1857年3月4日，詹姆斯·布坎南在華盛頓特區(qū)正式就任美國第15任總統(tǒng)。

布坎南出自美國民主黨，溫和廢奴主義者，他出身于農(nóng)民家庭，18歲法學專業(yè)畢業(yè)，19歲加入軍隊參加1812年英美戰(zhàn)爭，23歲退伍開始從政，他曾在28歲時遇到科爾曼小姐，對其一見鐘情，但最終二人的愛情以悲劇結(jié)尾，布坎南因此終身未婚，他是目前唯一一位終身未婚的美國總統(tǒng)；1845年出任美國國務卿，積極處理對外事務，1856年贏得美國總統(tǒng)大選。

對內(nèi)方面，他任內(nèi)，美國經(jīng)濟和國家建設依舊保持積極發(fā)展；然而他上任時，美國南北撕裂已經(jīng)極其嚴重，他認為自己作為總統(tǒng)，應當不偏向任何一方，在二者間保持中立，他表明了自己的廢奴主義立場，但是認為奴隸制符合法律，不應當加以干涉，整個任期內(nèi)，他對南方奴隸主采取妥協(xié)措施，希望能夠以此避免內(nèi)戰(zhàn)，然而他的妥協(xié)只換來了雙方?jīng)_突加??；皮爾斯總統(tǒng)任期內(nèi)已有的南北對抗行為仍在繼續(xù)且愈發(fā)嚴重，堪薩斯的流血沖突依然不斷；除了已有的對抗之外，他任期內(nèi)還發(fā)生了一件震驚了全美和全世界的大事，1859年10月16日，北方的激進廢奴主義者約翰·布朗率領他的起義部隊進入南方，攻打了西弗吉尼亞州的哈珀斯費里鎮(zhèn)，逮捕了當?shù)氐呐`主，解放了他們的黑奴，此事立刻引發(fā)全美轟動，布坎南政府立刻下令鎮(zhèn)壓此次起義，以防止此事激怒南方奴隸主，10月18日，羅伯特·李率領軍隊擊潰起義軍，約翰·布朗被捕，12月2日，約翰·布朗被處決，南方奴隸主對約翰·布朗的行為恨之入骨，而北方和世界廢奴主義者均給予了其高度評價，但是北方廢奴主義者的公然襲擊惹怒了南方奴隸主勢力，而約翰·布朗的死也激怒了北方廢奴主義者，雙方表現(xiàn)出劍拔弩張的態(tài)勢，許多人認為，約翰·布朗給了脆弱不堪的局面最后一擊；布坎南總統(tǒng)曾許諾只擔任一屆總統(tǒng)，因此沒有參與1860年大選，1860年大選各方對抗異常激烈，其中共和黨候選人林肯以其出色的口才和廢奴主義立場得到了大量支持，面對這種情況，南方各州幾度威脅要退出聯(lián)邦，但布坎南總統(tǒng)無力調(diào)和南北矛盾，1860年11月，共和黨的廢奴主義者林肯贏得了總統(tǒng)大選，南方奴隸主徹底坐不住了，美國人最擔心的事情還是發(fā)生了；12月20日，南卡羅萊納州宣布退出聯(lián)邦，成為了第一個退出美利堅合眾國的州，布坎南在童年的國情咨文中批評了南卡羅萊納州脫離聯(lián)邦的行為，但是他隨后又表示聯(lián)邦無權對此行為做出干涉，引得在場議員噓聲一片，布坎南政府威信盡失，國會也對他頗為不滿，剩余的3個月任期內(nèi)，密西西比州、佛羅里達州、亞拉巴馬州、佐治亞州、路易斯安納州和得克薩斯州，又有共計6個州相繼脫離聯(lián)邦，1861年2月4日，南方各州在美國南部成立“美利堅聯(lián)盟國”，正式和聯(lián)邦政府分庭抗禮，在唾棄和危機之下，布坎南總統(tǒng)結(jié)束了自己充滿危機的任期。他因而成為了目前唯一一位任期內(nèi)丟失了領土的總統(tǒng)(僅對比上任時和卸任時)，也是美國南北戰(zhàn)爭之前的最后一任美國總統(tǒng)，美國最終滑入了內(nèi)戰(zhàn)，以最血腥暴力的手段解決這個自美國建國以來一直爭議不休的問題。

對外方面，由于美國這此時期國內(nèi)撕裂過于嚴重，布坎南總統(tǒng)幾乎全心處理國內(nèi)事務，因此對外并無重大行動，對于我們來說，僅有的值得一提的是，他從英法聯(lián)軍入侵中國的戰(zhàn)爭中得利，于1858年同清政府簽訂了《天津條約》和《通商章程善后條約》，進一步從中國攫取了部分利益。

1861年3月4日，布坎南卸任總統(tǒng)一職，他在卸職時留下了“聯(lián)邦已經(jīng)走入末路”一句話，此后退出政壇。

他的晚年時，許多美國人將美國南北戰(zhàn)爭的爆發(fā)歸咎于他，對他的指責和叫罵聲不斷，導致他心情十分抑郁。

1868年6月1日，詹姆斯·布坎南因感冒引起的呼吸困難逝世，享年77歲。

Whatever the result may be, I shall carry to my grave the consciousness that I at least meant well for my country.? ——?James Buchanan

無論結(jié)果如何，我至死都會遵循我的良心，起碼我對祖國的本意是好的。 —— 詹姆斯·布坎南

Fellow-Citizens:

同胞們：

I appear before you this day to take the solemn oath "that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States and will to the best of my ability preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States."?

今天，我在大家面前莊嚴宣誓“我會盡心履行美利堅合眾國總統(tǒng)的職務，并竭盡所能維護、支持并捍衛(wèi)美國憲法”。

In entering upon this great office I must humbly invoke the God of our fathers for wisdom and firmness to execute its high and responsible duties in such a manner as to restore harmony and ancient friendship among the people of the several States and to preserve our free institutions throughout many generations. Convinced that I owe my election to the inherent love for the Constitution and the Union which still animates the hearts of the American people, let me earnestly ask their powerful support in sustaining all just measures calculated to perpetuate these, the richest political blessings which Heaven has ever bestowed upon any nation. Having determined not to become a candidate for reelection, I shall have no motive to influence my conduct in administering the Government except the desire ably and faithfully to serve my country and to live in grateful memory of my countrymen.?

在任職之際，我必須謙卑地向祖輩們信仰的上帝祈禱，祈求他賜予我們智慧和堅強，讓我們能夠勝任我們的崇高職務，以重塑各州人民之間的長久友誼，使大家和睦相處，保佑我們的自由制度能夠傳遞千秋萬代。我相信，我能勝選完全是歸功于大家對憲法和聯(lián)邦的熱愛，二者共同激勵這每一個美國人的心靈，我真心地請求人民能夠給予我大力支持，采取一切正當措施，一同維護并延續(xù)聯(lián)邦和憲法，這是上帝賜予我國最寶貴的政治福祉。我已決心不謀求連任，我前來管理政府只有一個動機，那就是懷著對同胞們的感激之情，忠心地服務我的祖國。

We have recently passed through a Presidential contest in which the passions of our fellow-citizens were excited to the highest degree by questions of deep and vital importance; but when the people proclaimed their will the tempest at once subsided and all was calm.?

我們近期剛結(jié)束了一場總統(tǒng)大選，本次大選中，各種重要深遠的問題激起了同胞們的極大熱情；但是，當人民的選擇最終敲定時，一切風暴般的爭議都停止了。

The voice of the majority, speaking in the manner prescribed by the Constitution, was heard, and instant submission followed. Our own country could alone have exhibited so grand and striking a spectacle of the capacity of man for self-government.?

多數(shù)人通過憲法規(guī)定的方式發(fā)聲，我們聽到了他們的聲音，并遵從他們的意愿。只有美國才能展現(xiàn)出如此令人瞠目結(jié)舌，舉世矚目的自治能力。

What a happy conception, then, was it for Congress to apply this simple rule, that the will of the majority shall govern, to the settlement of the question of domestic slavery in the Territories. Congress is neither "to legislate slavery into any Territory or State nor to exclude it therefrom,but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States."?

那么，國會同樣運用了“少數(shù)服從多數(shù)”這條簡單的原則，讓國內(nèi)各領地人民自行決定奴隸制的存廢問題，此事豈不美哉。如此一來，國會既沒有“立法要求各領地或各州實行奴隸制，也沒有立法禁止奴隸制，而是完全將這一問題自由交給當?shù)貦C構(gòu)自行處理，僅需他們遵守美國憲法即可”。

As a natural consequence, Congress has also prescribed that when the Territory of Kansas shall be admitted as a State it "shall be received into the Union with or without slavery, as their constitution may prescribe at the time of their admission." A difference of opinion has arisen in regard to the point of time when the people of a Territory shall decide this question for themselves.?

自然而然，國會還允許堪薩斯領地在未來作為一個州，“加入聯(lián)邦，至于是否施行奴隸制，以該領地加入聯(lián)邦時的憲法為準”。但至于何時加入聯(lián)邦，堪薩斯領地的居民在自己決定時出現(xiàn)了分歧。

This is, happily, a matter of but little practical importance. Besides,it is a judicial question, which legitimately belongs to the Supreme Court of the United States, before whom it is now pending, and will, it is understood,be speedily and finally settled. To their decision, in common with all good citizens, I shall cheerfully submit, whatever this may be, though it has ever been my individual opinion that under the Nebraska-Kansas act the appropriate period will be when the number of actual residents in the Territory shall justify the formation of a constitution with a view to its admission as a State into the Union. But be this as it may, it is the imperative and indispensable duty of the Government of the United States to secure to every resident inhabitant the free and independent expression of his opinion by his vote. This sacred right of each individual must be preserved. That being accomplished, nothing can be fairer than to leave the people of a Territory free from all foreign interference to decide their own destiny for themselves, subject only to the Constitution of the United States.?

不過好消息是，這一問題并未造成嚴重的實際后果。這是一個司法問題，按照法律規(guī)定應當由美國最高法院負責，當前已在最高法院審理，而且據(jù)悉，該問題很快就能得到徹底解決。我會和所有優(yōu)秀公民一樣，無論最高法院的最終決定是什么，我都欣然接受，即使我個人認為，根據(jù)《內(nèi)布拉斯加-堪薩斯法案》，應當待該領地居民數(shù)量達到憲法規(guī)定，可以作為一個州并入聯(lián)邦時再做定奪最為妥當。但盡管如此，美國政府當下不可推脫的職責乃是確保每一位領地居民都可以通過投票獨立自由地表達自己的見解。必須確保這一神圣權利不受到侵犯。此舉完成之際，沒有什么事情比讓該領地居民完全不受外界干擾，在遵守美國憲法的前提下，自己決定自身命運更美好的事情了。

The whole Territorial question being thus settled upon the principle of popular sovereignty--a principle as ancient as free government itself--everything of a practical nature has been decided. No other question remains for adjustment,because all agree that under the Constitution slavery in the States is beyond the reach of any human power except that of the respective States themselves wherein it exists. May we not, then, hope that the long agitation on this subject is approaching its end, and that the geographical parties to which it has given birth, so much dreaded by the Father of his Country,will speedily become extinct? Most happy will it be for the country when the public mind shall be diverted from this question to others of more pressing and practical importance. Throughout the whole progress of this agitation, which has scarcely known any intermission for more than twenty years, whilst it has been productive of no positive good to any human being it has been the prolific source of great evils to the master, to the slave,and to the whole country. It has alienated and estranged the people of the sister States from each other, and has even seriously endangered the very existence of the Union. Nor has the danger yet entirely ceased. Under our system there is a remedy for all mere political evils in the sound sense and sober judgment of the people. Time is a great corrective. Political subjects which but a few years ago excited and exasperated the public mind have passed away and are now nearly forgotten. But this question of domestic slavery is of far graver importance than any mere political question, because should the agitation continue it may eventually endanger the personal safety of a large portion of our countrymen where the institution exists. In that event no form of government, however admirable in itself and however productive of material benefits, can compensate for the loss of peace and domestic security around the family altar. Let every Union-loving man, therefore,exert his best influence to suppress this agitation, which since the recent legislation of Congress is without any legitimate object.?

因此，整個堪薩斯領土問題都應該在人民主權的原則上解決——該原則和我們的自由政府一樣悠久——如此，一切實際問題都將迎刃而解。其他問題就無需調(diào)整了，因為所有人都同意憲法的規(guī)定，即除了各蓄奴州自身之外，沒有任何人有權干涉他們的奴隸制。難道我們大家不希望由此問題引起的動蕩盡快結(jié)束，我們國父一直擔憂的各地各黨派的分裂因素盡快消失嗎？公眾的注意力能從此轉(zhuǎn)移到其他更緊迫更實際的問題上時，整個國家都會感到大幸。這場動蕩在20多年來幾乎沒有任何間歇，也沒有對任何人產(chǎn)生過利處，且一直都是奴隸主、奴隸和整個國家的諸多不幸之源。導致姊妹州的人民們彼此疏遠，甚至嚴重威脅到了聯(lián)邦的存續(xù)。目前這場危機仍未完全平息。但只要人民保持理智和清醒判斷，就能憑借我們的制度彌補一切純粹政治弊端。時間會修正一切。幾年前讓民眾們義憤填膺的政治問題早已成為過去式，現(xiàn)在幾乎已經(jīng)被大家遺忘。可是國內(nèi)奴隸制問題比任何純粹的政治問題都更加重大，畢竟這場動蕩繼續(xù)下去，我國廣大同胞們的人身安全都會置于險境。如果這種不幸發(fā)生，那么無論多么令人敬仰的政府制度，無論其物質(zhì)力量有多么強大，都無法彌補國家戰(zhàn)亂造成的損失。所以，鑒于近期國會已經(jīng)無法通過立法平息動蕩，請每一個熱愛聯(lián)邦的人竭盡所能維護國內(nèi)安定。

It is an evil omen of the times that men have under taken to calculate the mere material value of the Union. Reasoned estimates have been presented of the pecuniary profits and local advantages which would result to different States and sections from its dissolution and of the comparative injuries which such an event would inflict on other States and sections. Even descending to this low and narrow view of the mighty question, all such calculations are at fault. The bare reference to a single consideration will be conclusiveon this point. We at present enjoy a free trade throughout our extensive and expanding country such as the world has never witnessed. This tradeis conducted on railroads and canals, on noble rivers and arms of the sea, which bind together the North and the South, the East and the West, of our Confederacy. Annihilate this trade, arrest its free progress by the geographical lines of jealous and hostile States, and you destroy the prosperity and onward march of the whole and every part and involve all in one common ruin. But such considerations, important as they are in themselves, sink into insignificance when we reflect on the terrific evils which would result from disunion to every portion of the Confederacy--to the North, not more than to the South, to the East not more than to the West. These I shall not attempt to portray, because I feel an humble confidence that the kind Providence which inspired our fathers with wisdom to frame the most perfect form of government and union ever devised by man will not suffer it to perish until it shall have been peacefully instrumental by its example in the extension of civil and religious liberty throughout the world.?

人們開始衡量聯(lián)邦的物質(zhì)價值，這是時代不詳?shù)恼髡?。有些人已?jīng)開始思索聯(lián)邦解體會給哪些州和地區(qū)帶來多少經(jīng)濟例利潤和地方優(yōu)勢，又會給哪些州和地區(qū)造成傷害。即使從保守狹隘的角度看待這個重要問題，這些猜想依舊是站不住腳的。僅需思考一點即可得出結(jié)論。當前，我國廣袤的領土上進行著無限制的廣泛貿(mào)易，此盛景前所未有。我們的貿(mào)易經(jīng)由鐵路和運河，跨越滾滾大河和濤濤海洋，將我們聯(lián)邦的東西南北聯(lián)系到一起。如果失去了這種貿(mào)易，各州之間相互敵視，其地理分界線就會阻止自由貿(mào)易發(fā)展，我國便繁榮不再，甚至致使全國所有地區(qū)都陷入一場大災難。這些顧慮固然重要，我們仔細思考，如果聯(lián)邦解體了，那么對于聯(lián)邦各地——無論是南方還是北方，東方還是西方來說，一切爭議都不重要了。我不想描述聯(lián)邦解體的景象，因為我卑敬地相信仁慈的上帝，上帝用智慧啟示了我們的祖輩，賜予了我們?nèi)祟愂澜缱钔昝赖恼贫群吐?lián)邦制，我相信在我國用和平的方式把自己在民政和宗教方面立下的榜樣傳播全世界之前，上帝是不會讓我國滅亡。

Next in importance to the maintenance of the Constitution and the Union is the duty of preserving the Government free from the taint or even the suspicion of corruption. Public virtue is the vital spirit of republics,and history proves that when this has decayed and the love of money has usurped its place, although the forms of free government may remain for a season, the substance has departed forever.?

要維護憲法和聯(lián)邦，另一個重點就是要防止政府腐敗。公共美德是共和國最顯要的精神，歷史已經(jīng)證明，一旦這種精神被貪錢斂財?shù)乃枷肴〈词棺杂烧赡苓€會繼續(xù)存在一段時間，實際上也早已喪失靈魂。

Our present financial condition is without a parallel in history. No nation has ever before been embarrassed from too large a surplus in its treasury. This almost necessarily gives birth to extravagant legislation.It produces wild schemes of expenditure and begets a race of speculators and jobbers, whose ingenuity is exerted in contriving and promoting expedientsto obtain public money. The purity of official agents, whether rightfully or wrongfully, is suspected, and the character of the government suffers in the estimation of the people. This is in itself a very great evil.?

我們當前的經(jīng)濟狀況空前繁盛。從來沒有國家像我國這樣因為財政結(jié)余過多而苦惱。但這也導致了部分鋪張浪費的立法出現(xiàn)。部分立法提出了許多瘋狂支出、毫無節(jié)制的財政計劃，還有一群投機者和假公濟私者絞盡腦汁地攫取公共財產(chǎn)。政府官員的清廉遭到了民眾猜疑，即使猜疑有對有錯。此事本身就會釀成巨大弊端。

The natural mode of relief from this embarrassment is to appropriate the surplus in the Treasury to great national objects for which a clear warrant can be found in the Constitution. Among these I might mention the extinguishment of the public debt, a reasonable increase of the Navy, which is at present inadequate to the protection of our vast tonnage afloat,now greater than that of any other nation, as well as to the defense of our extended seacoast.?

為擺脫這種困境，最合理的方式就是將財政結(jié)余投入憲法規(guī)定的國家主要目標當中。其中包括償還國債和適當擴充海軍，當前我國的商船規(guī)模超過全世界任何國家，可是我國的海軍力量卻即不足以保護商船，也不足以捍衛(wèi)我國漫長的海岸線。

It is beyond all question the true principle that no more revenue ought to be collected from the people than the amount necessary to defray the expenses of a wise, economical, and efficient administration of the Government.To reach this point it was necessary to resort to a modification of the tariff, and this has, I trust, been accomplished in such a manner as todo as little injury as may have been practicable to our domestic manufactures,especially those necessary for the defense of the country. Any discrimination against a particular branch for the purpose of benefiting favored corporations,individuals, or interests would have been unjust to the rest of the community and inconsistent with that spirit of fairness and equality which ought to govern in the adjustment of a revenue tariff.?

毋庸置疑，一個賢明、節(jié)儉且高效的政府要堅持從人民得到的收入不超過政府必要支出這一原則。為此，就要對相關關稅法進行修訂，這一修訂已經(jīng)完成，而且我相信是以盡可能減小對我國工業(yè)，尤其是對國防工業(yè)危害最小的方式完成的。為照顧某一企業(yè)、個體的利益而損害其他行業(yè)，這種做法對社會其他人來說是不公平的，也不符合我們的精神，我們應當在調(diào)整關稅收入時謹遵公平公正精神。

But the squandering of the public money sinks into comparative insignificanceas a temptation to corruption when compared with the squandering of the public lands.?

但是跟揮霍公共土地比起來，揮霍財富導致的腐敗簡直不值一提。

No nation in the tide of time has ever been blessed with so rich and noble an inheritance as we enjoy in the public lands. In administering this important trust, whilst it may be wise to grant portions of them for the improvement of the remainder, yet we should never forget that it isour cardinal policy to reserve these lands, as much as may be, for actual settlers, and this at moderate prices. We shall thus not only best promote the prosperity of the new States and Territories, by furnishing them a hardy and independent race of honest and industrious citizens, but shall secure homes for our children and our children's children, as well as for those exiles from foreign shores who may seek in this country to improve their condition and to enjoy the blessings of civil and religious liberty. Such emigrants have done much to promote the growth and prosperity of the country. They have proved faithful both in peace and in war. After becoming citizens they are entitled, under the Constitution and laws, to be placed on a perfect equality with native-born citizens, and in this character they should ever be kindly recognized.?

在歷史長河中，從沒有哪國像我國這樣，坐擁祖輩留下廣袤土地，如此壯觀豐富的遺產(chǎn)。在處理這些土地時，雖然外授部分土地以推動剩余土地的開發(fā)不失為一種明智之舉，但不應忘記，我們的基本政策是要把這些土地以適當?shù)膬r格提供給真正需要的定居者。因此，我們不僅要把正直勤勞的公民送入這些州和領地，使得當?shù)鼐用駡詮娗要毩ⅲ€要保障這些土地永遠成為他們子孫，還有他們子孫的子孫的家園，同時也歡迎來自海外的離鄉(xiāng)者來到此處定居，他們可以在美國改善自己的生活狀況，享受人身自由和信仰自由帶來的幸福。移民群體為我們國家的發(fā)展做出了巨大貢獻。無論是和平時期還是戰(zhàn)爭時期，他們都證明了自己對美國的忠誠。在他們正式成為美國公民后，根據(jù)憲法和其他法律規(guī)定，他們和美國本土出生的公民完全享有平等的權利，因此他們應當?shù)玫酱蠹业纳埔庹J可。

The Federal Constitution is a grant from the States to Congress of certain specific powers, and the question whether this grant should be liberally or strictly construed has more or less divided political parties from the beginning. Without entering into the argument, I desire to state at the commencement of my Administration that long experience and observation have convinced me that a strict construction of the powers of the Government is the only true, as well as the only safe, theory of the Constitution. Whenever in our past history doubtful powers have been exercised by Congress, these have never failed to produce injurious and unhappy consequences. Many such instances might be adduced if this were the proper occasion. Neither is it necessary for the public service to strain the language of the Constitution, because all the great and useful powers required for a successful administration of the Government, both in peace and in war, have been granted, either in express terms or by the plainest implication.?

聯(lián)邦憲法是各州授予國會部分權力的體現(xiàn)，此授權應該嚴格從書面意思解釋還是由人更加自由地解釋，從一開始就多多少少引起了各黨派的分歧。我無意加入這場爭論，只想在本屆政府開始之際公開聲明，根據(jù)我的個人經(jīng)驗和長期觀察，我認為嚴格遵從其字面上授予政府的權力，才是唯一安全，且憲法想要表達的唯一正確釋義。在我國歷史上，每次國會想要行使憲法中含糊不清的權力時，都會引發(fā)不愉快的糟糕后果。如果不是今天時機不適的話，我可以舉出很多例子。政府部門也無需曲解憲法的語言，因為無論是在和平時期還是戰(zhàn)爭時期，憲法都已經(jīng)將一個成功政府所需的所有權力都直接明確或通過樸素表達授予了我們政府。

Whilst deeply convinced of these truths, I yet consider it clear that under the war-making power Congress may appropriate money toward the construction of a military road when this is absolutely necessary for the defense ofany State or Territory of the Union against foreign invasion. Under the Constitution Congress has power "to declare war," "to raise and support armies," "to provide and maintain a navy," and to call forth the militia to "repel invasions." Thus endowed, in an ample manner, with the war-making power, the corresponding duty is required that "the United States shall protect each of them the States?against invasion." Now, how is it possibleto afford this protection to California and our Pacific possessions except by means of a military road through the Territories of the United States,over which men and munitions of war may be speedily transported from the Atlantic States to meet and to repel the invader? In the event of a war with a naval power much stronger than our own we should then have no other available access to the Pacific Coast, because such a power would instantly close the route across the isthmus of Central America. It is impossible to conceive that whilst the Constitution has expressly required Congressto defend all the States it should yet deny to them, by any fair construction,the only possible means by which one of these States can be defended. Besides,the Government, ever since its origin, has been in the constant practice of constructing military roads. It might also be wise to consider whether the love for the Union which now animates our fellow-citizens on the Pacific Coast may not be impaired by our neglect or refusal to provide for them,in their remote and isolated condition, the only means by which the powerof the States on this side of the Rocky Mountains can reach them in sufficient time to "protect" them "against invasion." I forbear for the present from expressing an opinion as to the wisest and most economical mode in which the Government can lend its aid in accomplishing this great and necessary work. I believe that many of the difficulties in the way, which now appear formidable, will in a great degree vanish as soon as the nearest and best route shall have been satisfactorily ascertained.?

我堅信憲法賦予政府的權力是足夠的，當有必要保護聯(lián)邦各州和各領地不受外國侵略時，掌握宣戰(zhàn)權力的國會同樣有權撥款用以修建軍用道路。根據(jù)憲法規(guī)定，國會擁有“宣布戰(zhàn)爭”，“組建并維護陸軍”，“招募并維護海軍”和“召集民兵”以挫敗敵人入侵的權力?，F(xiàn)在，如果沒有一條橫穿美國領土的軍用道路能夠迅速將東海岸的兵力和軍用物資投送到西海岸，那么當加利福尼亞州和太平洋領地遭到入侵時，我們該如何擊退侵略者呢？如果在一場戰(zhàn)爭中，對方的海軍力量比我們強大得多，敵國海軍封鎖了中美地峽，我國就沒有其他能夠進入西海岸的路線。憲法明確規(guī)定了國會必須捍衛(wèi)每一個州，與此同時，憲法中的任何條文都不可能否定我們捍衛(wèi)各州的唯一的可能手段。而且，自聯(lián)邦政府成立以來，就一直在修建軍用道路。請大家理智思考，如果落基山脈東側(cè)的各州軍隊明明有能力通過這條唯一路徑及時抵達西海岸，以“保護”他們不受侵略，但他們卻由于我們無視或拒絕提供保護而受到了傷害，那么西海岸的同胞們還會繼續(xù)熱愛聯(lián)邦嗎？目前，我暫時無法說明政府將以何種明智且節(jié)約的方式完成這項偉大而必要的工程。但我相信，一旦我們確定了路程最短，路況最好的路線，道路上許多看起來難以克服的困難，都會隨之消失。

It may be proper that on this occasion I should make some brief remarksin regard to our rights and duties as a member of the great family of nations. In our intercourse with them there are some plain principles, approved by our own experience, from which we should never depart. We ought to cultivate peace, commerce, and friendship with all nations, and this not merely asthe best means of promoting our own material interests, but in a spirit of Christian benevolence toward our fellow-men, wherever their lot maybe cast. Our diplomacy should be direct and frank, neither seeking to obtain more nor accepting less than is our due. We ought to cherish a sacred regard for the independence of all nations, and never attempt to interfere inthe domestic concerns of any unless this shall be imperatively required by the great law of self-preservation. To avoid entangling alliances has been a maxim of our policy ever since the days of Washington, and its wisdom's no one will attempt to dispute. In short, we ought to do justice in a kindlyspirit to all nations and require justice from them in return.?

在該場合，我應當簡要談談我國作為國際大家庭的一員，所擁有的權利和義務。我們在各國交往時，總結(jié)出了大家都認可的原則(譯者注：指門羅主義)，我們永遠不該偏離這些原則。我們應當和世界各國保持和平，相互通商，增進友誼，此舉不僅是增進我國自身利益的最佳手段，同時還發(fā)揚了基督教教誨我國同胞的慈愛精神，該精神當由世界各地的同胞一起發(fā)揚。我們的外交政策要堅持直接坦率，既不求凌駕于他國之上，也不愿屈居于他國之下。我們要尊重所有國家的獨立，絕不嘗試干涉任何國家的內(nèi)政，除非是出于我國自衛(wèi)需要而被迫干涉。自華盛頓總統(tǒng)以來，我國就一直將不結(jié)盟作為外交格言，至今也無人對此方針的智慧提出質(zhì)疑。簡而言之，我們應當公正地對待所有國家，同時也要求他們同樣公正地對待我們。

It is our glory that whilst other nations have extended their dominions by the sword we have never acquired any territory except by fair purchase or, as in the case of Texas, by the voluntary determination of a brave, kindred, and independent people to blend their destinies with our own. Even our acquisitions from Mexico form no exception. Unwilling to take advantage of the fortune of war against a sister republic, we purchased these possessions under the treaty of peace for a sum which was consideredat the time a fair equivalent. Our past history forbids that we shall in the future acquire territory unless this be sanctioned by the laws of justice and honor. Acting on this principle, no nation will have a right to interfereor to complain if in the progress of events we shall still further extend our possessions. Hitherto in all our acquisitions the people, under the protection of the American flag, have enjoyed civil and religious liberty, as well as equal and just laws, and have been contented, prosperous, and happy. Their trade with the rest of the world has rapidly increased, and thus every commercial nation has shared largely in their successful progress.?

更令我們感到驕傲的是，其他國家皆以刀劍擴張疆域，而我國擴張的領土卻全是平等收購得來，或像德克薩斯那樣，由當?shù)赜赂要毩⑶遗c我們同宗同源的人民自愿決定并入，將自己同我們的命運聯(lián)系到一起。即便是我們從墨西哥收購的領土也不例外。我們不愿意通過對我們的任何姊妹共和國發(fā)動戰(zhàn)爭以獲取利益，因此當時我們以相當合理的價格，用和平條約購買了這些領土。我國的歷史不允許我國以不正義、不光榮的手段獲得領土，一切擴張都需符合法律?；诖嗽瓌t，在未來的歷史進程中，如果我國進一步開疆擴土，那么其他國家也完全干涉或提出異議。至今，我們收購的所有領土上的人民都在美國星條旗的保護之下，享有人身自由和信仰自由，平等地受到公正法律的保護，心滿意足地過著富足幸福的生活。我們?nèi)嗣裢渌麌曳e極開展商貿(mào)活動，讓全世界每個與我們通商的國家都能從我國的繁榮發(fā)展中分一杯羹。

I shall now proceed to take the oath prescribed by the Constitution,whilst humbly invoking the blessing of Divine Providence on this great people.?

現(xiàn)在，我開始執(zhí)行對憲法的誓言，并謙卑地請求神圣的造物主能夠保佑我們偉大的民族。

聲明：本人僅按照原文翻譯內(nèi)容，演講內(nèi)容不代表本人觀點。此專欄僅供歷史和英語交流學習使用，任何讀者皆可引用本人的譯本。

希望來學習英語的觀眾明白：我覺得這些專欄的主要精華在于英語原文，而并非我的譯本，我的譯本很大程度上只是供來學習歷史的觀眾使用的。本人的英語水平一般，翻譯得并不會多么精彩，只能在你看不懂時來幫助你了解這些演講內(nèi)容最基本的意思，而且翻譯時難免會出現(xiàn)差錯，切勿直接完全以我的譯本為標準。如發(fā)現(xiàn)有翻譯錯誤或者歧義內(nèi)容，歡迎指正。

希望來學習歷史的觀眾明白：任何歷史人物都有一定的局限性，隨著時代發(fā)展，很多觀點看法可能已經(jīng)不再適用今天的世界，西方的觀點也不一定適用于我們。通過了解這些演講，僅可給我們提供一個更全面了解過去和世界的渠道。我們可以從優(yōu)秀的歷史、當代人物身上學到很多，但是請保持獨立思考，理性看待演講內(nèi)容，切勿全信或?qū)⑵浞顬檎胬怼?