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法國和德國的猶太人：阿什肯納茲（亞實(shí)基拿，“亞實(shí)基拿”這一名稱常與中世紀(jì)時(shí)的猶太人及今日德國西部以萊茵蘭為中心的地理區(qū)域聯(lián)系在一起。結(jié)果，在該地區(qū)發(fā)展起來的猶太文化被稱為阿什肯納茲猶太文化，也是今天這名稱仍在使用的唯一形式）

? ? ? ? ? 羅馬晚期高盧和日耳曼尼亞猶太人的經(jīng)歷在很大程度上反映了其在意大利的教友的經(jīng)歷。猶太人在羅馬政府的主要中心（馬賽、阿爾勒、那邦尼（納博訥）、于澤斯、波爾多、克萊蒙費(fèi)朗、奧爾良和巴黎）形成了自己的社區(qū)，這些中心位于重要的商業(yè)路線上，有利于猶太商人和奴隸販子的貿(mào)易?？坡『偷聡R茵地區(qū)的猶太人定居點(diǎn)的記錄可以追溯到四世紀(jì)初的羅馬時(shí)期。在這些城市中都存在著眾多的猶太教會堂，這些會堂都是在archisynagogue（希臘語 ?ρχισυν?γω；希伯來語 ??? ?????；直譯為“猶太教堂院長”，是一個古老的猶太頭銜，指的是監(jiān)督與猶太教堂宗教服務(wù)有關(guān)的事務(wù)的官員。）的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下組織的。在四世紀(jì)末宣布基督教為官方國教后，高盧和日耳曼尼亞的猶太人繼續(xù)享有與他們基督教同胞一樣的公民平等和義務(wù)，后者包括強(qiáng)制性地參與教會的籌資活動。在這個相對平靜和繁榮的時(shí)代，日耳曼尼亞猶太人社區(qū)蓬勃發(fā)展，并擴(kuò)展到其他城市，如美因茨、沃爾姆斯、馬揚(yáng)斯、美因茲和梅斯。大公會議證明了猶太人和基督徒之間積極的社會關(guān)系，特別是在法國?；浇躺衤毴藛T被邀請參加猶太人的節(jié)日，猶太人與基督教的通婚被容忍，猶太人被允許在基督教徒中進(jìn)行傳教。實(shí)踐中的基督徒似乎采用了許多猶太人的習(xí)俗，例如以猶太人安息日的方式慶祝星期天。奧爾良會議（539）譴責(zé)猶太人的“迷信”對基督教安息日的影響。

The experiences of the Jews of late Roman Gaul and Germany largely mirror those of their coreligionists in Italy. Jews formed communities in the major centers of Roman administration— Marseille, Arles, Narbonne, Uzès, Bordeaux, Clermont-Ferrand, Orleans, and Paris—strategically located on the great commercial routes that facilitated the activities of Jewish merchants and slave traders. Records of Jewish settlements in Cologne and the Rhine area of Germany date to the early fourth-century Roman period. Numerous synagogues existed in all of these cities, organized under the leadership of the archisynagogue. After the proclamation of Christianity as the official state religion in the late fourth century, Gaulish and Germanic Jews continued to enjoy the civil equalities and duties of their fellow Christian citizens, the latter of which included compulsory participatation in the financing of the curia. During this era of relative calm and prosperity, German Jewish communities flourished and expanded into other cities such as Mainz, Worms, Mayence, Speyer, and Metz. Ecumenical councils attest to the positive social relations between Jews and Christians, particularly in France. Christian clergy were invited to attend Jewish feasts, Jewish-Christian intermarriage was tolerated, and Jews were allowed to proselytize among Christians. Practicing Christians appear to have adopted many Jewish customs, such as celebrating Sunday in the manner of the Jewish Sabbath. The Council of Orleans (539) denounced the influence of Jewish “superstitions” upon the Christian Sabbath.

墨洛溫時(shí)期法國和德國的猶太人

? ? ? ? ? 起初，基督教徒和猶太人之間的宗教和平民平等狀況在墨洛溫王朝法蘭克人統(tǒng)治時(shí)期（第五至第八世紀(jì)）繼續(xù)存在。然而，當(dāng)法蘭克人在克洛維一世統(tǒng)治時(shí)期（481-511年）皈依基督教時(shí)，猶太人開始被視為帝國全面皈依的障礙，并在某種程度上幫助和慫恿敵對形式的基督教，如多納圖斯派、阿利烏教派和摩尼教在野蠻部落中的持續(xù)存在。當(dāng)時(shí)，《塔木德》還沒有被改編，因此，在不諳世事的日耳曼人和高盧異教徒眼中，猶太教和基督教可能很難區(qū)分。因此，后基督教時(shí)期法蘭克人對猶太人的政策可以說是主要尋求在基督徒和猶太人之間劃定明確的社會和宗教界限，而沒有公開迫害后者。然而，法蘭克人確實(shí)對猶太人施加了某些法律限制，如禁止不同信仰間的婚姻，禁止猶太人擔(dān)任稅吏和法官。這些限制與西班牙西哥特人統(tǒng)治下的南部飛地（指隸屬于某一行政區(qū)管轄但不與本區(qū)毗連的土地。方言中也稱為“甌脫地”。如果某一行政主體擁有一塊飛地，那么它無法取道自己的行政區(qū)域到達(dá)該地，只能“飛”過其他行政主體的屬地，才能到達(dá)自己的飛地。飛地的概念產(chǎn)生于中世紀(jì)，術(shù)語第一次出現(xiàn)于1526年簽訂的馬德里條約的文件上。）塞普提曼尼亞猶太人的情況相比，就顯得微不足道了。613年，西哥特國王希瑟布特（Sisebut）下令對其王國中的所有猶太人進(jìn)行強(qiáng)制洗禮。作為回應(yīng)，塞普提曼尼亞的猶太人向北逃到更寬容的普羅旺斯。歷史將在墨洛溫王朝最后一位國王達(dá)戈貝爾特一世（623-639年）的統(tǒng)治時(shí)期重演。據(jù)報(bào)道，達(dá)戈貝爾特被拜占庭皇帝希拉克略警告說，基督教帝國將被一個受割禮的民族所摧毀，他命令高盧的猶太人要么皈依基督教，要么離開這個王國。

At first the situation of religious and civilian parity between Christians and Jews continued during the period of Merovingian Frankish rule (fifth to eighth centuries). However, when the Franks converted to Christianity during the reign of Clovis (481–511) the Jews began to be regarded as an obstacle to the full conversion of the empire and as somehow aiding and abetting the persistence of rival forms of Christianity such as Donatism, Arianism, and Manichaeanism among the barbarian tribes. At the time the Talmud had yet to be redacted, and therefore Judaism and Christianity probably were difficult to distinguish in the eyes of the untutored Germanic and Gaulish pagans. Post-Christian Frankish policy toward the Jews may thus be characterized as primarily seeking to delineate clear social and religious boundaries between Christians and Jews, while falling short of overtly persecuting the latter. However, the Franks did impose certain legal restrictions upon the Jews, such as forbidding interfaith marriage and prohibiting Jews from working as tax collectors and judges. These restrictions pale in comparison with the situation of Jews in Septimania, a southern enclave under the rule of the Spanish Visigoths. In 613 the Visigoth king Sisebut ordered the forced baptism of all Jews in his kingdom. In response the Jews of Septimania fled north to more tolerant Provence. History would repeat itself during the reign of the last Merovingian king, Dagobert I (r. 623–639). Warned by the Byzantine emperor Heraclius of an astrological prediction that the Christian empire would be destroyed by a circumcised people, Dagobert reportedly ordered the Gaulish Jews either to convert to Christianity or to leave the realm.

加洛林文藝復(fù)興時(shí)期的猶太人

? ? ? ? ? 另一方面，加洛林王朝的文藝復(fù)興似乎也為法國的猶太人帶來了一個“黃金時(shí)代”。猶太人在加洛林王朝法國的突出地位被籠罩在將猶太人的作用與加洛林王朝的權(quán)力崛起聯(lián)系起來的傳說中。根據(jù)這些傳說，納博訥的猶太人對墨洛溫王王朝法蘭克人的反猶太政策感到憤怒，據(jù)說他們將納博訥交給了查理曼。為了表示感謝，據(jù)說皇帝將該城分為三個部分，一部分由伯爵領(lǐng)導(dǎo)，另一部分由主教領(lǐng)導(dǎo)，第三部分為猶太人，其領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人擁有“猶太人的國王”稱號。這個虔誠傳說的文本可以追溯到13世紀(jì)，屬于chansons de gestes（武功歌，也叫英雄史詩，源自古法語的「英雄事跡之歌」，為出現(xiàn)在法國文學(xué)初期的史詩和敘事詩。）的詩歌周期（見第九章，文學(xué)）。盡管關(guān)于查理曼大帝給予猶太人的納博訥猶太封臣公國的說法沒有任何歷史依據(jù)——尤其是759年查理曼大帝的父親（矮子丕平）征服了這座城市，但這個傳說確實(shí)證明了猶太人在這座城市和法國其他地區(qū)的顯赫地位。根據(jù)學(xué)者埃絲特·班巴薩（Esther Benbassa）的說法，這也表明猶太人試圖從加洛林王朝那里獲得對他們作為“受保護(hù)的臣民”地位的認(rèn)可，與生活在穆斯林統(tǒng)治下的猶太人所享有的地位相當(dāng)。不應(yīng)忘記的是，納博納市從720年到759年被穆斯林占領(lǐng)，在此期間，根據(jù)伊斯蘭法律，他們必須按照界定非穆斯林地位的齊米制度生活（伊斯蘭教稱「（被）保護(hù)民」的術(shù)語，是指在以沙里亞法規(guī)為基礎(chǔ)的伊斯蘭國家中信仰其他一神教的人（有經(jīng)者）。多神教與無神論者不在被保護(hù)的范圍內(nèi)）。

On the other hand, the Carolingian Renaissance appeared to have ushered in a “golden age” for French Jewry as well. Jewish prominence in Carolingian France is shrouded in legends linking the role of the Jews to the rise of Carolingian power. According to these legends, the Jews of Narbonne, incensed at the anti-Jewish policies of the Merovingians, are said to have delivered the city of Narbonne to Charlemagne. In gratitude the emperor allegedly divided the city into three sectors, one headed by a count, another by a bishop, and a third for the Jews, whose leader bore the title “the king of the Jews.” The texts of this pious legend date to the 13th century and generically belong to the poetic cycle of the chansons de gestes (see chapter 9, Literature). Although there is no historical basis to the claims of a Jewish princedom of Narbonne given to the Jews by Charlemagne—not least because it was Charlemagne’s father, Pepin the Short, who conquered the city in 759—the legend does attest to the prominence of the Jews within this city and the rest of France. According to the scholar Esther Benbassa, it also suggests an attempt by the Jews to secure from the Carolingians a recognition of their status as “protected subjects” comparable to that enjoyed by Jews living under Muslim rule. It should not be forgotten that the city of Narbonne had been occupied by the Muslims from 720 to 759, during which time they would have been obliged by Islamic law to live by the dhimmi system defining the status of non-Muslims.

? ? ? ? ? 撇開傳說不談，猶太人在加洛林王朝時(shí)期是欣欣向榮的。許多人在宮廷中擔(dān)任要職，并享有廣泛的自治權(quán)和公民自由。博學(xué)多才的猶太人為新帝國的外交和經(jīng)濟(jì)利益服務(wù)。查理曼在797年派遣猶太人艾薩克前往阿拔斯王朝哈里發(fā)哈倫·拉希德的宮廷，這是猶太人代表加洛林王朝國王進(jìn)行外交活動的一個顯著例子，但絕不是唯一的例子。自從穆斯林于732年被趕出法國后，被稱為拉特納猶太人的猶太國際商人通過奴隸和絲綢、東方香料和貴金屬等奢侈品的貿(mào)易為加洛林王朝的經(jīng)濟(jì)做出了貢獻(xiàn)（見經(jīng)濟(jì)和旅行一章）。為了承認(rèn)他們在加洛林經(jīng)濟(jì)中不可或缺的作用，825年，虔誠的路易斯頒布了一份皇家憲章，給予猶太商人一些財(cái)政特權(quán)和皇家對他們生命與財(cái)產(chǎn)的保護(hù)。雖然這種特許狀提供了加洛林王朝統(tǒng)治者與他們的猶太臣民之間良好關(guān)系的證據(jù)，但它們必須被理解為對君主的個人奴役的封建關(guān)系，可以根據(jù)國王的意愿進(jìn)行撤銷或改變。向猶太人頒發(fā)皇家特許證成為整個西方基督教世界的慣例，在法國和其他地方一樣，為反猶太主義的攻擊提供了借口，作為挑戰(zhàn)皇家權(quán)威的一種手段。

Legends aside, Jews prospered under the Carolingians. Many held prominent positions in the emperor’s court and enjoyed a wide degree of autonomy and civil liberty. Polyglot erudite Jews served the diplomatic and economic interests of the new empire. Charlemagne’s dispatching of Isaac the Jew to the court of the Abbasid caliph Harun al-Rashid in 797 is a remarkable, but by no means unique, illustration of Jewish diplomacy on behalf of the Carolingian kings. Since the Muslims had been driven out of France in 732, Jewish international merchants called Radhanites contributed to the Carolingian economy through their trade in slaves and luxury items such as silk, Oriental spices, and precious metals (see the chapter on economy and travel). In recognition of their indispensable role in the Carolingian economy, in 825 Louis the Pious issued a royal charter according Jewish merchants a number of fiscal privileges and royal protection of their lives and property. While such charters provide evidence of the good relations between the Carolingian rulers and their Jewish subjects, they must be understood as a feudal relationship of personal servitude to the monarch that could be rescindered or altered at the king’s whim. The granting of royal charters to Jews became established practice throughout Western Christendom and in France as elsewhere provided the alibi for anti-Jewish attacks as a means of challenging royal authority.

? ? ? ? ? 猶太人在加洛林王朝時(shí)期的地位類似于墨洛溫王朝統(tǒng)治的全盛時(shí)期。猶太人可以建造猶太教堂，在法庭上作證，可以從事大多數(shù)職業(yè)，并對其內(nèi)部事務(wù)行使自治權(quán)。加洛林王朝在后者方面的一項(xiàng)創(chuàng)新是設(shè)立了magister judeorum（“猶太教長”）一職，在德語中稱為Judenmeister，這是一個對國王負(fù)責(zé)的猶太人物，負(fù)責(zé)所有與猶太人有關(guān)的事務(wù)。雖然封建限制禁止他們從事大規(guī)模農(nóng)業(yè)，但猶太人確實(shí)擁有土地，包括羅納河谷繁榮的葡萄園，而且猶太商人在當(dāng)?shù)叵蚧酵胶蛧怃N售葡萄酒。

Jewish status under the Carolingians resembled the heyday of Merovingian rule: Jews could build synagogues, testify in court, have access to most occupations, and exercise autonomy over their internal affairs. One Carolingian innovation in the latter regard was the creation of the post of the magister judeorum (“the master of the jews”), known in German as the Judenmeister, a Jewish figurehead answerable to the king and in charge of all matters pertaining to the Jews. While feudal restrictions banned them from engaging in large-scale agriculture, Jews did own land, including prosperous vineyards in the Rhone Valley, and Jewish merchants sold wine locally to Christians as well as abroad.

? ? ? ? ? 從各方面來看，猶太人完全融入了更大的基督教社會，這種同化的證據(jù)是，加洛林王朝的猶太人能說流利的拉丁語，而對希伯來語基本不懂。一些教會會議（例如，845年的莫城會議和883年的圖盧茲會議）表明了教會對猶太人融入基督教社會的反擊。這些會議出臺了一些壓迫和羞辱猶太人的法令，如復(fù)活節(jié)時(shí)在大教堂的臺階上對一名猶太人進(jìn)行羞辱性質(zhì)地打臉，以報(bào)復(fù)猶太人對基督的傷害。在加洛林王朝權(quán)力的巔峰時(shí)期，統(tǒng)治者保護(hù)猶太人免受這種教會條例的影響。隨著王朝權(quán)力在九世紀(jì)后期的減弱，加洛林王朝發(fā)現(xiàn)執(zhí)行反猶太教的法規(guī)是很合宜的。

By all accounts Jews were fully integrated into larger Christian society, and this assimilation is evidenced by the fact that Carolingian Jews were fluent in Latin and largely ignorant of Hebrew. A number of church councils (e.g., the Council of Meaux in 845 and the Council of Toulouse in 883) demonstrate an ecclesiastical backlash against Jewish integration in Christian society. These councils introduced a number of ordinances that oppressed and humiliated the Jews, such as the infamous slap on the face administered to a Jew on the steps of the cathedral at Easter in retaliation for Jewish injury to Christ. At the height of Carolingian power, the rulers protected Jews from such ecclesiastical ordinances. With the waning of their power in the later ninth century, the Carolingians found it expedient to enforce the anti-Jewish legislation.

猶太學(xué)問在法國卡佩時(shí)代的崛起

? ? ? ? ? 卡佩王朝（987-1137）的猶太人歷史充滿了反差。地方伯爵和主教強(qiáng)迫猶太人接受洗禮或面臨死亡與驅(qū)逐的事件層出不窮。在大多數(shù)情況下，猶太人直接向教皇上訴，以阻止迫害他們的人的行動。這一時(shí)期還與第一次十字軍東征圣地和11世紀(jì)西班牙的重新征服被授予十字軍地位的時(shí)間相吻合。這兩次十字軍東征都導(dǎo)致猶太人在與穆斯林?jǐn)橙俗鲬?zhàn)的途中被大肆屠殺，不過應(yīng)該指出的是，十字軍的絕大多數(shù)屠殺都發(fā)生在德國本土。盡管有這些值得注意的大屠殺案例，但10世紀(jì)和11世紀(jì)是法國猶太文化歷史的一個轉(zhuǎn)折點(diǎn)。在法國和伊拉克之間旅行的拉特納猶太商人與巴比倫學(xué)院有聯(lián)系，并將巴比倫塔木德的副本帶回了法國。11世紀(jì)時(shí)，一位僅以馬希爾（Mahir是一個阿拉伯語名字，意思是“熟練的”或“專家”）為名的猶太法學(xué)博士從巴比倫移民到納博納，并建立了法國第一所猶太學(xué)校。到11世紀(jì)下半葉，法國誕生了猶太歷史上最偉大的拉比和塔木德學(xué)者之一，即可敬的拉比，也被稱為所羅門·本·依撒克·哈泰扎法提（1040-1105）。他在家鄉(xiāng)特魯瓦建立了一所猶太塔木德學(xué)校，成為猶太學(xué)習(xí)的燈塔，并成為現(xiàn)已停辦的巴比倫學(xué)院的當(dāng)之無愧的繼承者。他對《塔木德》的大量評論至今仍是理解猶太法律的一個不可或缺的工具。他的弟子們保持著其猶太學(xué)問遺產(chǎn)，在希伯來語、塔木德研究、圣經(jīng)注釋和拉比法學(xué)等領(lǐng)域表現(xiàn)出色。

The history of the Jews during the era of the Capetian kings (987–1137) is filled with contrasts. There were numerous incidents of local counts and bishops forcing Jews to become baptized or face death or expulsion. In most cases the Jews appealed directly to the pope to stay the hand of their persecutors. The period also coincides with the First Crusade to the Holy Land and with the granting of crusader status to the Reconquista of Spain in the 11th century. Both crusades resulted in the wholesale massacre of Jews en route to fighting the Muslim enemy, although it should be noted that the vast majority of the crusader massacres took place on German soil. Despite these notable cases of pogrom and massacre, the 10th and 11th centuries mark a turning point in French Jewish cultural history. Radhanite Jewish merchants traveling between France and Iraq had contact with the Babylonian academy and took back to France copies of the Babylonian Talmud. In the 11th century a Jewish doctor of the law known only by the name of Mahir emigrated from Babylonia to Narbonne and founded the first French yeshiva. By the second half of the 11th century, France would produce one of the greatest rabbis and Talmudic scholars of Jewish history, the venerable Rashi, also known as Solomon ben Isaac of Troyes (1040– 1105). Rashi founded a Jewish Talmudic school in his native Troyes that became a beacon of Jewish learning and a worthy successor of the now defunct Babylonian academy. His massive commentary on the Talmud remains to this day an indispensable tool for understanding Jewish law. Rashi’s disciples maintained his legacy of Jewish learning, excelling in the fields of Hebrew, Talmudic study, biblical exegesis, and rabbinical jurisprudence.

阿什肯納茲中心地帶的猶太教學(xué)習(xí)

? ? ? ? ? 11世紀(jì)的德國也見證了在著名拉比影響下，猶太教律法學(xué)習(xí)的革新，如Kalonymous家族，他們在9世紀(jì)中期從意大利移民到美因茨，并在那里建立了一個猶太教學(xué)校。梅斯的格爾肖姆·班·尤達(dá)（約960-1040年）是美因茨塔木德學(xué)院的院長，在他的管理下，美因茨成為猶太圣經(jīng)和塔木德研究的磁石，吸引來自散居各地的猶太人。他的學(xué)校影響了前面提到的法國拉比學(xué)者所羅門·本·依撒克·哈泰扎法提的事業(yè)，他承認(rèn)所有阿什肯納茲的猶太人都是格爾肖姆的弟子。格爾肖姆的教誨給德國猶太人灌輸了對《妥拉》和《塔木德》的極端虔誠，這可以解釋十字軍迫害時(shí)期猶太人殉教的高發(fā)率以及虔誠主義哈西德運(yùn)動在阿什肯納茲的出現(xiàn)。

Germany in the 11th century also witnessed a renovation in Jewish Halachic learning under the influence of renowned rabbis such as the Kalonymous family, who had immigrated from Italy in the mid-ninth century to Mainz, where they founded a Jewish yeshiva. Gershom ben Judah of Metz (c. 960–1040) was the head of the Talmudic academy at Mainz, and under his governance Mainz became a magnet of Jewish biblical and Talmudic study, attracting Jews from all over the Diaspora. His school influenced the career of the aforementioned French rabbinic scholar Rashi, who acknowledged that all Ashkenazic Jews were disciples of Rav Gershom. The extreme devotion to the Torah and the Talmud that Gershom’s teachings instilled in German Jews may explain the high incidences of Jewish martyrdom during the times of crusader persecution and the emergence in Ashkenaz of the pietistic Hasidim movement.

在迫害與被驅(qū)逐之間

? ? ? ? ? 盡管第一次十字軍東征并沒有在法國引起對猶太人的系統(tǒng)性迫害，但它確實(shí)催生了猶太人褻瀆圣體和綁架基督徒男孩進(jìn)行血祭的惡性謠言。1171年在布盧瓦出現(xiàn)的第一個血腥誹謗的指控，導(dǎo)致31名猶太人被燒死在火刑柱上。這種指控，加上14世紀(jì)流傳的關(guān)于猶太人污染公共水井并傳播黑死病（1348-49）的謠言，將成為在中世紀(jì)余下的時(shí)間里一次又一次迫害、屠殺和驅(qū)逐法國和德國猶太人社區(qū)的借口。從1182年腓力二世·奧古斯都下令驅(qū)逐猶太人到1394年查理六世最終將猶太人驅(qū)逐出法國，期間發(fā)生的迫害猶太人事件不勝枚舉。只需提及皇家政策很少是出于虔誠的考慮，圣路易九世（1226-70年）可能是個例外；更典型的是菲利普四世在1306年將猶太人驅(qū)逐出法國的背后，純粹是出于經(jīng)濟(jì)動機(jī)。法國猶太人的“大放逐”必須與菲利普在第二年策劃的另一次大放逐聯(lián)系起來理解：摧毀圣殿騎士團(tuán)并沒收其所有資產(chǎn)。這兩次“流放”的唯一目的是在法國王室面臨財(cái)政困難的時(shí)候充實(shí)王室國庫。

Although the First Crusade did not give rise to systematic persecution of the Jews in France, it did spawn pernicious rumors that Jews were desecrating the Eucharistic host and kidnapping Christian boys to perform blood sacrifices. The first accusation of blood libel, which arose in Blois in 1171, resulted in the burning at the stake of 31 Jews. Such accusations, together with the rumors circulating in the 14th century that the Jews had contaminated public wells and spread the Black Death (1348–49), would serve as a pretext for the persecution, massacre, and expulsion of French and German communities of Jews time and again over the course of the remainder of the Middle Ages. The incidences of Jewish persecution between the expulsion ordered by Phillip Augustus in 1182 and the final, definitive expulsion of the Jews from France by Charles VI in 1394 are too numerous to count. It suffices to mention that royal policy was rarely dictated by pious consideration, with the possible exception of Saint Louis IX (r. 1226–70); far more typical were the purely financial motives that lay behind Philip the Fair’s expulsion of the Jews from France in 1306. The “great exile” of French Jewry must be understood in connection with the other great exile that Philip engineered the following year: the destruction of the Templars and the confiscation of all their assets. Both “exiles” served the sole purpose of filling the royal treasury at a time when the French Crown was facing financial difficulties.

? ? ? ? ? 在德國，迫害一直持續(xù)到15世紀(jì)的瘟疫年代之后。雖然十字軍的狂熱和極端主義的虔誠無疑為這些事件推波助瀾，但在大多數(shù)情況下，猶太人的迫害反映了神圣羅馬帝國的皇帝、教皇、主教和公爵之間的政治權(quán)力斗爭。無論潛在的動機(jī)是什么，影響都是一樣的：阿什肯納茲的猶太社區(qū)通過實(shí)踐殉道、Kiddush ha Shem（“神圣之名的圣化”，猶太教的戒律。在拉比來源和現(xiàn)代用語中，它指的是反映猶太人民良好而非不良的私人和公共行為）來回應(yīng)。這些英勇的殉道行為在猶太編年史和宗教詩歌（piyyutim；見文學(xué)一章）中得到了不朽的記載和紀(jì)念。猶太人的抵抗也采取了移民的形式。由于鎮(zhèn)壓性法律禁止猶太人從事大多數(shù)職業(yè)，他們從事放貸和典當(dāng)業(yè)。雖然這些職業(yè)使猶太人成為基督教徒怨恨的焦點(diǎn)，但它們?yōu)楠q太人提供了金融流動性，在需要時(shí)為他們的流動提供了便利。例如，當(dāng)神圣羅馬帝國皇帝魯?shù)婪颉ゑT·哈布斯堡（1273-91）試圖執(zhí)行猶太人是皇室的個人和財(cái)政“財(cái)產(chǎn)”的政策時(shí)，這種情況被稱為“皇室財(cái)政的農(nóng)奴”（servi camare regis），許多德國猶太人只是逃到了鄰國波蘭。德國最偉大的法律學(xué)者，羅騰堡的梅爾·本·巴魯克（1215-1286），成為這一政策的“殉道者”。梅爾因拒絕接受農(nóng)奴制的地位而被監(jiān)禁，并在那里一直待到死亡。在獄中，他繼續(xù)寫法學(xué)論文和給弟子的信，這使他成為幾個世紀(jì)以來阿什肯納茲法律和習(xí)俗的最重要指導(dǎo)者。在隨后的14和15世紀(jì)的迫害中，阿什肯納茲猶太人向波蘭移民的模式將被重復(fù)，使該國成為現(xiàn)代早期阿什肯納茲猶太人最大和最重要的中心之一。

In Germany the persecutions persisted beyond the years of the plague well into the 15th century. While crusader fervor and extremist piety undoubtedly fueled these events, in most cases Jewish persecution reflected political power struggles that pitted Holy Roman Emperors, popes, bishops, and dukes against one another. Whatever the underlying motives, the impact was the same: Ashkenazic Jewish communities responded by practicing martyrdom, Kiddush ha Shem (“the sanctification of the Divine Name”). These heroic acts of martyrdom were immortalilzed and commemorated liturgically in Jewish chronicles and religious poetry (piyyutim; see the chapter on literature). Jewish resistance also took the form of emigration. Since repressive laws banned Jews from practicing most professions, they engaged in moneylending and pawnbrokery. Although these vocations made Jews the focus of Christian resentment, they provided them with financial liquidity that facilitated their mobility when the need arose. For instance, when Holy Roman Emperor Rudolph of Habsburg (r. 1273–91) attempted to enforce the policy that the Jews were the personal and fiscal “property” of the Crown, a condition known as the “serfs of the royal treasury” (servi camare regis), many German Jews simply fled to neighboring Poland. Germany’s greatest legal scholar, Rabbi Meir ben Baruch of Rothenberg (1215–c. 1286), became a “martyr” of this policy. Meir was imprisoned for refusing to accept the status of serfdom and remained there until he died. While in prison he continued writing the juridical responsa and letters to his disciples that made him the foremost guide of Ashkenazic law and customs for centuries. The pattern of Ashkenazic Jewish emigration to Poland would be repeated during the subsequent persecutions of the 14th and 15th centuries, converting that country into one of the largest and most important centers of Ashkenazic Jewry in the early modern era.

德國的猶太虔誠派：哈西迪猶太教

? ? ? ? ? 在第一次十字軍東征期間對萊茵蘭猶太人的大屠殺中，備受贊譽(yù)的拉比Kalonymous ben Meshullam ha-Parnas是傳奇的Kalonymous家族（德國最顯赫的猶太家族之一）的烈士之一。在12世紀(jì)末至13世紀(jì)初，他的后裔塞繆爾·哈西德（“虔誠者”）、雷根斯堡的猶大·本·塞繆爾，以及后者的堂兄、沃爾姆斯的以利亞撒·本·猶大，編纂了一部關(guān)于猶太教新形式虔誠的小冊子，名為《Sefer Hasidim》（虔誠之書）闡述了新虔誠主義運(yùn)動的原則，將殉道作為虔誠的最高表現(xiàn)形式，并頌揚(yáng)了禁欲主義、懺悔式的身體折磨和神秘主義的美德。

One of the many martyrs of the massacre of Rhineland Jews during the First Crusade was the acclaimed rabbi Kalonymous ben Meshullam ha-Parnas of the legendary Kalonymous clan. In the late 12th to early 13th centuries his descendants Samuel ben Kalonymous ha-Hasid (“the Pious”), Judah ben Samuel ben Kalonymous ha-Hasid, and the latter’s cousin, Eleazar ben Judah of Worms, redacted a tractate on a new form of Jewish piety entitled Sefer Hasidim (The Book of the Pious). The Book of the Pious laid out the principles of a new pietistic movement that upheld martyrdom as the highest expression of piety and extolled the virtues of asceticism, penitential mortification of the body, and mysticism.

伊比利亞基督教化地區(qū)的猶太人

? ? ? ? ? 伊比利亞半島的猶太人歷史展現(xiàn)了對這一群體在基督教和伊斯蘭教統(tǒng)治下命運(yùn)的對比研究。西哥特國王希瑟布特在613年發(fā)布的詔書中，命令對伊比利亞和法國南部領(lǐng)土上的所有猶太人進(jìn)行強(qiáng)制洗禮，這是西哥特在阿里烏斯派西哥特國王雷卡雷德一世（586-601）于587年皈依天主教后對猶太人政策的象征。在皈依之前，于410年征服半島的阿里烏派西哥特人對其猶太臣民采取了相對寬容的政策。天主教西哥特人無視教皇格雷戈里大帝（604年）敦促容忍和保護(hù)猶太社區(qū)的書信。雷卡雷德批準(zhǔn)了托萊多第三次會議（589年）的決定，強(qiáng)制要求所有混血兒接受洗禮，并禁止猶太人擔(dān)任公職。隨后的托萊多教會會議進(jìn)一步貶低了猶太人的法律地位，規(guī)定限制猶太教儀式，用石頭砸死猶太叛教者（653），驅(qū)逐或奴役所有拒絕皈依基督教的猶太人，并沒收他們的財(cái)產(chǎn)（694）。西哥特人對猶太人的迫害直接影響了猶太人對伊斯蘭統(tǒng)治的接受，當(dāng)時(shí)穆斯林軍隊(duì)在8世紀(jì)初開始入侵半島。許多猶太人被迫留在被征服的城鎮(zhèn)的駐軍中負(fù)責(zé)管理。

The history of the Jews in the Iberian Peninsula presents a contrasting study of the fate of this community under Christian and Islamic rule. The edict issued by the Visigoth king Sisebut in 613 ordering the forced baptism of all Jews in the territories of Iberia and southern France was symptomatic of Visigothic policy toward the Jews in the period following the conversion of the Arian Visigoth king Reccared (r. 586–601) to Catholic Christianity in 587. Prior to their conversion the Arian Visigoths, who conquered the peninsula in 410, had followed a policy of relative tolerance of their Jewish subjects. Catholic Visigoths disregarded Pope Gregory the Great’s (d. 604) epistles urging the tolerance and protection of Jewish communities. Reccared approved the decisions of the Third Council of Toledo (589) to compel the baptism of all children of mixed marriages and forbid Jews to hold public office. Subsequent church councils of Toledo debased the legal status of the Jews further, stipulating the suppression of Jewish rites, the stoning to death of Jewish apostates (653), the expulsion or enslavement of all Jews who refused to convert to Christianity, and the confiscation of their property (694). Visigothic persecution of the Jews directly influenced the Jewish acceptance of Islamic rule when Muslim forces began invading the peninsula at the beginning of the eighth century. Many Jews were left in charge of the garrisons of conquered towns and cities.

? ? ? ? ? 猶太人在伊比利亞基督教化地區(qū)的存在與各個基督教王國的興起和擴(kuò)張以及從穆斯林手中重新征服的領(lǐng)土的皇家政策密不可分。在11至13世紀(jì)對伊斯蘭伊比利亞的重大征服和穆斯林貢品的注入之前，卡斯蒂利亞、萊昂、納瓦拉、阿拉貢和葡萄牙等新興基督教王國與他們的穆斯林對手相比相對貧窮?；浇虈蹩吹搅吮Ａ艉臀q太人到他們的王國以從他們的商業(yè)活動中獲益的經(jīng)濟(jì)優(yōu)勢。我們也不能忘記，在整個半島的歷史上，這些王國一直在為分割戰(zhàn)利品和以犧牲其他國家為代價(jià)擴(kuò)大自己的領(lǐng)土而相互爭斗。因此，與本國境內(nèi)的猶太社區(qū)保持良好關(guān)系有利于政治上的實(shí)用主義。

The Jewish presence in Christian Iberia was inextricably linked to the emergence and expansion of the various Christian kingdoms and royal policies of repopulating territories reconquered from the Muslims. Until the major conquests of Islamic Iberia in the 11th to 13th centuries and the infusion of Muslim tribute money, the emerging Christian kingdoms of Castile, León, Navarre, Aragon, and Portugal were relatively poor compared to their Muslim rivals. Christian kings saw the economic advantages of retaining and attracting Jews to their kingdoms to benefit from their mercantile activities. Nor must it be forgotten that throughout the peninsula’s history these kingdoms were continuously at war with each other over the division of the spoils and the expansion of their own territories at the expense of the others. Consequently, good relations with the Jewish communities within one’s realm served political pragmatism.

? ? ? ? ? 為了達(dá)到這些目的，伊比利亞的基督教統(tǒng)治者遵循一種普遍的模式，即向猶太社區(qū)頒發(fā)可更新的皇家特許證（fueros），給予他們經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治特權(quán)，越來越多地明確損害穆德哈爾（指的是西班牙復(fù)國運(yùn)動之后未曾離開該國但也未改信的安達(dá)盧斯穆斯林。此外這個也可以指結(jié)合了穆斯林和基督教建筑風(fēng)格的穆德哈爾建筑，這是12世紀(jì)開始伊比利亞半島的主流建筑風(fēng)格，其影響力延續(xù)到17世紀(jì)），或受基督教統(tǒng)治的被征服的穆斯林人的利益。從11世紀(jì)開始，猶太人越來越多地被視為君主的個人財(cái)產(chǎn)（servi camare regis）。與法國、德國和意大利的情況一樣，伊比利亞王室向猶太人提供經(jīng)濟(jì)特權(quán)和公民權(quán)利的政策，促進(jìn)了猶太人的同化和猶太人與基督徒之間的積極社會接觸，但有時(shí)與教會的利益發(fā)生沖突，后者努力實(shí)施對猶太人的社會隔離和對他們的民事征服。王室和教會政策有利于猶太人的典型例子包括卡斯蒂利亞的加西亞·費(fèi)爾南德斯伯爵于974年頒布的《卡斯特羅赫里斯憲章》，以及1020年在阿方索五世國王（999-1027年）領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下的萊昂會議上批準(zhǔn)的憲章。這兩份憲章都將猶太人置于與基督教公民同等的地位，允許前者擁有財(cái)產(chǎn)并自由從事農(nóng)業(yè)和商業(yè)活動。由于對這種自由的法律所帶來的猶太人和基督徒之間的積極共存有所警惕，Coyanza會議（1050年）決定恢復(fù)西哥特式的立法，禁止猶太人和基督徒之間的社會交往和同居關(guān)系。

To these ends Iberian Christian rulers followed a general pattern of issuing renewable royal charters (fueros) to Jewish communities granting them economic and political privileges, increasingly to the express detriment of the Mudejars, or conquered Muslim populations subjected to Christian rule. Increasingly from the 11th century, the Jews were regarded as the personal property of the monarch (servi camare regis). As in the cases of France, Germany, and Italy, Iberian royal policy of offering economic privileges and civilian rights to the Jews, which fostered Jewish assimilation and positive social contacts between Jews and Christians, sometimes clashed with the interests of the church, which strove to enforce the social segregation of the Jews and their civil subjugation. Typical examples of royal and ecclesiastical policies favorable to the Jews include the fuero of Castrojeriz, issued in 974 by Count García Fernández of Castile, and the charter ratified at the Council of León in 1020 under the leadership of King Alfonso V (r. 999–1027). Both charters placed Jews virtually on par with Christian citizens, permitting the former to own property and to engage freely in agriculture and commerce. Wary of the positive coexistence between Jews and Christians that such liberal laws engendered, the Council of Coyanza (1050) decided to revive the Visigothic legislation prohibiting social interaction and cohabitation between Jews and Christians.

? ? ? ? ? 在卡斯蒂利亞對被削弱和分裂的穆斯林王國發(fā)動的攻勢中，猶太人社區(qū)在政治和經(jīng)濟(jì)上受益匪淺，這一攻勢始于1085年對托萊多的勝利征服，隨著1212年在納瓦斯德托洛薩戰(zhàn)役擊敗阿爾摩哈德（穆瓦希德）柏柏爾人而達(dá)到高潮。阿方索六世（1065-1109年）在1085年確保了對托萊多的征服，這在很大程度上是由于他對該市繁榮的猶太人口頒布了有利的政策，從而損害了被征服的穆斯林的利益。阿方索六世不僅賦予其領(lǐng)地內(nèi)的猶太人以基督教公民的全部權(quán)利，而且還賦予他們以貴族的法律地位和特權(quán)。猶太人從沒收的穆斯林財(cái)產(chǎn)和清真寺中獲益，并擁有許多奴隸。具有諷刺意味的是，猶太人在這些新征服地區(qū)的法律地位和自治權(quán)與他們在穆斯林統(tǒng)治下享有的迪米人地位非常相似，因?yàn)榛浇虈醪捎昧艘了固m教的“宮廷拉比”（rab de la corte或rab mayor）制度。為了感謝這種優(yōu)惠待遇，猶太士兵與卡斯蒂利亞軍隊(duì)并肩作戰(zhàn)，盡管他們在視覺上以黃色和黑色的頭巾來區(qū)分。雖然卡斯蒂利亞的廣大基督教徒在繁榮和軍事成功的時(shí)候不情愿地默認(rèn)了皇室對猶太人的偏愛，但相反的情況卻為他們釋放對猶太人的怒火提供了動機(jī)。災(zāi)難性的烏克萊斯戰(zhàn)役（1108年）之后就是這種情況，戰(zhàn)后托萊多及其周邊地區(qū)爆發(fā)了反猶太暴亂，導(dǎo)致猶太教堂被燒毀，許多猶太人被殺害。

Jewish communities benefited politically and economically during the Castilian offensive against the weakened and divided Muslim kingdoms, which began with the victorious conquest of Toledo in 1085 and climaxed with the defeat of the Almohad Berbers at Navas de Tolosa in 1212. Alfonso VI (r. 1065–1109) secured his conquest of Toledo in 1085 in large measure as a result of the favorable policies he enacted toward the city’s thriving Jewish population to the detriment of the conquered Muslims. Alfonso VI not only granted Jews of his domain the full rights of Christian citizens, he also granted them the legal status and privileges of the nobility. Jews now benefited from the confiscation of Muslim property and mosques and owned many as slaves. Ironically, the legal status and autonomy of the Jews in these newly conquered realms closely resembled the dhimmi status they had enjoyed under the Muslims, since the Christian kings adopted the Islamic institution of the “chief rabbi,” rab de la corte or rab mayor. In gratitude for this preferential treatment, Jewish soldiers fought alongside the Castilian forces, albeit visually distinguished by their yellow and black turbans. While the wider Christian population of Castile reluctantly acquiesced to royal favoritism toward the Jews in times of prosperity and military success, the contrary situation provided the motive to release their fury against them. Such was the case after the disastrous Battle of Ucles (1108), in the aftermath of which anti-Jewish riots erupted in Toledo and its environs, resulting in the burning of synagogues and the murder of many Jews.

《Handbook To Life in The Medieval World》（2008）

By Madeleine Pelner Cosman and Linda Gale Jones?

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