The Black Death is the 19th-century CE term for the plague epidemic that ravaged Europe between 1347-1352 CE, killing an estimated 30 million people there and many more worldwide as it reached pandemic proportions. The name comes from the black buboes (infected lymph glands) which broke out over a plague victim's body. The cause of the plague was the bacterium Yersinia pestis, which was carried by fleas on rodents, usually rats, but this was not known to the people of the medieval period, as it was only identified in 1894 CE. Prior to that time, the plague was attributed primarily to supernatural causes – the wrath of God, the work of the devil, the alignment of the planets – and, stemming from these, “bad air” or an unbalance of the “humors” of the body which, when in line, kept a person healthy.

? ? ? ? ? 黑死病是公元19世紀(jì)的術(shù)語，指的是公元1347-1352年間肆虐歐洲的流行瘟疫，估計(jì)有3000萬人死于黑死??；在全世界范圍內(nèi)，由于它達(dá)到了大流行的程度，還有更多人死亡。這個(gè)名稱來自于瘟疫受害者身上冒出的黑色氣泡（受感染的淋巴腺）。鼠疫的病因是鼠疫耶爾森氏菌，它由嚙齒動物（通常是老鼠）身上的跳蚤攜帶，但中世紀(jì)的人們并不知道這一點(diǎn)，因?yàn)樗诠?894年才被確認(rèn)。在那之前，瘟疫主要被歸咎于超自然的原因——上帝的憤怒、魔鬼的工作、行星的排列，以及源于這些原因的 "壞空氣"或身體 "體液"的不平衡，這些體液如果保持一致，就能保持人的健康。

Since no one knew what caused the disease, no cure was possible, but this did not stop people from trying what they could based on the medical knowledge of the time which came primarily from the Greek doctor Hippocrates (l. c. 460 - c. 370 BCE), philosopher Aristotle of Stagira (l. 384-322 BCE), and the Roman physician Galen (l. 130-210 CE) as well as religious belief, folklore, herbalism, and superstition. These cures – most of which were ineffective and some of which were fatal – fall roughly into five categories:

1. Animal cures

2. Potions, Fumigations, Bloodletting, Pastes

3. Flight from Infected Areas and Persecution of Marginalized Communities

4. Religious Cures

5. Quarantine and Social Distancing

? ? ? ? ? 由于沒有人知道疾病的原因，所以黑死病在當(dāng)時(shí)不可能被治愈，但這并不妨礙人們根據(jù)當(dāng)時(shí)的醫(yī)學(xué)知識（主要來自希臘醫(yī)生希波克拉底（約公元前460-約公元前370年）、哲學(xué)家斯塔吉拉的亞里士多德（約公元前384-322年）和羅馬醫(yī)生蓋倫（約公元前130-210年））以及宗教信仰、民間傳說、草藥和迷信，嘗試他們所能做到的。這些治療方法，其中大部分是無效的，有些是致命的。大致可分為五類：

1、動物治療法

2、藥水、熏蒸、放血、膏藥

3、逃離受感染地區(qū)和迫害邊緣化社區(qū)

4、宗教療法

5、隔離和社會疏離

Of these five, only the last – quarantine and what is now known as “social distancing” – had any effect on stopping the spread of plague. Unfortunately, people in 14th-century CE Europe were as reluctant to stay isolated in their homes as people are in the present day during the Covid-19 pandemic. The wealthy bought their way out of quarantine and fled to country estates, spreading the disease further, while others helped with the spread by ignoring quarantine efforts and continuing to participate in religious services and by going about their daily business. By the time the plague ended in Europe, millions were dead and the world the survivors had known would be radically changed.

? ? ? ? ? 在這五項(xiàng)措施中，只有最后一項(xiàng)——隔離和現(xiàn)在被稱為 "社會疏導(dǎo) "的措施對阻止瘟疫的傳播起作用。不幸的是，在公元14世紀(jì)的歐洲，人們不愿意呆在家里與世隔絕，就像今天人們在Covid-19大流行期間一樣。富人買通了隔離區(qū)，逃到了鄉(xiāng)下的莊園，使疾病進(jìn)一步蔓延，而其他人則無視隔離工作，繼續(xù)參加宗教活動和日常事務(wù)，從而促進(jìn)了疾病的蔓延。當(dāng)瘟疫在歐洲結(jié)束時(shí)，數(shù)百萬人死亡，幸存者所了解的世界將被徹底改變。

瘟 疫 的 到 來 與 蔓 延

The plague had been killing people in the Near East since before 1346 CE, but that year it grew worse and more widespread. In 1343 CE, the Mongols under the Khan Djanibek (r. 1342-1357 CE) responded to a street brawl in the Italian-held Crimean town of Tana in which a Christian Italian merchant killed a Mongol Muslim. Tana was easily taken by Djanibek, but a number of merchants fled to the port city of Caffa (modern-day Feodosia in Crimea) with the Mongol army in pursuit. Caffa was then put to siege but, at the same time, the plague began to spread through the Mongol army between 1344-1345 CE.

? ? ? ? ? 瘟疫在公元1346年之前就已經(jīng)在近東造成了死亡，但在這一年，它變得更加嚴(yán)重和廣泛。公元1343年，金帳汗國大汗札尼別（公元1342-1357年）領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的蒙古人對意大利人控制的克里米亞城鎮(zhèn)塔納發(fā)生的街頭斗毆事件做出了回應(yīng)，在這場斗毆中，一名基督教意大利商人殺死了一名蒙古穆斯林。塔納被札尼別輕松拿下，但一些商人在蒙古軍隊(duì)的追擊下逃往港口城市卡法（今克里米亞的費(fèi)奧多西亞）。卡法隨后被圍困，與此同時(shí)，公元1344-1345年間，瘟疫開始在蒙古軍隊(duì)中蔓延。

The Italian notary Gabriele de Mussi (l. c. 1280 - c. 1356 CE) was either an eyewitness to the siege or received a first-hand account and wrote of it in 1348/1349 CE. He reports how, as the Mongol warriors died and their corpses filled the camp, the people of Caffa rejoiced that God was striking down their enemies. Djanibek, however, ordered the corpses of his dead soldiers catapulted over the city's walls and soon the plague erupted in the city.

? ? ? ? ? 意大利公證人加布里埃爾·德·穆西斯（約1280年-約1356年）可能是圍攻的目擊者，也可能是得到了第一手資料，他于公元1348/1349年寫下了這件事。他敘述道，當(dāng)蒙古戰(zhàn)士死去，他們的尸體堆滿了營地時(shí)，卡法的人們歡欣鼓舞，認(rèn)為上帝正在擊倒他們的敵人。然而，札尼別命令將死去的士兵的尸體彈射到城墻上，很快瘟疫就在城內(nèi)爆發(fā)了。

It has been suggested by some modern-day scholars that the dead could not have infected the people of Caffa as the disease could not be transmitted by handling corpses but, even if that were true, many of these dead bodies – described as “rotting” – were most likely already in an advanced state of putrefaction and gases and bodily fluids could have infected the city's defenders as they tried to dispose of what de Mussi describes as “mountains of dead” (Wheelis, 2).

? ? ? ? ? 一些現(xiàn)代學(xué)者認(rèn)為，死者不可能感染卡法的人，因?yàn)檫@種疾病不可能通過處理尸體來傳播，但是，即使這是真的，這些被描述為 "腐爛 "的尸體中的許多人很可能已經(jīng)處于高度腐爛狀態(tài)，當(dāng)城市的守衛(wèi)者試圖處理加布里埃爾·德·穆西斯描述的 "堆積如山的尸體 "時(shí)，氣體和體液可能感染了他們（Wheelis，2）。

A number of the people of Caffa fled the city in four merchant ships which went first to Sicily, then Marseilles and Valencia, spreading the plague at each stop. From these ports, other infected people then spread it elsewhere until people were dying across Europe, Britain, and even in Ireland where ships from Europe had docked for trade.

? ? ? ? ? 一些卡法的人乘坐四艘商船逃離該市，這些商船首先前往西西里島，然后是馬賽和瓦倫西亞，在每一站都傳播了鼠疫。從這些港口出發(fā)，其他受感染的人又將其傳播到其他地方，直到整個(gè)歐洲、英國諸島，甚至是來自歐洲的船只停靠貿(mào)易的愛爾蘭都有人死亡。

醫(yī) 學(xué) 知?識

The physicians of the day had no idea how to cope with the outbreak. Nothing in their experience came anywhere close to the epidemic which killed people, usually, within three days of the onset of symptoms. Scholar Joseph A. Legan notes:

? ? ?When the Black Death struck Europe in the middle of the 14th century, nobody knew how to prevent or treat the disease. Many believed they could cure it, but none of the bloodletting, concoctions, or prayers were successful. The overall intellectual framework of dealing with illness was flawed. The failure of medieval medicine is largely due to the strict adherence to ancient authorities and the reluctance to change the model of physiology and disease the ancients presented. (1)

? ? ? ? ? 當(dāng)時(shí)的醫(yī)生們不知道如何應(yīng)對疫情。在他們的經(jīng)驗(yàn)中，沒有任何東西能與這種流行病相提并論，這種流行病通常在癥狀出現(xiàn)的三天內(nèi)就會使人死亡。學(xué)者Joseph A. Legan指出：

? ? ? ? ? 當(dāng)黑死病在14世紀(jì)中期襲擊歐洲時(shí)，沒有人知道如何預(yù)防或治療這種疾病。許多人相信可以治愈它，但放血、調(diào)制或祈禱都沒有成功。處理疾病的整體知識框架是有缺陷的。中世紀(jì)醫(yī)學(xué)的失敗主要是由于嚴(yán)格遵守古代權(quán)威，不愿意改變古人提出的生理學(xué)和疾病的模式。(1)

None of Galen's works – and little of others' – were available in Latin or Greek to the European doctor who had to rely on Arabic translations which were then translated to Latin along with the Canon of Medicine of the Persian polymath Ibn Sina (also given as Avicenna, l. c. 980-1037 CE) whose brilliant work was often obscured by poor translations. Based on Galen's works, primarily, the basis of medieval medicine was the theory of humors – that the four elements of earth, water, air, and fire are linked to bodily fluids of yellow bile (fire), blood (air), phlegm (water), black bile (earth) and each “humor” was associated with color, a certain taste, a kind of temperament, and a season of the year.

? ? ? ? ? 對于歐洲醫(yī)生來說，蓋倫的作品，以及其他人的作品，都沒有拉丁文或希臘文版本，他們不得不依靠阿拉伯文譯本，然后再連同波斯多面手伊本·西那（Ibn Sina，又稱阿維森納，約公元980-1037年）的《醫(yī)典》一起翻譯成拉丁文，后者的杰出作品常常被糟糕的翻譯掩蓋。主要根據(jù)蓋倫的作品，中世紀(jì)醫(yī)學(xué)的基礎(chǔ)是體液理論——土、水、氣、火四種元素與黃膽（火）、血（氣）、痰（水）、黑膽（土）等體液有關(guān)，每種 "體液 "都與顏色、某種味道、一種氣質(zhì)和一年中的一個(gè)季節(jié)有關(guān)。

One's health could also be affected by astrological alignment and, of course, by supernatural agencies such as God, Satan, diverse demons, and the “witchcraft” of marginalized peoples such as gypsies, Jews, and others considered “outsiders” who were thought to possess knowledge of the black arts. Scholar George Childs Kohn comments on the causes given for the plague:

? ? ? ? ? The plague was attributed to any and all of the following: corrupted air and water, hot and humid southerly winds, proximity of swamps, lack of purifying sunshine, excrement and other filth, putrid decomposition of dead bodies, excessive indulgence in foods (particularly fruits), God's wrath, punishment for sins, and the conjunction of stars and planets. Religious fanatics asserted that human sins had brought the dreadful pestilence; they roamed from place to place, scourging themselves in public…There was panic everywhere, with men and women knowing no way to stop death except to flee from it. (27-28)

? ? ? ? ? 一個(gè)人的健康也可能受到占星術(shù)的影響，當(dāng)然也可能受到超自然機(jī)構(gòu)的影響，如上帝、撒旦、各種惡魔，以及吉普賽人、猶太人和其他被認(rèn)為擁有黑魔法知識的 "外來者 "的 "巫術(shù)"。學(xué)者喬治·C·科恩對瘟疫的原因進(jìn)行了評論：

? ? ? ? ? 瘟疫被歸咎于以下任何一項(xiàng)：腐敗的空氣和水、濕熱的南風(fēng)、靠近沼澤、缺乏凈化的陽光、糞便和其他污物、尸體腐爛、過度沉溺于食物（尤其是水果）、上帝的憤怒、對罪孽的懲罰以及星星和行星的結(jié)合。宗教狂熱者斷言，人類的罪孽帶來了可怕的瘟疫；他們從一個(gè)地方游蕩到另一個(gè)地方，當(dāng)眾鞭打自己......到處都是恐慌，男人和女人除了逃離死亡外，不知道有什么辦法可以阻止死亡。(27-28)

There were many people, however, who did not take to flight but tried to find some means of fighting the disease where they were. Based on the medical knowledge of the time, folk cures which had been passed down for generations, Christian belief, superstition, and prejudice, the people tried any suggestion offered to defeat death.

? ? ? ? ? 然而，有許多人并沒有逃跑，而是試圖在他們所在的地方找到一些對抗疾病的方法。根據(jù)當(dāng)時(shí)的醫(yī)學(xué)知識、世代相傳的民間治療方法、基督教信仰、迷信和偏見，人們嘗試了任何消除死亡的做法。

動 物 療 法

One of the most popular cures was the “Vicary Method”, named after the English doctor Thomas Vicary, who first proposed it. A healthy chicken was taken and its back and rear plucked clean; this bare part of the live chicken was then applied to the swollen nodes of the sick person and the chicken strapped in place. When the chicken showed signs of illness, it was thought to be drawing the disease from the person. It was removed, washed, and strapped back on and this continued until the chicken or the patient died.

? ? ? ? ? 最受歡迎的治療方法之一是 "維卡里法"，它是以最早提出該方法的英國醫(yī)生托馬斯·維卡里命名的。取一只健康的雞，把它的背部和尾部拔干凈；然后把活雞的這個(gè)裸露部分涂在病人的腫脹結(jié)節(jié)上，并把雞綁在那里。當(dāng)雞出現(xiàn)生病的跡象時(shí)，人們認(rèn)為它是在從病人身上吸取疾病。將雞取出來，洗干凈，再綁回去，這樣一直持續(xù)到雞或病人死亡。

Another attempt at a cure was to find and kill a snake, chop it into pieces, and rub the various parts over swollen buboes. The snake, synonymous in Europe with Satan, was thought to draw the disease out of the body as evil would be drawn to evil. Pigeons were used in this same way but why the pigeon was chosen is unclear.

? ? ? ? ? 另一種治療方法是找到并殺死一條蛇，把它切成碎片，然后把各部分涂在腫脹的氣泡上。蛇在歐洲是撒旦的同義詞，人們認(rèn)為它能把疾病從身體里引出來，因?yàn)樾皭簳灰蛐皭?。鴿子也被用于這種方式，但為什么選擇鴿子就不清楚了。

An animal much sought after for its curative powers was the unicorn. Drinking a powder made of the ground-up horn of the unicorn mixed in water was thought to be an effective remedy and was also among the most expensive. The unicorn could not easily be caught and had to be lulled into submission by a young virgin maiden. Doctors who managed to procure the powder of a ground “unicorn horn” used it to treat snake bites, fever, convulsions, and serious wounds and so it was thought to work equally well with the plague. There is no evidence that it did, however, any more than the cures involving the chicken or the snake.

? ? ? ? ? 獨(dú)角獸是一種因其治療能力而備受追捧的動物。人們認(rèn)為，將獨(dú)角獸的角磨成粉混在水中飲用是一種有效的療法，也是最昂貴的療法之一。獨(dú)角獸不容易抓到，必須由一個(gè)年輕的處女少女來哄騙它。醫(yī)生們設(shè)法獲得了研磨好的 "獨(dú)角獸角 "粉末，用它來治療蛇咬傷、發(fā)燒、抽搐和嚴(yán)重的傷口，因此人們認(rèn)為它對瘟疫同樣有效。然而，沒有證據(jù)表明它比涉及雞或蛇的治療方法更有效。

藥 水、熏 蒸、放 血 和 膏 藥

The unicorn potion was not the only – or most expensive – cure offered to the nobility or wealthy merchant class. Another remedy was eating or drinking a small quantity of crushed emeralds. The physician would grind the emeralds with a mortar and pestle and then administer it to the patient as a fine powder mixed with either food or water. Those who could not afford to consume emeralds drank arsenic or mercury which killed them faster than the plague.

? ? ? ? ? 獨(dú)角獸藥水并不是提供給貴族或富商階層的唯一或最昂貴的療法。另一種療法是吃或喝少量碾碎的綠寶石。醫(yī)生會用研杵將綠寶石磨碎，然后將其作為細(xì)粉與食物或水混合，給病人服用。那些沒錢吃綠寶石的人則喝砒霜或水銀，這比瘟疫死得更快。

One of the best-known potions was Four Thieves Vinegar which was a combination of cider, vinegar, or wine with spices such as sage, clove, rosemary, and wormwood (among others) thought to be a potent protection against the plague. It allegedly was created and used by four thieves who were able to rob the homes of the dying and graves of the dead because the drink made them immune to the plague. Four Thieves Vinegar is still made and used today in the practice of homeopathic medicine as an antibacterial agent; though no one in the modern-day claims it can cure the plague.

? ? ? ? ? 其中最著名的藥水是四盜醋，它是蘋果酒、醋或葡萄酒與鼠尾草、丁香、迷迭香和艾草（等）等香料的組合，被認(rèn)為對瘟疫有治療效果。據(jù)稱，它是由四個(gè)盜賊創(chuàng)造和使用的，他們能夠搶劫瀕死者的家和死者的墳?zāi)?，因?yàn)檫@種飲料使他們對瘟疫免疫。今天，四盜醋被制造出來，并作為一種抗菌劑用于順勢療法的實(shí)踐；盡管在現(xiàn)代沒有人聲稱它可以治愈瘟疫。

The most popular potion among the wealthy was known as theriac. Legan notes, “it was very difficult to prepare; recipes would often contain up to eighty ingredients, and often, significant amounts of opium” (35). The ingredients were ground into a paste which was mixed with syrup and consumed as needed. Precisely what the ingredients were and why it worked, however, is unclear. Theriac in its liquid form was often referred to as treacle but it seems it could also be applied as a paste.

? ? ? ? ? 在富人中最受歡迎的藥水被稱為 "泰瑞亞克"。Legan指出，"它的準(zhǔn)備工作非常困難；配方往往包含多達(dá)80種成分，而且往往包含大量的鴉片"（35）。這些材料被磨成糊狀，與糖漿混合，根據(jù)需要飲用。然而，準(zhǔn)確地說，這些成分是什么，以及它為什么有效，目前還不清楚。液體形式的泰瑞亞克經(jīng)常被稱為糖漿，但似乎也可以作為糊狀物使用。

Aside from potions, clearing the air was considered another effective remedy. Since the plague was thought to spread by “bad air”, homes were fumigated with incense or simply smoke from burning thatch. People carried bouquets of flowers which they held to their faces, not only to ward off the stench of decomposing bodies, but because it was thought this would fumigate one's lungs. It was this practice which gave rise to the children's rhyme “ring around the rosy/a pocketful of posie/ashes, ashes, we all fall down” in reference to the practice of filling one's pockets with flowers or sweet-smelling substances to keep one safely fumigated at all times. As the rhyme suggests, this was as ineffective as any of the other cures.

? ? ? ? ? 除了藥水之外，清除空氣被認(rèn)為是另一種有效的補(bǔ)救措施。由于瘟疫被認(rèn)為是通過 "糟糕的空氣 "傳播的，所以人們用香或簡單的燃燒茅草的煙霧來熏蒸住宅。人們拿著花束貼在臉上，不僅是為了抵御腐爛尸體的惡臭，還因?yàn)槿藗冋J(rèn)為這可以熏蒸人的肺部。正是由于這種做法，才有了 "環(huán)抱玫瑰/一口袋花/灰燼，我們都倒下 "的童謠，指的是在口袋里裝滿鮮花或香甜的物質(zhì)，使人隨時(shí)都能安全地受到熏蒸的做法。這首兒歌所表明，這種療法與其他治療方法一樣無效。

It was also thought that one could fumigate one's self by sitting close to a very hot fire which would draw the disease out by heavy sweating. Another technique was to sit by an open sewer as the “bad air” which was causing one's sickness would gravitate to the “bad air” of the sewage of the stream, pond, or pit used for dumping human waste.

? ? ? ? ? 人們還認(rèn)為，可以通過坐在非常熱的火邊來熏蒸自己，這樣可以通過大量出汗來把疾病引出來。另一種方法是坐在敞開的下水道旁，因?yàn)閷?dǎo)致人生病的 "壞空氣 "會被用于傾倒人類廢物的小溪、池塘或坑的污水的 "壞空氣 "所吸引。

Bloodletting was a popular remedy for all kinds of illnesses and was well established by the medieval period. It was thought that, by drawing out “bad blood” which caused illness, health would be restored by the “good blood” that remained. The preferred method was “l(fā)eeching” in which a number of leeches would be placed on the patient's body to suck out the “bad blood” but leech-collectors were a highly-paid profession and not everyone could afford this treatment. For the less affluent, a small incision was made in the skin with a knife and the “bad blood” collected in a cup and disposed of. Another method along these same lines was “cupping” in which a cup was heated and applied upside down to a patient's skin, especially the buboes, to draw the sickness into it.

? ? ? ? ? 放血是一種治療各種疾病的流行療法，在中世紀(jì)時(shí)期已經(jīng)非常成熟。人們認(rèn)為，通過抽出導(dǎo)致疾病的 "壞血"，剩下的 "好血 "就會恢復(fù)健康。首選的方法是 "水蛭療法"，即在病人身上放置一些水蛭來吸出 "壞血"，但水蛭收集者是一個(gè)高薪職業(yè)，不是每個(gè)人都能負(fù)擔(dān)得起這種治療。對于不那么富裕的人來說，可以用刀在皮膚上劃一個(gè)小口子，把 "壞血 "收集到杯子里，然后處理掉。與之相似的另一種方法是 "拔火罐"，即把杯子加熱并倒置在病人的皮膚上，特別是泡眼處，以把病菌引到杯子里。

Aside from theriac paste, doctors also prescribed a cream made of various roots, herbs, and flowers which was applied to the buboes one they were lanced. Human waste was also turned into a paste for the same purpose which no doubt led to greater infection. Since it was believed that clean urine had medicinal properties, people would bathe in it or drink it, and urine collectors were paid well by doctors for a clean product.

? ? ? ? ? 除了普通的藥膏，醫(yī)生們還開出了由各種根莖、草藥和花朵制成的藥膏，這些藥膏被涂抹在身上的氣泡上，然后再把它們切開。人類排泄物也被制成糊狀，用于同樣的目的，這無疑會導(dǎo)致更大的感染。由于人們相信干凈的尿液具有藥用價(jià)值，所以人們會用它來洗澡或喝它，而收集尿液的人也會因?yàn)楦蓛舻漠a(chǎn)品而得到醫(yī)生的高薪。

逃 離 受 感? 染 地 區(qū) 與 逃 離 迫 害

Those not wishing to bathe in urine, be smeared with feces, or try the other cures, left the affected region or city, but this option was usually only available to the wealthy. The Italian poet and writer Giovanni Boccaccio (l. 1313-1375 CE) describes the flight of ten affluent young people from Florence to a countryside villa during the plague in his masterpiece The Decameron (written 1349-1353 CE) where the characters tell each other stories to pass the time while the plague rages on in the city.

? ? ? ? ?那些不愿意用尿液洗澡、被糞便涂抹或嘗試其他治療方法的人，就離開受影響的地區(qū)或城市，但這種選擇通常只有富人才能享受到。意大利詩人和作家喬瓦尼-薄伽丘（約公元1313-1375年）在他的代表作《十日談》（寫于公元1349-1353年）中描述了瘟疫期間十個(gè)富裕的年輕人從佛羅倫薩逃到鄉(xiāng)間別墅的情景，當(dāng)瘟疫在城市肆虐時(shí)，人物互相講故事來打發(fā)時(shí)間。

These types of people, and many others of all social classes, also tried curing the plague by striking at what they considered its source: marginalized groups who were considered outsiders. Kohn writes:

? ? ? ? ?In places, the plague was blamed on cripples, nobles, and Jews, who were accused of poisoning the public wells and were either driven away or killed by fire or torture. (28)

? ? ? ? ? 這些類型的人，以及許多其他社會階層的人，也試圖通過打擊他們認(rèn)為的源頭來治愈瘟疫：被視為外來者的邊緣群體?？贫鲗懙溃?/p>

? ? ? ? ? 一些地方，瘟疫的產(chǎn)生被歸咎于瘸子、貴族和猶太人，他們被指控在公共水井中投毒，要么被趕走，要么被火燒或酷刑殺死。(28)

In addition to those groups mentioned by Kohn, many others were also singled out who were in any way considered different and did not conform to the standards of the majority.

? ? ? ? ? 除了科恩提到的這些群體外，還有許多人也被挑出來，他們以任何方式被認(rèn)為是格格不入的，不符合大多數(shù)人的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。

宗 教 療 法

That standard, for the most part, was set by the medieval Church which informed the worldview of the majority of the population of Europe at the time. Religious cures were the most common and, besides the public flagellation mentioned above, took the form of purchasing religious amulets and charms, prayer, fasting, attending mass, persecuting those thought responsible, and participating in religious processions.

? ? ? ? ? 這個(gè)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)在很大程度上是由中世紀(jì)的教會制定的，它貫穿了當(dāng)時(shí)歐洲大多數(shù)人的世界觀。宗教治療是最常見的，除了上面提到的公開鞭打外，還采取了購買宗教護(hù)身符和符咒、祈禱、禁食、參加彌撒、迫害那些被認(rèn)為負(fù)有責(zé)任的人以及參加宗教游行的形式。

The pope eventually put a stop to the public flagellations as ineffective and upsetting to the populace, but by that time, participants had spread the plague to every town or city they had visited. Processions, in which participants marched and prayed for mercy usually from a central point in town to the church or a shrine, did the same on a smaller scale as did public gatherings to hear mass.

? ? ? ? ? 教皇最終停止了公開鞭刑，因?yàn)樗鼪]有效果，而且讓民眾感到不安，但到那時(shí)，參與者已經(jīng)將瘟疫傳播到他們所訪問的每個(gè)城鎮(zhèn)或城市。游行，參與者通常從城鎮(zhèn)的一個(gè)中心點(diǎn)向教堂或圣地行進(jìn)并祈求憐憫，在較小的范圍內(nèi)也是如此，就像公眾集會聽彌撒一樣。

隔 離 檢 疫 與 社 會 疏 離

The only effective means of stopping the spread of the plague – though not curing it – was separating the sick from the well through quarantine. The port city of Ragusa (modern-day Dubrovnik, Croatia), at that time under the control of Venice, was the first to initiate this practice through a 30-day isolation period imposed on arriving ships. Ragusa's population had been heavily depleted by the plague in 1348 CE, and they recognized that the disease was infectious and could be transmitted by people. Ragusa's policy was effective and was adopted by other cities and extended to 40 days under the law of quarantino (40 days) which gives English its word quarantine.

? ? ? ? ? 阻止瘟疫蔓延的唯一有效手段，盡管沒有治愈它，而是通過檢疫將病人與健康人分開。當(dāng)時(shí)在威尼斯控制下的港口城市拉古薩（今克羅地亞杜布羅夫尼克），通過對抵達(dá)的船只實(shí)行30天的隔離期，率先開始了這種做法。拉古薩的人口因公元1348年的瘟疫而嚴(yán)重減少，他們認(rèn)識到這種疾病具有傳染性，可以由人傳播。拉古薩的政策很有效，被其他城市采用，并根據(jù)quarantino（40天）法延長到40天，英語中的quarantine（隔離檢疫）一詞就是由此而來。

Although quarantine and social distancing seem to have had a positive effect, governments were slow to implement the policies and people reluctant to follow them. Kohn writes:

? ? ? ? ? The segregation of the sick was ordered in many cities but in some the quarantine practice and stations were put into effect too late, such as in Venice and Genoa, where half the people succumbed. (28)

? ? ? ? ? 盡管檢疫和社會隔離似乎產(chǎn)生了積極的效果，但政府執(zhí)行政策的速度很慢，人們也不愿意遵守這些政策?？贫鲗懙溃?/p>

? ? ? ? ? 許多城市都下令對病人進(jìn)行隔離，但在一些城市，隔離做法和檢疫站實(shí)施得太晚了，例如在威尼斯和熱那亞，只有一半的人遵從這項(xiàng)法令（28）。

Milan, on the other hand, imposed stricter measures and enforcement and had greater success in controlling the spread of the disease. The Milanese authorities tolerated no dissension among the citizenry in obeying the laws of quarantine, at one point completely sealing the infected occupants of three houses in their homes where, presumably, they died. In 1350 CE, they built a structure outside the city walls – the pesthouse – where plague victims were housed and caregivers could tend them. The plague doctors are famously depicted in cloaks and hats with beaked masks which were thought to protect the wearer by distancing the physician's face – especially the nose and mouth – from the infected patient.

? ? ? ? ? 另一方面，米蘭實(shí)施了更嚴(yán)格的措施和執(zhí)法，在控制疾病的傳播方面取得了更大的成功。米蘭當(dāng)局不容許公民在遵守隔離法方面有任何異議，曾一度將三間房屋的受感染者完全封閉在家中，據(jù)推測，他們在那里死亡。公元1350年，他們在城墻外建造了一座建筑——"蜂巢"，將鼠疫患者安置在那里，護(hù)理人員可以照顧他們。鼠疫醫(yī)生被描繪成穿著斗篷、戴著帶喙面具的帽子，這被認(rèn)為是通過將醫(yī)生的臉--特別是鼻子和嘴--與受感染的病人拉開距離來保護(hù)佩戴者的。

總? ? ?結(jié)

As the plague raged on, other measures were attempted such as washing money with vinegar, fumigating letters and documents with incense, and encouraging people to think positive thoughts as it seemed to become clear that a patient's general attitude greatly affected the chances of survival. None of these proved as effective as separating the infected from the healthy but people still broke quarantine and continued the spread of the disease.

? ? ? ? ? ?隨著瘟疫的肆虐，人們嘗試了其他措施，如用醋洗錢，用香熏信和文件，并鼓勵(lì)人們想一些積極的事情，似乎很明顯，病人的一般態(tài)度極大地影響了生存的機(jī)會。事實(shí)證明，這些措施都不如將受感染者與健康者分開那么有效，但人們?nèi)匀淮蚱屏烁綦x，繼續(xù)傳播瘟疫。

By the time the plague had run its course, over 30 million people – 30-50% of the population of Europe – were dead. The loss of population transformed European society, ending the feudal system, establishing wages for former serfs, and elevating women's status in that many mothers, wives, and daughters survived the males of the family and assumed their roles.

? ? ? ? ? 當(dāng)瘟疫結(jié)束時(shí)，超過3000萬人（歐洲人口的30-50%）死亡。人口的損失改變了歐洲社會，較早地結(jié)束了封建制度；為以前的農(nóng)奴確定了工資，提高了婦女的地位，許多母親、妻子和女兒在瘟疫中幸存下來并承擔(dān)了男人的角色。

Kohn notes that, “to many historians, the Black Death marked the end of the Middle Ages and the start of the modern age” (28). This conclusion is sound in that, afterwards, people's disillusionment with the religious, political, and medical paradigms of the past inspired them to seek alternatives, and these would eventually find full expression in the Renaissance which lay the foundation for the world of the modern era.

? ? ? ? ? 科恩指出，"對許多歷史學(xué)家來說，黑死病標(biāo)志著中世紀(jì)的結(jié)束與近現(xiàn)代的開始"（28）。這個(gè)結(jié)論是正確的，因?yàn)樵谀侵?，人們對過去的宗教、政治和醫(yī)學(xué)范式的幻滅激發(fā)了他們尋求替代方案，而這些方案最終將在文藝復(fù)興時(shí)期得到充分體現(xiàn)，為近現(xiàn)代世界奠定了基礎(chǔ)。

參考書目:

Biological Warfare at the 1346 Siege of Caffa by Mark Wheelis Accessed 11 Apr 2020.

Boccaccio, G; translated by Mark Musa & Peter Bondanella. The Decameron. Penguin Books, 2003.

Cantor, N. F. In the Wake of the Plague: The Black Death and the World it Made. Simon & Schuster, 2015.

Cantor, N. F. The Civilization of the Middle Ages. Harper Perennial, 1994.

Joseph A. Legan. "The Medical Response to the Black Death." James Madison University Scholarly Commons, Spring 2015, pp. 1-77.

Kohn, G. C. Encyclopedia of Plague and Pestilence. Checkmark Books, 2002.

Nutton, V. Ancient Medicine. Routledge, 2012.

Schevill, F. Medieval and Renaissance Florence. Harper Torch Books, 1991.

Singman, J. L. The Middle Ages: Everyday Life in Medieval Europe. Sterling, 2013.

The Origin Of The Word ‘Quarantine’ by Johanna Mayer Accessed 11 Apr 2020.

The use of unicorn horn in medicine by William Jackson Accessed 11 Apr 2020.

Tuchman, B. W. A Distant Mirror: The Calamitous 14th Century. Random House Trade Paperbacks, 1987.

原文作者：Joshua J. Mark

? ? ? ? ? Joshua J. Mark是自由撰稿人，曾是紐約馬里斯特學(xué)院的兼職哲學(xué)教授，他曾在希臘和德國生活過，并游歷過埃及。曾在大學(xué)階段教授歷史、寫作、文學(xué)和哲學(xué)。

原文網(wǎng)址：

https://www.worldhistory.org/article/1540/medieval-cures-for-the-black-death/