山o予的授權(quán)，而每次選舉中的個人投票都隱含地更新了這種授權(quán)?！??This is a basic condition of democracy, as the government derives its legitimacy from the people's freely given consent, implicitly renewed by individual votes at every election."因此，“自由”對美國人來說似乎是不可或缺的。 ?"Freedom," then, seems indispensable to Americans. 但是這個關(guān)鍵詞可能有不止一個含義。 ?But this key word may carry more than one meaning. “Freedom from”強(qiáng)調(diào)保護(hù)個人免受壓迫或?qū)Ｖ茩?quán)威的侵害。 ?"Freedom from" emphasizes protection of individuals from oppression or arbitrary authority. “Liberty to”并不完全相同; ?"Liberty to" is not exactly the same; 它強(qiáng)調(diào)個人做他們決定做的任何事的自由 ?it emphasizes the latitude of individuals to do whatever they decide to do.?因此，為了確認(rèn)他們不受外界壓力的“自由”，大多數(shù)美國人希望感覺他們是在獨(dú)立地做決定，從而行使他們選擇的“自由”。 ?Thus, to confirm their "freedom from" outside pressures most Americans want to feel that they are making up their minds independently, thereby exercising their "liberty to" do as they choose. 許多美國人不理解這種區(qū)別，經(jīng)常把這兩個表達(dá)互換使用。 ?Many Americans do not appreciate this difference, often using these two expressions interchangeably. 他們這樣做的事實(shí)強(qiáng)調(diào)了 美國人假定的那種基本價值觀，而且這種價值觀在本質(zhì)上是不需要思考的（必然的）。 ?The fact that they do so emphasizes the unthinking nature of what are presumed as basic values.

?

社會公正/平等

美國人認(rèn)為的其他基本價值也同樣復(fù)雜且必不可少。

Social Justice/ Equality

A parallel complexity emerges in the other basic value Americans see as indispensable.

所有公民基本平等的主張可能起源于早期基督教。 ?The assertion that all citizens are fundamentally equal probably originates in early Christianity. 在18世紀(jì)的啟蒙運(yùn)動中，它明確地成為政治哲學(xué)的一部分。 ?It became explicitly part of political philosophy in the Enlightenment movement of the 18th century. 從1789年法國大革命開始，平等作為一項(xiàng)原則在西方引發(fā)了許多大規(guī)模的社會運(yùn)動。 ?Starting with the French Revolution in 1789, equality as a principle has motivated many large-scale social movements in the West. 為什么平等作為一項(xiàng)原則在西方世界的民主制度中變得如此重要? ?Why has equality as a principle become so central to democratic systems in the Western world? 很大程度上是因?yàn)樗灰暈楸仍试S國王或皇帝建立可繼承的王朝統(tǒng)治優(yōu)越。 ?Largely because it was seen as superior to allowing kings or emperors to establish dynastic successions of rulers. 民主選出的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人并不總是杰出的; ?Leaders chosen democratically have not always been brilliant; 但他們可以辯解說，他們是在大量公民(通常是多數(shù))的支持下上臺的。 ?but they could be defended as coming to power through the support of large numbers of citizens, typically a majority.這種意義上的“民主”在所有西方國家都是存在，盡管偶爾會有被民主選舉出的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人會找到一種獨(dú)裁的方式來取消自由選舉:納粹德國的阿道夫·希特勒就是20世紀(jì)的一個例子。 ?"Democracy" in this sense is practiced in all Western countries, though from time to time someone is democratically elected as a leader who finds a dictatorial way to cancel free elections: Adolph Hitler in Nazi Germany is a 20th century example. “民主”的精神是領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人由多數(shù)公民選舉產(chǎn)生，任期有限。 ?The spirit of "Democracy" is that leaders are elected for limited terms by majorities of citizens. 理想情況下，所有成年公民都應(yīng)該能夠投票，他們的選票應(yīng)該是平等的。 ?Ideally all adult citizens should be able to vote, and their votes should count equally.?當(dāng)然，“平等”是一種虛構(gòu)。 ?Of course, "equality" involves a kind of fiction. 它意味著對所有公民的平等對待，盡管我們都知道人們有很大的差異(在性別、種族、智力、教育、財(cái)富等方面)。 ?It implies an equal treatment of all citizens, while we all know that people vary a great deal (in gender, in race, in, intelligence, in education, in wealth). 因此，“平等”一詞經(jīng)常被其他術(shù)語替代:“正義”或“社會正義”。 ?So other terms are often substituted for "equality": "justice" or "social justice." “正義”特別適用于法庭程序，原則上對各種各樣的人都是公平的，盡管這是一種理想，但在實(shí)際操作中往往達(dá)不到。 ?"Justice" applies in particular to courtroom procedures, which in principle are to be even-handed for all sorts of people, although this is an ideal that all too often falls short in actual practice. “社會公正”指的是整個社會，肯定沒有人應(yīng)該被視為低人一等。 ?"Social justice" refers to the community as a whole, affirming that no one should be treated as inferior. 對這種意識形態(tài)的依賴意味著美國人經(jīng)常否認(rèn)社會階級或其他明顯的不平等的現(xiàn)實(shí)，例如基于性別和種族的不平等 ?Reliance on this ideology means that Americans often deny the realities of social class or other obvious inequalities, such as those based on gender and race.?但與此同時，這也意味著美國人也致力于以“平等”的名義減少這些差異。 ?But, at the same time, it means that Americans also are committed to mitigating these differences in the name of "equality.

?

在兩種美德之間做出判斷

自由/自由和社會正義/平等這兩種“啟蒙價值觀”成為了19世紀(jì)界定西方國家的試金石。 ?"

Adjudicating Between Two Virtues

These two "Enlightenment values," liberty/ freedom and social justice/ equality, became the touchstones that came to define Western nationhood in the course of the 19th century. 但是，“自由”和“平等”雖然聽起來令人共鳴，令人欽佩，但它們可能是令人不安的伴侶。 ?But "freedom" and "equality," though they sound resonant and admirable, can be uneasy companions. 回到效忠誓詞 美國國旗。 Go back to the Pledge of Allegiance to the US flag.

?

它對“人人享有自由和公正”的承諾顯然是任何社會都值得欽佩的目標(biāo)。 ?Its promise of "liberty and justice for all" is clearly an admirable goal for any society. 但這兩種觀點(diǎn)很容易相互沖突。 ?But these two ideas may easily come into conflict with each other. “自由”或“自由”是指一個人選擇做他或她決定做的事情。 ?"Liberty" or "freedom" refers to a person's choices to do what he or she decides to do. 但“社會正義”或“平等”說的是每個人與他人之間的關(guān)系。 ?But "social justice" or "equality" evokes the relations between each person and others. 當(dāng)一個人對“自由”的追求與另一個人對“平等”待遇的要求發(fā)生沖突時，困難就出現(xiàn)了。 ?The difficulties arise when one person's pursuit of "liberty" comes up against someone else's demand for "equal" treatment.例如，在1960年代，對適用于住房租賃的做法進(jìn)行了重新審查。?For instance, in the 1960s, there was a reexamination of practices applying to the rental of housing. 就“自由”而言，房東可能希望行使他/她選擇什么樣租客的自由。 ?In terms of "liberty," a landlord might like to exercise his/her freedom of choice over what kind of person rents his house. 當(dāng)然，他或她希望有人能夠并且愿意支付商定的租金。 ?Certainly he or she wants someone who is able and willing to pay the rent agreed upon. 一些房東可能不愿意把房子租給非洲裔美國人。 ?Some landlords may be reluctant to rent to African-Americans. 原因可能就像說黑人家庭比白人家庭更經(jīng)常付不起房租一樣含糊不清、站不住腳。 ?The reason might be as vague and flimsy as saying that black families fail to pay their rent more often than white families. 但在這種拒絕的情況下，非裔美國家庭可以自由地抱怨“不平等”待遇，特別是如果他們能提供之前租房付過租金的證據(jù)。 ?But in case of such a refusal, the African-American family would be free to complain of "unequal" treatment, especially if they can show positive references from earlier rentals. 這種沖突通過“公平住房”法得以解決，該法律堅(jiān)持認(rèn)為，任何信用良好的人，無論種族、信仰或膚色，都應(yīng)該能夠租用公開市場上登廣告的任何房子 ?This conflict was resolved by "fair housing" laws which insist that anyone with good credit should be able to rent any house advertised on the open market, regardless of race, creed, or color.?這是“自由”與“平等”這兩個令人欽佩的原則如何發(fā)生沖突的一個小例子。 ?This is a small example of how two admirable principles such as "freedom" and "equality" can come into conflict. 當(dāng)他們這樣做的時候，可能需要制定法律來在兩種積極的價值觀之間做出裁決。 ?When they do, laws may have to be created to adjudicate between two positive values. 在美國人的生活中，當(dāng)這些理想不僅彼此沖突，而且與它們在現(xiàn)實(shí)世界中的簡單應(yīng)用相沖突時，這種緊張關(guān)系隨時可能出現(xiàn)。 ?This kind of tension may surface at any time in American life when such ideals conflict not only with each other, but with their easy application to the real world.?

?

法制

在美國，訴諸“法律”來解決沖突是生活的核心。 ?

The Role of Law?

Such resolution of conflicts by recourse to "law" is central to life in the USA. 這就是為什么選舉如此重要，對立候選人之間競爭如此激烈的原因之一。 ?That is one reason why elections are so important and so closely contested between opposing candidates. ?法律將由立法機(jī)關(guān)的多數(shù)成員通過，但它們將適用于每個人。 ?Laws will be passed by legislative majorities but they will apply to everyone. 因此，每個人都希望看到當(dāng)選的候選人承諾代表“我這種人”，并將支持“我這種人”希望的法律。 ?So everyone tries to see candidates elected who promise to represent "my kind" of person who will pass "my kind" of laws. 在美國人的生活中，法律本身就是解決沖突的核心，世界上大約一半的律師在美國工作。 ?Law is itself so central to conflict resolution in American life that about half of all the lawyers in the world work in the USA. 法律及其對具體應(yīng)用 是限制公開競爭可能造成的殘酷的副產(chǎn)品的基本控制機(jī)制。 ?Laws and their application to concrete circumstances serve as essential control mechanisms that limit the potentially brutal excesses of open competition.美國在個人與組織之間互相指責(zé)對方的錯誤造成損害時的裁決上投入了大量的法律精力 ??The USA devotes a great deal of legal energy to adjudicating between individuals

?

or groups that accuse each other of wrongly causing damage." 一個最受歡迎的美國短語是“法治”，這意味著法律有能力和平地解決沖突。 ?A favorite American?phrase is "the rule of law," implying that the law has the ability to settle conflicts?peaceably. 在美國，這意味著許多案件只能通過上法庭，通過一場受規(guī)則約束的競爭來決定誰將是法庭上的勝利者。 ?In the USA that means many cases are resolved only by going to court and?engaging in a rule-bound contest to determine who will be the courtroom victor.

?

移民

考慮到這些復(fù)雜問題，還有什么能讓美國人團(tuán)結(jié)在一起呢? ?

Immigration?

Given these complexities, what can be said to hold Americans together? 為什么美國總是對來自世界各地的移民如此有吸引力? ?Why has?the USA always been so attractive to immigrants from everywhere in the world? 一個答案是:對自由、平等和財(cái)富的承諾。 ?One?answer is: the promises of freedom and equality and wealth. 美國比世界上其他任何國家都更能保證其公民追求個人利益的最大自由。 ?More than any other nation on earth, the USA promises maximum freedom to its citizens to pursue their?individual interests. 其結(jié)果是美國成為了世界上最富有的國家，盡管根據(jù)基尼系數(shù)，它也是最不平等的國家之一。 ?The result is the richest nation on earth, although it is also among the most unequal countries according to the Gini Coefficient. 美國也是世界上最具爭議的國家之一。 ?The USA is also among the most contentious nations in the world. 例如，它的人均律師數(shù)量是最高的，對許多美國人來說，法律訴訟幾乎是一種生活方式。 ?For instance, it has the highest number of?lawyers per capita population — and legal suits for many Americans are almost a way?of life. 在司法法庭之外，在政治和公共辯論中，幾乎每個決定都有爭議，有時可以有很多個角度來看問題。 ?Outside the judicial courts, in politics and in public debate, just about every?decision is contested, sometimes from several points of view. 這種為了追求個人利益而挑戰(zhàn)權(quán)威的自由，在很大程度上概括了所謂的“美國生活方式”。 ?That freedom to challenge?authority — in order to pursue one's own interests — summarizes a great deal about?what is perceived as "the American way of life."這些爭論大多用兩種方法解決的。?Most of these controversies are settled in one of two ways. 一種方法是通過政治途徑，包括在構(gòu)成國會的兩個立法機(jī)構(gòu)中進(jìn)行投票。 ?One way is by a political?route, involving a vote in the two legislative bodies that make up Congress. 這條路線強(qiáng)調(diào)了選民“自由選擇”的價值。 ?This route?emphasizes the value of "free choice" for voters. 另一種途徑在于法院，由法院裁決法律如何適用。 ?The alternative route resides in the?courts, which adjudicate how the laws are applied. 這條路線強(qiáng)調(diào)個人權(quán)利和平等待遇。 ?This route emphasizes individual?rights and equal treatment.?雖然法院解釋法律，但法律本身是通過政治過程形成的。 ?Whereas the legal courts interpret the law, the laws themselves come into existence?through a political process. 相同的法案文本必須首先得到參議院(100名成員)的同意，然后得到眾議院(435名成員)的同意，最后由總統(tǒng)簽署成為法律?！??Identical texts must be first agreed upon by the Senate (100members) and then by the House of Representatives (435 members) before being finally signed into law by the President." 但此后，任何通過的法律都可能在法庭上受到質(zhì)疑，如果涉及重大問題，最終上訴至最高法院作出最終裁決。 ?But thereafter any laws so approved maybe contested before the courts, ultimately appealing to the Supreme Court for a final?decision if major issues are involved.?這種治理體系是混亂的。 ?This system of governance is messy. 它涉及復(fù)雜的爭論，它存在的目的是為了對任何濫用權(quán)力的行為進(jìn)行制衡。 ?It involves complex contestation, itself?designed to implement checks and balances in the name of blocking any arbitrary?exercise of authority. 在19世紀(jì)，這個過程偶爾會涉及暴力， ?In the 19th century this process intermittently involved violence,

?

暴力發(fā)生在選民之間或他們選出的議員之間。 among voters or among their elected representatives. 如今，代表們的行為有所改善，但激烈的口頭分歧并沒有消失。 ?Nowadays the representatives are better behaved, but violent verbal disagreements have not disappeared. 因此，很難界定大多數(shù)普通美國人相信什么。 ?As a result, it is hard to define what most ordinary Americans believe. 政府本身包含有爭議的意見，而不是一個產(chǎn)生共識的論壇。 ?Government itself incorporates contesting opinions rather than a forum generating consensus.

?

美國夢

這種形式的政府適用于大約3.25億人。 ?

The American Dream

?This form of government applies to about 325 million people. 作為美國人，這些公民有將自己視為個體的悠久傳統(tǒng)。 ?As Americans these citizens have a long tradition of thinking of themselves as individuals. 大多數(shù)人認(rèn)為，如果他們自己能富裕起來，那么整個國家就會繁榮。 ?Most assume that if they themselves can prosper, then the country as a whole will prosper. 如果是這樣，他們就不必太擔(dān)心國家的集體福祉，而可以專注于自己的成功和家庭的進(jìn)步。 ?If so, they need not worry much about the nation's collective well-being but can concentrate on their own success and advancement for their families. 換句話說，他們不太可能例行公事地考慮所有人的共同利益。 ?In other words, they are unlikely to think routinely of a good common to all. 此外，他們的成功通常是用金錢來衡量的。 ?Moreover, success for them is most commonly measured in money. 所以人們會考慮他們能掙多少錢，以及他們希望怎么花。 ?So people think a lot about how much they can earn and how they hope to spend it.金錢是美國階級制度的基礎(chǔ)——盡管大多數(shù)生活在那里的人會否認(rèn)存在社會階級:他們的意識形態(tài)基于“平等”的觀念。 ?Money is the basis of what is the American class system— even though most of the people who live there would deny that there are social classes: their ideology is based on?"being equal." 金錢也決定了人們對不斷向上發(fā)展的期望。 ?Money also dictates an expectation of constant upward progress. 大多數(shù)美國人期望每一代人都能掙得更多，因此比上一代人生活得“更好”。 ?Most Americans expect that each generation will earn more and hence live "better" than the one that came before. 即使他們很窮，他們也可能相信“白手起家”的神話。 ?Even if they are poor, they are likely to believe in a "rags to riches" myth."?這是“美國夢”的核心。 ?"This is the core of the "American Dream". 兩個多世紀(jì)以來，它一直吸引著移民，激勵著辛勤工作。 ?It has attracted immigrants and inspired hard work for more than two centuries now. 無論目前的情況看起來多么糟糕，對更美好未來的承諾仍然是大多數(shù)美國人的核心信念。 ?No matter how bad present conditions may seem, the promise of a better future remains a core belief for most Americans. 但目前的實(shí)際前景并不樂觀，尤其是對年輕人而言。 ?But the actual prospects today are not encouraging, especially for young people. 近年來，收入的增長最終大多落入了富人之手。 ?In recent years increases in income have ended up mostly in the hands of the rich. 失業(yè)率下降了，但在過去的幾十年里，工人的工資并沒有增加多少。 ?Unemployment is down, but in the last few decades wages for workers have not gone up much. 美國工業(yè)的放緩導(dǎo)致許多工薪階層的美國人發(fā)現(xiàn)他們自己——以及他們的孩子——無法實(shí)現(xiàn)這個夢想。 ?The slow-down of American industry results in many working-class Americans finding themselves - and their children- unable to live out this Dream. 他們可能會變得憤怒，投票給那些承諾更多的候選人:更多的工作，更多的工資，更好的未來。 ?They may become angry and vote for candidates who promise more: more jobs, more pay, and a better future. 這種幻想的未來在2016年唐納德·特朗普當(dāng)選總統(tǒng)的過程中發(fā)揮了很大作用。 ?Such fantasy futures played a large part in the 2016 election of Donald Trump to be President. 然而，盡管前途堪憂，大多數(shù)美國人仍然堅(jiān)信“美國夢”，就好像它會自動保障所有公民的權(quán)利一樣。 ?Nonetheless, despite the troubled future, most Americans continue to affirm the Dream as if it were automatically guaranteed for all citizens.

?

很明顯，這種日益繁榮的“美國夢”已經(jīng)成為了國家意識形態(tài)的一部分，甚至已經(jīng)蔓延到了其他發(fā)展中國家。 It is clear that this "American Dream" of ever increasing prosperity has become part of a national ideology— and has even spread to developing countries worldwide. 在美國它有著悠久的歷史。 ?In America itself it has a long history. 由于這段歷史，這些期望不需要得到證實(shí)就可以繼續(xù)被人們相信。 ?Because of this history, these expectations do not need to be confirmed to continue to be believed. 它們已經(jīng)或明或暗地成為了政治競選的一部分。 ?They have become part of political campaigns both explicitly and implicitly. 這樣的期望有多現(xiàn)實(shí)? ?How realistic are such expectations? 經(jīng)濟(jì)增長能無限制地持續(xù)下去嗎? ?Can economic growth go on without limits??

?

輸出美國價值觀的沖動

“自由/自由”和“平等/社會正義”之間的緊張關(guān)系表明，大多數(shù)美國人所認(rèn)同的基本價值觀仍然是復(fù)雜的，并且存在潛在的沖突。 ?

The Impulse to Export American Values

The tensions between "freedom /liberty" and "equality / social justice" suggest that the fundamental values most Americans subscribe to remain complex and potentially in conflict. 這并不一定是壞的甚至是不尋常的情況。 ?This is not necessarily a bad or even an unusual situation. 事實(shí)上，法國人類學(xué)家克勞德·列維-斯特勞斯(Claude levi?strauss)認(rèn)為，所有文化都致力于解決相互矛盾的價值觀之間的沖突。 ?In fact, the French anthropologist Claude Levi-Strauss?argues that all cultures work to resolve conflicts between contradictory values. 這種觀點(diǎn)也許可以解釋為什么美國人長期以來一直把他們的生活方式視為典范，盡管其中潛藏著沖突。 ?This perspective may explain why the Americans for a long time have seen their way of life, despite its lurking conflicts, as exemplary. 在某種程度上，他們可能成為傳教士，尋求向他人輸出他們的價值觀。 ?To that extent they may become missionaries, seeking to export their values to others. 他們這樣做可能是因?yàn)閳?jiān)信美國的道路會帶來力量和繁榮。 ?They may do so in the conviction that the American way leads to strength and prosperity.?不用說，這種傳教的努力并不總是受到全世界的歡迎。 ?Needless to say, such missionary efforts are not always welcome around the world.?的確，美國人選擇的道路造就了一個比地球上任何其他國家都富裕的國家——目前是這樣。 ?It is true that the American way has led to a country which is richer than any other on earth-for now. 但這并不意味著每個國家都應(yīng)該試圖以美國為榜樣。 ?But that does not mean that everyone should try to model itself on the USA. 事實(shí)上，最近的大數(shù)據(jù)研究表明，與世界其他地區(qū)相比，美國與其他西方、受過教育的、工業(yè)化的、富裕的民主國家一樣，只是例外。 ?In fact, what recent large-data studies have shown is that the United States in common with other Western, educated, industrial, rich and democratic countries — is, in comparison to the rest of the world, exceptional. 它致力于競爭，試圖取代等級制度。 ?Committed to contests, it seeks to displace hierarchies.?對于在強(qiáng)調(diào)等級制度的世界中長大的人來說，通過無休止的競爭來建立文明似乎是陌生的。?Building a civilization by an unending series of contests may seem alien to people who grow up in worlds that emphasize hierarchies. 在等級制的世界里，人們由高到低排列，這取決于他們作為個人可以行使多少權(quán)力或影響，或者他們擁有多少地位。 ?In a hierarchical world, peopled are arrayed from high to low, depending on how much power or influence they may exercise as individuals or how much status they possess. 但即使是接近底層的人也可能支持這個階級體制，因?yàn)檫@為他們定義了一個安全的定位。 ?But even people near the bottom are likely to support the system because it defines a secure place for them. 在一個以競爭為基礎(chǔ)的世界里，輸家?guī)缀鯖]有地位(收入也有限)，而贏家占據(jù)主導(dǎo)地位。 ?In a contest-based world, the losers are left with little or no status (and limited incomes)d while the winners remain dominant. ?

?

西方世界內(nèi)部的比較

即使在西方國家中，美國也是獨(dú)一無二的，因?yàn)樗谏畹母鱾€領(lǐng)域都致力于競爭的生活方式。

Comparisons within the Western World

Even among Western countries, the USA is unique in the extraordinary degree to which it has committed its way of life to processes of competition in all spheres of life. 以歐洲為例，資本主義的確也是一個特點(diǎn)，它讓制造商和商人在“優(yōu)勝劣汰”的原則下相互競爭。 ?It is true that Europe, for example, also features capitalism, which pits manufacturers and merchants against each other on the principle "May the Best Win."?但是，歐洲國家在考慮到它們之間的許多差異之后，仍然保留了等級秩序的重要特征。 But European countries, after taking their many differences into account, nonetheless perpetuate important features of hierarchical ordering. 歐洲的稅收明顯高于美國。 ?Taxes are notably higher in Europe than in the USA. 但作為回報(bào)，公民可以根據(jù)需要，以國家保障的醫(yī)療保健、失業(yè)保險(xiǎn)或退休福利的形式獲得更高的福利。 ?But in return the citizens may receive— on the basis of need -higher benefits in the form of state-assured health care, unemployment insurance, or retirement benefits. 換句話說，歐洲國家傾向于為那些被野蠻的資本主義所忽視的公民——年輕人、老人、病人和失業(yè)者——建立一個安全網(wǎng) ?In other words, European nations tend to erect a safety-net for those citizens neglected by brute capitalism: the young, the old, the sick, the unemployed.?簡而言之，美國希望個人自己照顧自己的基本需求，而歐洲則認(rèn)為，在危機(jī)情況下，許多人可能無法滿足自己的需求。 ?In short, while the USA expects individuals to take care of their basic needs themselves, Europe assumes that in crisis situations many may be unable to fund their own needs.?按照“人人為己”的原則，美國政府征收的稅收比其他任何西方國家都少，國家出資的保障也相對較低。 ?In accordance with its principle of each man for himself, in the USA the government collects less in taxes than any other Western nation, and state-sponsored services are proportionally lower. 這種國家取向的基本原理是什么? ?What is the rationale for such national orientations? 這與“自由選擇”的原則有關(guān)。 ?It has to do with the principle of "free choice." 如果稅收較低，那么更多的錢就會留在工薪階層手中，由他們來決定如何消費(fèi)。 ?If taxes are lower, then more money is left in the hands of earners for them to decide just how to spend it. 因此，他們會感受到更多地掌控自己的生活，盡管按照美國的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，許多人的收入只夠保證最低限度的幸福。 ?Thus they are invited to feel more in control of their lives, though many earn only enough to assure minimal well-being according to American standards. 根據(jù)“美國夢”的說法，勉強(qiáng)度日的人應(yīng)該把目前的狀況視為暫時的，相信自己和家人的未來會有更多錢。 ?People who are barely getting by are supposed to see their present condition as temporary, to believe in a better-funded future for themselves and their families, according to the "American Dream." 這個夢想肯定了每個人都可以變得富有，如果他們足夠努力和幸運(yùn)。 ?This Dream affirms that everyone can become rich if they work hard enough and are lucky enough. 這個故事情節(jié)在19世紀(jì)晚期 霍雷肖·阿爾杰的通俗小說中很受歡迎。 ?This story line sold very well in the late 19th century in the popular fictions by Horatio Alger. 很多書講述了貧窮的男孩如何通過努力工作、決心和誠實(shí)，再加上一點(diǎn)點(diǎn)運(yùn)氣，獲得了可觀的收入和社會地位。 ?Book after book told how poor boys rose to a comfortable income and social status through hard work, determination and honesty-plus a little bit of luck. 這個故事在接下來的幾代人中一直保持著共鳴，盡管今天的證據(jù)表面事實(shí)與之相反。 ?This story has retained its resonance through the following generations, even though the evidence today is running against it. 社會學(xué)家說，美國的社會階層向上流動的機(jī)會和今天的法國一樣少 ?Sociologists say that there is as little upward social mobility in social class in America as in present-day France.?

?

這一分析表明，公民的信念比任何數(shù)量的事實(shí)都重要。 The Top 1% and the Bottom 1%What this analysis shows is that what citizens believe is more important than any number of facts. 我們可以通過關(guān)注人口中收入最高的1%和收入最低的1%來深入了解當(dāng)今的美國。 ?We can gain important insights into the US today by focusing on the top 1% and the bottom 1% of the population. 這些極端表現(xiàn)了美國人的生活是多么的不同。 ?These extremes dramatize how disparate American life can be.?最富有的1%的人控制著美國大約一半的財(cái)富。 ?The top 1% of the population control about half of the wealth of the USA. 這些最成功的人，富人，有足夠的錢去做他們想做的事或去他們想去的地方。 ?These most successful individuals, the rich, have enough money to do whatever they want or go wherever they choose. 他們是實(shí)現(xiàn)美國夢的贏家，并為其他許多人證明了他們對未來的希望。 ?They are the winners who live out the American Dream and justify for many others their hopes for the future. 即使社會地位較低的人也會相信這個夢想——盡管他們知道這只是對極少數(shù)人是有可能的。 ?Even people lower down on the social scale buy into this Dream-even though they can see that it is a valid expectation for only a very few. 因?yàn)樗麄冏约旱呐ぷ鳑]有得到回報(bào)，這些人可能會對那些似乎排在他們前面的人表現(xiàn)出敵意。 ?Because their own hard work is not seen as rewarded, these same people may express hostility toward others who seem to move ahead of them in line. 定義這種社會的一種方式是富豪統(tǒng)治，在這種社會中，富人和他們的購買決定了什么是精英和可取的。 ?One way of defining such society is a plutocracy, one in which the rich and their purchases define what is elite and desirable.?最底層是1%的美國人在監(jiān)獄里。 ?At the bottom end are the 1% of Americans who are in prison. 美國被判入獄的人口比世界上任何一個國家都要多。 ?The USA condemns vastly more of its population to prison than any other country in the world.其中，非裔美國人的數(shù)量不成比例得高。 ?Among them, African-Americans are disproportionately numerous. 犯罪，尤其是與非法毒品的分銷和銷售有關(guān)的犯罪，雖然是非法的，但也能迅速獲得現(xiàn)金。 ?Crime, especially as tied to the distribution and sale of illegal drugs, promises fast if illegitimate access to cash. 如果一個人把成功定義為迅速獲得財(cái)富，那么犯罪又一次把我們帶回到金錢這個通往美國夢生活的神奇門戶。If one defines success as gaining wealth quickly, then crime takes us back once again to money as the magic portal into the life of the American Dream

?

個人主義

美國生活方式所產(chǎn)生的文化形態(tài)中浸染著個人主義精神。

Individualism

The cultural formation encouraged by the American way of life is saturated by an ethos of individualism. 大多數(shù)美國人認(rèn)為這種傾向不是“自私”，而是“現(xiàn)實(shí)”。 ?Most Americans consider this orientation to be not "selfish" but "realistic." 你可以從大多數(shù)美國人看待或書寫歷史的方式中看出，歷史是偉大人物的故事，其中大部分是偉人。 ?You can tell from the way most Americans view or write about history as the stories of great individuals, mostly great men.使這些人變得偉大的是他們的成就。 ?What makes those men great is said to be their accomplishments. 他們的父母、妻子或支持他們的團(tuán)體很少受到關(guān)注和贊揚(yáng)，而根據(jù)調(diào)查，這些人對他們令人欽佩的成就是不可或缺的。 ?Little attention and credit is accorded their parents or their wives or the supporting groups that were, on inspection, indispensable to their admirable achievements. 這種看待生活的方式反映了一種不自覺的偏見，這與美國文化非常吻合。 ?This way of looking at lives reflects an unself-conscious bias that fits comfortably with American culture.?偉人(大多是白人，通常已經(jīng)去世)的故事強(qiáng)化了這樣一種信念，即這些人是生活中重要內(nèi)容的典范 ?Stories of great men (mostly white and usually dead) reinforce the belief that such individuals are models for what is important in life.

?

簡而言之，故事以這種方式進(jìn)一步促進(jìn)了最初產(chǎn)生它們的文化思維模式。 ?In short, stories oriented that way further the cultural mind set that produced them in the first place. 這枚硬幣的另一面是，任何沒有“成功”的人一定是個人的錯。 ?The other side of this coin is that anyone who does not "succeed" must be personally at fault. 因此，內(nèi)疚或自責(zé)被當(dāng)作個人主義的副產(chǎn)品，作為其陰暗面而受到鼓勵。 ?Guilt or self-blame, then, is encouraged as a by-product of individualism, as its dark side.通常所說的“個人主義”在美國人思想中的重要性怎么強(qiáng)調(diào)都不過分。 ?The importance in American mentalities of what is commonly called "individualism" is hard to exaggerate. 許多美國人可能沒有意識到他們的思維是如何朝著這個方向發(fā)展的，因?yàn)檎J(rèn)為一切都源于個人成就的觀點(diǎn)是如此普遍，幾乎沒有爭議。 ?Many Americans may not recognize how their thinking is oriented in this direction because the view of everything as the achievement of single persons is so pervasive and so little contested. 但是，當(dāng)人們將美國與XX進(jìn)行比較時，對比就變得明顯了。 ?But when one compares the USA with China, the contrast becomes obvious. 在XX，大多數(shù)人長大后會思考自己所屬的群體，他們的家庭、親戚、家鄉(xiāng)、工作群體，最終是國家。 ?In China most people grow up to think about the groups to which they belong, their families, their relatives, their home region, their work groups and, ultimately, the nation. 對美國人來說，盡管有效忠國旗的宣誓和其他歸屬性的儀式，但要認(rèn)同自己的國家可能更難。 ?For Americans, despite the Pledge of Allegiance to the flag and other rituals of belonging, it may be harder to identify with their nation. 個人主義可能有助于激勵個人，但這阻礙了連貫的民族認(rèn)同感的形成。 ?Individualism may well help to motivate individuals, but it discourages a coherent sense of national identity. 換句話說，美國人對個人成功的追求如此投入，以至于每一代人都越來越難以將美國視為“一個不可分割的國家”。 ?In other words, so invested are Americans in their quest for individual success that to see the United States as "one nation, indivisible" is becoming more difficult with every generation.

?

全球氣候危機(jī)

考慮到這一切，現(xiàn)在必須有一個更大的視角。 ?

The Worldwide Climate Crisis

In relation to all this, a larger perspective is now indispensible. 盡管民族主義情緒在世界范圍內(nèi)上升，但個別國家現(xiàn)在正面臨更大、更緊迫的問題。 ?Despite a worldwide rise of nationalist feeling, individual nations are now being outflanked by greater and more urgent problems. 今天，僅僅研究一個國家及其看待事物的習(xí)慣方式，就忽略了影響整個世界的更大的現(xiàn)實(shí)。 ?Today simply studying one nation and its habitual way of looking at things ignores the larger realities that affect the world as a whole. 人類對經(jīng)濟(jì)“進(jìn)步”的追求已經(jīng)成功地把地球帶入了一個自我污染的惡性循環(huán)，這個循環(huán)也在抵制糾正它的努力。The human drive for economic "progress" has managed to carry the earth-world into a self-polluting spiral that is resisting efforts to correct it.?無論人們把它稱為“氣候危機(jī)”還是其他什么名字，世界上所有國家都面臨著子孫后代無法在未來生存的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)。 ?Whether one calls it "the climate crisis" or some alternative name, all the nations of the world are facing the risk of a future that will be unlivable for their children and grandchildren. 也就是說，未來沒有足夠的水和食物，甚至沒有足夠的可的地方供人類居住。 ?That is, a future without adequate water or food or even enough habitable places for human beings to live.?當(dāng)今世界面臨的危機(jī)對世界各地所有人的傳統(tǒng)思想提出了巨大的挑戰(zhàn)。 The crisis facing the world today poses a huge challenge to traditional thinking for all people in all places. 我們?nèi)祟惷媾R的問題不是由任何一個國家造成的，也不能由任何一個國家單獨(dú)行動來解決。 ?The problems we humans are facing are not caused by any one nation and cannot be fixed by any nation acting alone. 但是，如果許多人，也許是大多數(shù)美國人把注意力集中在短期問題上，他們就不會注意到這些問題，直到為時已晚。 ?But if many, perhaps most, Americans keep their focus on short-term concerns, they will not pay attention to such problems until it is too late to do anything about them. 個人也可能 ?Individuals may all too

?

很容易只去考慮他們需要買的東西，以及如何賺錢來支付這些東西。 easily think only about things they need to buy and how to find the money to pay for them. 同樣，企業(yè)也會考慮今年的利潤，以及如何為業(yè)務(wù)擴(kuò)張而支付費(fèi)用以實(shí)現(xiàn)未來的利潤。 ?Similarly, corporations think about profits this year and how to pay for expansion to enable future profits. 但是，這種對持續(xù)經(jīng)濟(jì)增長的期望在世界各地成倍增長，將使子孫后代面臨一個被我們自己的累積行為所破壞的地球。?But such expectations of ongoing economic growth, multiplied around the world, condemn future generations to an earth devastated by our own cumulative actions.??現(xiàn)代科學(xué)，用我們?nèi)祟愰_發(fā)的最強(qiáng)大的工具來了解我們居住的星球，告訴我們未來可能變得多么不適宜居住。 Modern science, with the most powerful tools we humans have developed to understand the planet where we live, tells us how unlivable the future is likely to become. 一種非常普遍的回應(yīng)是否認(rèn)氣候科學(xué)家的觀點(diǎn)。 ?One response, all too common, is to deny that the climate scientists are right. 更有建設(shè)性的替代辦法是在最近的全球性決定的基礎(chǔ)上繼續(xù)努力，以免浪費(fèi)寶貴的時間 ?The more constructive alternative is to build on recent global decisions in order to not waste precious time.??世界各地的氣候科學(xué)家都告訴我們，如果我們現(xiàn)在不開始行動，未來將很快變得無望。 ?The climate scientists all around the world tell us that if we do not begin to act now, the future will soon become hopeless.?毫無疑問，遲早需要做出巨大的努力，但至少地球上的國家現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)正式同意，危險(xiǎn)是真實(shí)的，所有國家必須聯(lián)合起來做些什么來保護(hù)這個星球上的生命。 ?Great efforts will no doubt be required in time, but at least the nations of earth have now formally agreed that the dangers are real and that all nations must join to do something to protect life on this planet.?

?

最重要的是，美國人現(xiàn)在被要求改變他們長期以來以自我為中心的和關(guān)注短期的思維方式，以便認(rèn)真對待對整個人類的威脅。 Above all Americans are now asked to modify their long-term loyalty to selfcentered and short-term concerns in order to take seriously the threats to humankind as a whole. 在美國人中存在著并將繼續(xù)存在巨大的阻力:新思想需要對價值觀和優(yōu)先關(guān)注點(diǎn)進(jìn)行重新定位。 ?There is and will continue to be substantial resistance among Americans: the new thinking requires a major reorientation of values and priorities.

但還有希望。But there is still hope. 支持腳踏實(shí)地的希望觀的美國思想就是“實(shí)用主義”。 ?One characteristic of American thinking that supports a down-to-earth hopeful view is best known as "pragmatism." 作為一個民族，美國人經(jīng)常質(zhì)疑一般理論或基于理論觀點(diǎn)的意識形態(tài)的優(yōu)越性。 ?As a people the Americans have often questioned the superiority of theories in general or ideologies based on theoretical perspectives. 幾個世紀(jì)以來，事實(shí)證明，當(dāng)實(shí)際情況發(fā)生變化時，他們能適應(yīng)。 ?Over some centuries now, they have proved adaptable when down-to-earth conditions changed. 當(dāng)前的氣候危機(jī)是人類有史以來面臨的最嚴(yán)重的氣候危機(jī)。 ?The present climate crisis is the most severe ever faced by humankind. 希望在于，美國人將繼續(xù)站在對抗這場危機(jī)的全球行動的最前線。 ?The hope is that Americans will continue to be in the forefront of world action to counter the crisis. 作為世界上最富有和人均污染最嚴(yán)重的國家，美國現(xiàn)在肩負(fù)著重大的全球責(zé)任。 ?As the richest and by far the most polluting nation per capita, the USA has a grave, and now global, responsibility.