中世紀西歐的關鍵人物

查理曼 (742-814;768-814)

? ? ? ? ? 法蘭克人的統(tǒng)治者，羅馬滅亡后第一個統(tǒng)一西歐的帝國統(tǒng)治者；推動了加洛琳式文藝復興，重振了整個歐洲的古典和教會學術、寫作、文學和藝術；他與穆斯林的戰(zhàn)斗經(jīng)歷使他成為眾多史詩歌頌的英雄。

Frankish ruler, first Imperial ruler to reunite western Europe since the fall of Rome; patronized the Carolingian Renaissance that reinvigorated classical and ecclesiastical scholarship, writing, literature, and the arts across Europe; his exploits fighting the Muslims made him the hero of numerous epic cycles.

亨利四世皇帝和教皇格里高利七世（11世紀）

? ? ? ? ? 神圣羅馬帝國皇帝亨利四世（1050-1108年；1056-1105年）和教皇格里高利七世（約1020-1085年；1073-85年），后者是格里高利改革的推動者，反對神職人員的非宗教化和教會腐敗。教皇和世俗當局之間就任命教會官員的權力和教會的至高地位進行的斗爭。亨利被逐出教會，并在卡諾薩屈辱地行走，這件事鞏固了教皇的特權，削弱了皇帝的權力，并使帝國逐步分裂。

Holy Roman Emperor Henry IV (1050–1108; r. 1056–1105) and Pope Gregory VII (c. 1020–1085; r. 1073–85), the promoter of the Gregorian Reforms against lay investiture of clergy and church corruption, were the protagonists of the Investiture Controversy, the struggle between the papacy and the secular authorities over the power to appoint church officials and the supremacy of the church. Henry’s excommunication and humiliating Walk to Canossa consolidated papal prerogative, weakened the power of the emperor, and broke apart the empire.

教皇烏爾班二世（1042-1099；1088-1099年）

? ? ? ? ? 1095年，教皇在克萊蒙會議（克萊芒會議）上，針對拜占庭皇帝阿萊克修斯一世·科穆寧（1081-1118年）的請求，發(fā)表了振奮人心的布道，發(fā)起了第一次十字軍東征（1095-99年），導致了長達數(shù)世紀的從穆斯林手中重新征服圣地的軍事行動。烏爾班策劃了從阿拉伯和拜占庭控制下收復意大利南部和西西里的行動，讓諾曼人（后來的霍恩斯托芬）成為統(tǒng)治者；教皇格里高利七世制定的格里高利改革的主要執(zhí)行者。

The pope who launched the First Crusade (1095–99) with his rousing sermon delivered at the Council of Clermont in 1095 in response to a petition from the Byzantine emperor, Alexios I Comnenos (r. 1081–1118), resulting in a centuries’-long quest to reconquer the Holy Land from the Muslims. Urban engineered the recovery of southern Italy and Sicily from Arab and Byzantine control, installing the Normans (later Hohenstaufens) as rulers; major enforcer of the Gregorian Reforms instituted by Pope Gregory VII.

教皇英諾森三世 (1160/61-1216;1198-1216)

? ? ? ? ? ?羅馬教皇；反對異端（卡特里派）的阿爾比十字軍和反對穆斯林的第四次十字軍的號召者，導致君士坦丁堡被洗劫一空（1204年）；召集第四次拉特朗公會議（1215年），重新定義基督教對異教徒、猶太人和穆斯林的身份，導致了對修行會的承認，對猶太人和穆斯林強制執(zhí)行財產(chǎn)法，并為宗教裁判所的建立奠定基礎。

Roman pontiff; architect of the Albigensian Crusade against the Cathars and the Fourth Crusade against the Muslims, which led to the sacking of Constantinople (1204); summoned the Fourth Lateran Council (1215) to redefine Christian identity against heretics, Jews, and Muslims, leading to the recognition of the mendicant orders, enforced sumptuary laws upon Jews and Muslims, and laid the ground for the creation of the Inquisition.

卡斯蒂利亞和萊昂的智者阿方索十世

（1221-1284；1252-1284年）

? ? ? ? ? 智者阿方索建立了許多翻譯學校，其中托萊多翻譯學校最為著名，它贊助將阿拉伯文、阿拉伯文翻譯的希臘文和希伯來文的科學、哲學、數(shù)學、植物學、天文學和其他文本，從阿拉伯文或希伯來文翻譯成拉丁文和卡斯蒂利亞文。通過這些翻譯，拉丁文西方國家恢復了隨著羅馬的衰落而丟失的大部分希臘遺產(chǎn)，它們的傳播為文藝復興鋪平了道路。他也是第一個推廣白話文，即卡斯蒂利亞語，（而不是拉丁語）作為王國官方語言的歐洲君主。

Alfonso the Wise founded numerous translation schools, of which the Toledo School of Translation was the most famous, patronizing the translation of Arabic, Arabic-translated Greek, and Hebrew scientific, philosophical, mathematical, botanical, astronomic, and other texts from Arabic or Hebrew into Latin and Castilian. Through these translations the Latin West recovered much of the Greek legacy that had been lost with the fall of Rome, and their dissemination paved the way for the Renaissance. He was also the first European monarch to promote a vernacular language, Castilian, rather than Latin, as the official language of the realm.

錫耶納的圣加大利納(1347– 1380)

? ? ? ? ? 多明我會的修女和神秘主義者，是14世紀女性平信徒和神秘主義者崛起的典范。她的神秘主義熱情和對教皇改革的熱忱相結合，使她說服教皇格里高利十一世（1370-78年）結束了阿維尼翁囚禁，并于1377年返回羅馬。這一決定引發(fā)西方分裂（1378-1417）。

Dominican nun and mystic who exemplifies the 14th-century rise of feminine lay and mystic piety. Her combined mystic fervor and zeal for papal reform led her to convince Pope Gregory XI (r. 1370–78) to put an end to the Babylonian Captivity of the Avignon papacy and to return to Rome in 1377. That fateful decision would unleash the Western Schism (1378–1417).

西班牙的天主教君主（天主教雙王）（15世紀）

? ? ? ? ? 阿拉貢國王費迪南二世（1452-1516；1479-1516年）與卡斯蒂利亞和萊昂女王伊莎貝拉一世（1451-1504；1469-1504年）在1469年結婚，奠定了西班牙政治統(tǒng)一的基礎。1492年，他們征服了最后一個穆斯林王國格拉納達，將猶太人驅逐出西班牙，并資助探險家克里斯多?！じ鐐惒肌鞍l(fā)現(xiàn)”新大陸，這使西班牙成為了一個全球性的帝國。

The marriage of King Ferdinand II of Aragon (1452–1516; r. 1479–1516) to Queen Isabella I of Castile and León (1451–1504; r. 1469–1504) in 1469 laid the foundation of the political reunification of Spain. In 1492 they conquered the last Muslim kingdom of Granada, expelled the Jews from Spain, and patronized the explorer Christopher Columbus’s “discovery” of the New World, which would convert Spain into a global empire.

拜占庭帝國

? ? ? ? ? 476年羅馬帝國的“滅亡”只發(fā)生在西部省份，這些省份落入各種不同的日耳曼部落的控制之下。東部省份幸存下來，直到1453年奧斯曼土耳其人最終占領了首都君士坦丁堡。在那個決定性的日子來臨之前，拜占庭帝國仍然是中世紀基督教世界歷史上最古老和最持久的基督教國家。幾個世紀以來，由于與它的死敵波斯人、斯拉夫人和保加利亞人的常年沖突；7世紀以來伊斯蘭教的傳播；11世紀在突厥人手中的災難性失敗；以及1204年十字軍洗劫君士坦丁堡，帝國的邊界經(jīng)歷了重大變化。然而，該帝國的文化、政治和宗教完整性將持續(xù)存在。事實上，拜占庭帝國是由三條軸線鑄就的。希臘-羅馬化文化、羅馬帝國后期的統(tǒng)治和基督教宗教。

The “fall” of the Roman Empire in 476 occurred only in the western provinces that fell under the control of various and sundry Germanic tribes. The eastern provinces survived until the definitive capture of the capital of Constantinople by the Ottoman Turks in 1453. Until that fateful date the Byzantine Empire remained the oldest and longest-lasting Christian state in the history of medieval Christendom. Over the centuries the borders of the empire would undergo significant changes due to perennial conflicts with its archenemies, the Persians, Slavs, and Bulgars; the spread of Islam from the seventh century onward; the disastrous defeat at the hands of the Turkomans in the 11th century; and the sacking of Constantinople by the crusaders in 1204. Nevertheless, the cultural, political, and religious integrity of the empire would endure. Indeed, the Byzantine Empire was forged out of three axes: Greek Hellenistic culture, late Roman imperial rule, and Christian religion.

查士丁尼的統(tǒng)治

? ? ? ? ? 查士丁尼皇帝（527-565年）的統(tǒng)治代表了拜占庭早期歷史的一個高潮。查士丁尼認為法律和宗教是維持一個強大的中央集權政府的關鍵，他利用皇室權力在整個帝國強加法律和教義的一致性。530年至534年間，查士丁尼將所有羅馬法律編入Corpus juris civilis（民法大全），更普遍的說法是《查士丁尼法典》，這本法典分為四個部分。該法典匯集了自哈德良（117-138）時代以來發(fā)布的所有帝國詔書。Novellae（新律）收集了查士丁尼的所有法令，隨后由其繼承人對其進行了補充?！秾W說匯纂》是對著名法律專家的法學答辯的總結。《法學階梯》闡明了從《法典》和《學說匯纂》中得出的法律理論原則，并作為有志于律師的教科書?！恫槭慷∧岱ǖ洹返娘@著社會成就包括廢除了舊的羅馬三階制，這樣所有拜占庭公民都屬于一個階級；以及廢除了阻止下層階級尋求政治職位或不同階級的人通婚的法律。《新律》中關于重大宗教改革包括鎮(zhèn)壓一切形式的希臘化宗教和其他異教信仰。廣受贊譽的雅典學院于529年被置于國家控制之下，從而使這個延續(xù)希臘化信仰的關鍵機構沉寂下來。

The reign of the emperor Justinian (r. 527–565) represents a high point in the early history of Byzantium. Justinian saw law and religion as the keys to maintaining a strong, centralized government, and he used his imperial powers to impose legal and doctrinal conformity throughout his empire. Between 530 and 534 Justinian codified all of Roman law into the Corpus juris civilis (Body of civil law), more popularly known as the Justinian Code, divided into four parts: The Code assembled all the imperial edicts issued since the time of Hadrian (r. 117–138). The Novellae (Novelties) collected together all of Justinian’s decrees, subsequent additions to which were made by his successors. The Digest was a summary of the juridical responsa of famous legal experts. Finally, the Institutes spelled out the theoretical principles of law derived from the Code and the Digest and would serve as a manual for aspiring lawyers. Among the notable social achievements of the Justinian Code were the abolition of the old Roman three-class system, such that all Byzantine citizens belonged to a single class, and the abolition of laws preventing the lower classes from seeking political office or intermarriage of people of different classes. Significant religious reforms promulgated by the Novellae included the suppression of all forms of Hellenistic religion and other pagan beliefs. The acclaimed Academy of Athens was placed under state control in 529, thereby silencing the key institution for the perpetuation of Hellenistic beliefs.

? ? ? ? ? 盡管基督教自380年以來就被宣布為羅馬帝國的官方宗教，但對實現(xiàn)教義一致性的追求卻從未完全實現(xiàn)?！恫槭慷∧岱ǖ洹方邮芴熘鹘虝乃膫€總理事會（尼西亞，312年；君士坦丁堡、以弗所和卡爾西頓，451年）的教義為法律，并禁止所有其他的教義選擇。查士丁尼在其聰明機智的皇后狄奧多拉（Theodora，卒于548年）的影響下，采取了一些措施，使羅馬教會與亞歷山大和中東地區(qū)最頑固、組織最嚴密的基督教會和解，這些教會贊同基督一性論主義的學說。一神論者認為，基督只有一個本性，即部分是人，部分是神，這與官方的尼西亞-卡爾西多尼亞學說相反，即基督有兩個本性，一個是完全的神性，另一個是完全的人性。查士丁尼對一神論者的寬容并沒有持續(xù)到皇后西奧多拉548年去世之后；對查士丁尼隨后將他們從敘利亞和埃及鏟除的努力的憤恨，為他們在一個世紀后向波斯和阿拉伯伊斯蘭軍隊投靠鋪平了道路。

Although Christianity had been proclaimed the official religion of the Roman Empire since 380, the quest to achieve doctrinal conformity would never be fully realized. The Justinian Code accepted as law the doctrines of the four general councils of the Catholic Church (Nicaea, 312; Constantinople, Ephesus, and Chalcedon, 451) and banned all other doctrinal alternatives. Under the influence of his intelligent and resourceful empress, Theodora (d. 548), who was a clandestine Monophysite, Justinian took certain steps to reconcile the Roman Church with the most intractable and well-organized of the Christian churches of Alexandria and the Middle East, who subscribed to the doctrine of Monophysitism. The Monophysites believed that Christ had only one nature, which was partly human and partly divine, in opposition to the official Nicene-Chalcedonian doctrine that Christ had two natures, one fully divine, the other fully human. Justinian’s tolerance toward the Monophysites did not last far beyond Empress Theodora’s death in 548; bitter resentment against Justinian’s subsequent efforts to eradicate them from Syria and Egypt would pave the way for their surrender to the Persian and Arab Islamic armies a century later.

? ? ? ? ? 查士丁尼在試圖重新統(tǒng)一西方和東方帝國方面發(fā)揮了重要作用。至少在理論上，這種統(tǒng)一已經(jīng)存在，因為日耳曼的汪達爾人、東哥特人和西哥特人的國王在地位上是作為東羅馬皇帝的總督來統(tǒng)治的。533年至554年間，查士丁尼在地中海一帶發(fā)動了一系列戰(zhàn)爭，唯一的目標就是使這種理論上的服從成為政治和軍事上的現(xiàn)實。但首先他必須確保他的東部邊境，與波斯薩珊國王霍斯勞一世（Khosrau I，531-579年）簽訂“永恒的和平”，以換取大量的黃金貢品。533年，拜占庭軍隊從汪達爾人手中奪回了羅馬的北非省份。552年完成了對意大利半島和西西里島的征服，554年查士丁尼的軍隊繼續(xù)從西哥特人手中奪取伊比利亞半島的大部分地區(qū)。

Justinian played a major role in attempting to reunite the Western and Eastern Empires. Theoretically, at least, this unification already existed, since the Germanic Vandal, Ostrogoth, and Visigoth kings technically ruled as viceroys of the Eastern Roman emperor. Between 533 and 554 Justinian waged a series of wars around the Mediterranean with the single goal of making this theoretical submission a political and military reality. But first he had to secure his eastern frontier by signing an “eternal peace” with the Persian Sassanid king Khosrau I (r. 531–579) in exchange for the payment of a substantial tribute of gold. The Byzantine army recaptured the Roman provinces of North Africa from the Vandals in 533. The conquest of the Italian Peninsula and Sicily was completed by 552, and in 554 Justinian’s army went on to capture much of the Iberian Peninsula from the Visigoths.

? ? ? ? ? ?查士丁尼消滅汪達爾人和東哥特人的一個重要影響是為日耳曼法蘭克人成為西方最強大的力量鋪平了道路。然而，查士丁尼的軍事勝利被證明是徒勞的。倫巴第人最終奪回了除拉文納以外的意大利，而西哥特人則奪回了西班牙。哥特戰(zhàn)爭和與薩珊王朝的休戰(zhàn)削弱了拜占庭的經(jīng)濟，使拜占庭很容易成為敵對國的獵物，首先是薩珊王朝，他們在查士丁尼死后打破了和平并入侵其領土；其次是穆斯林，他們利用兩個帝國的衰弱狀態(tài)來進一步擴張。

One important consequence of Justinian’s destruction of the Vandals and Ostrogoths was to pave the way for the emergence of the Germanic Franks as the most powerful force in the West. Justinian’s military victories proved to by pyrrhic, however. The Lombards would eventually retake Italy, except Ravenna, and the Visigoths recaptured Spain. The Gothic wars and the truce with the Sassanids had weakened the Byzantine economy and made the empire easy prey, first to the Sassanids, who broke the peace after Justinian’s death and invaded its territories, and second to the Muslims, who would seize upon the debilitated state of both empires to further their conquests.

希拉克略皇帝鞏固了拜占庭的地位

? ? ? ? ? 當希拉克略（610-641年）于610年登上拜占庭的寶座時，帝國正處于極度困難之中。與前任皇帝?？ㄋ梗≒hocas，602-610年）的內戰(zhàn)使巴爾干地區(qū)容易受到蒙古阿瓦爾人和斯拉夫人的入侵，與波斯的邊境也容易受到霍斯勞二世（Khosrau II，590-628年）軍隊的攻擊。薩珊王朝占領了大馬士革（613年）、耶路撒冷（614年）、埃及（616年），以及安納托利亞和卡爾西頓。這些戰(zhàn)爭對社會和經(jīng)濟產(chǎn)生了毀滅性的影響。小亞細亞 “糧倉”的農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)被打亂，人們開始逃離城市，以避免外國入侵者和逃避越來越高的稅收。

The empire was in dire straits by the time Heraclius (r. 610–641) ascended the Byzantine throne in 610. An internal civil war with Heraclius’s precedesor Phocas (r. 602–610), who was an ally of the Persians, had left the Balkan territories vulnerable to invasions from the Mongolian Avars and Slavs and the frontier with Persia susceptible to attacks from troops under Khosrau II (r. 590–628). The Sassanids captured Damascus (613), Jerusalem (614), Egypt (616), and Anatolia and Chalcedon. These wars had a devastating effect on society and the economy: Agricultural production in the Asia Minor “breadbasket” was disrupted, and people began to flee the cities in order to avoid foreign invaders and the ever-higher taxes needed to repel them.

? ? ? ? ? 希拉克略是一位杰出的軍事戰(zhàn)略家。在將軍隊改組為土地兵制度后，他開始了軍事戰(zhàn)爭。626年，他的部隊成功擊退了阿瓦爾人對君士坦丁堡的進攻。一年后，他親自率領軍隊穿越小亞細亞，進入波斯。627年，皇帝在尼尼微戰(zhàn)役中徹底擊敗了波斯軍隊，并重新征服了十年前被薩珊王朝占領的所有領土。為了顯示對波斯人的權力，希拉克略接受了波斯人的尊稱“萬王之王”。不久之后，這些勝利將被一個新的軍事威脅所掩蓋——在伊斯蘭教的宗教和政治意識形態(tài)激勵下的阿拉伯軍隊。

Heraclius was a brilliant military strategist. After restructuring the army into a system of landed soldiers, he went on the military warpath. In 626 his troops successfully repelled the Avars’ attack upon Constantinople. A year later he personally led his troops across Asia Minor and into Persia. The emperor defeated the Persian army once and for all at the Battle of Nineveh in 627 and reconquered all the territories captured by the Sassanids a decade earlier. As a show of power over the Persians, Heraclius assumed the Persian honorific “King of Kings.” Soon, however, these victories would be overshadowed by a new military threat—the Arab armies inspired by the new religious and political ideology of Islam.

? ? ? ? ? 伊斯蘭教創(chuàng)始人先知穆罕默德在632年去世時，已經(jīng)成功地將阿拉伯地區(qū)幾乎所有分散的部落統(tǒng)一為一個單一的政體，即umma，并打造了一支令人印象深刻的凝聚力強的軍隊。穆罕默德的繼任者，哈里發(fā)阿布·巴克爾（632-634年）和歐瑪爾·賓·哈塔卜（634-644年），于633年率領穆斯林軍隊進入敘利亞，最終于635年從拜占庭人手中奪得大馬士革。636年在約旦亞爾木克河畔進行的亞爾木克戰(zhàn)役是世界歷史的一個轉折點。即使有新的軍區(qū)系統(tǒng)，希拉克略的部隊也不是哈里發(fā)歐瑪爾部隊的對手。對穆斯林的勝利具有決定性意義的是，穆斯林說服了一大批阿拉伯基督教伽珊尼德軍隊投奔到他們一邊。伽珊尼德人是基督一性論的基督徒，就像巴勒斯坦、敘利亞和美索不達米亞領土上的大多數(shù)人一樣，處于爭議漩渦之中。查士丁尼法典頒布后，一神論者面臨著無情的迫害，因此，向更寬容的穆斯林投降是一個有吸引力的選擇。穆斯林占領了巴勒斯坦、敘利亞和美索不達米亞，埃及和整個北非在希拉克略于641年去世后，也很快就淪陷了。

By the time of his death in 632 the prophet Muhammad, the founder of Islam, had succeeded in uniting virtually all the disparate tribes of Arabia into a single polity, the umma, as well as in forging an impressively cohesive army. Muhammad’s successors, the caliphs Abu Bakr (r. 632–634) and Umar ibn al-Khattab (r. 634–644), in 633 led the Muslim armies in Syria, where they finally captured the capital, Damascus, in 635 from the Byzantians. The Battle of Yarmuk, fought on the banks of the Yarmuk River in Jordan in 636, was a turning point in world history. Even with the newly structured theme system the troops of Heraclius were no match for the forces of Caliph Umar. Decisive to the Muslim victory was the fact that the Muslims persuaded a large regiment of Arab Christian Ghassanid troops to defect to their side. The Ghassanids were Monophysite Christians, as were the majority of the population in the territories of Palestine, Syria, and Mesopotamia under dispute. The unrelenting persecution the Monophysites faced after the issuance of the Justinian Code made surrender to the more tolerant Muslims an appealing alternative. After the capture of Palestine, Syria, and Mesopotamia, Egypt and the whole of North Africa soon fell after Heraclius’s death in 641.

? ? ? ? ? 盡管在希拉克略統(tǒng)治期間領土遭受了巨大損失，但這位皇帝留下了重要的希臘化和軍事改革遺產(chǎn)。正是希拉克略通過壓制拉丁語的使用并將希臘語作為唯一的官方語言來實現(xiàn)帝國的希臘化。這一決定將加深拜占庭帝國與新興的法蘭克王國之間的文化溝壑，法蘭克王國與羅馬教會一起提倡使用拉丁語，損害了希臘語的地位。

Despite the tremendous loss of territories incurred during the reign of Heraclius, the emperor left a legacy of important Hellenistic and military reforms. It was Heraclius who Hellenized the empire by suppressing the use of Latin and making Greek the only official language. This decision would deepen the cultural gap between the Byzantine Empire and the emerging Frankish Kingdom, which, together with the Church of Rome, promoted the use of Latin to the detriment of Greek.

軍區(qū)系統(tǒng)

? ? ? ? ? 希拉克略有理由擔心拜占庭的戰(zhàn)爭主要是由不可靠的雇傭兵發(fā)動的，他設想將“軍區(qū)”作為恢復古羅馬共和制土地公民制度的一種手段，這種制度在羅馬最強大的時候曾提供過很好的服務。在軍區(qū)制度下，士兵接受減少的工資，以換取國家控制的土地授予他們耕種權。與拉丁美洲西部的農(nóng)奴不同，拜占庭的士兵農(nóng)民是自由人，他們在保衛(wèi)自己的土地上擁有個人利益。此外，由于土地是世襲的，軍區(qū)制度確保了一支相對廉價、忠誠、人員充足的軍隊的長期供應，避免了不受歡迎的征兵模式，并減少了對雇傭軍的依賴。

Justifiably concerned that Byzantine wars were being waged mainly with unreliable mercenary soldiers, Heraclius conceived of the thema as a means of reviving the ancient Roman republican system of landed citizens who had served Rome so well at the height of its power. Under the thema, or theme system, soldiers accepted a reduced salary in exchange for grants of statecontrolled plots of land to farm. Unlike the serfs in the Latin West, the Byzantine soldierfarmers were freemen who had a personal stake in defending their land. Moreover, since the plots of land were hereditary, the theme system ensured the perpetuation of a relatively inexpensive, loyal, well-staffed army; avoided unpopular military drafts; and diminished the reliance on mercenaries.

? ? ? ? ? 軍隊分為五個大區(qū)：亞美尼亞軍區(qū)，包括亞美尼亞、安納托利亞部分地區(qū)和土耳其東北部；色雷斯軍區(qū)，包括現(xiàn)代希臘、阿爾巴尼亞和歐洲土耳其，還包括君士坦丁堡；奧普西金軍區(qū)，包括土耳其西北部；卡拉比西安軍區(qū)，包括龐非利亞（潘菲利亞）和愛琴群島的沿海地區(qū)；安納托利亞軍區(qū)，包括從伊茲密爾到科尼亞的安納托利亞中部。幾個世紀以來，這五個最初的軍區(qū)被再次細分，并隨著第九和第十世紀帝國的擴張而增加了新的領土。

The army was structured into five themata: the Armeniac, which comprised Armenia, part of Anatolia, and generally northeastern Asiatic Turkey; the Thraciac, comprising modern-day Greece, Albania, and European Turkey, including Constantinople; the Opsician, comprising northwestern Asiatic Turkey; the Carabisiani, comprising the coastal regions of Pamphylia and the Aegean Islands; and the Anatolic, which comprised central Anatolia from Izmir to Konya. Over the centuries these five original themata were subdivided, and new territories were added with the expansion of the empire in the ninth and 10th centuries.

? ? ? ? ? 在某一特定軍區(qū)下，耕種土地的士兵由一個稱為將軍的軍事和文職領導人指揮。毫無疑問，這種制度使拜占庭在遭受入侵時免于失敗，但它也有某些弊端，最終導致了帝國的滅亡。將軍們成為強大的新貴族家族，他們把自己手下的士兵變成了名副其實的私人軍隊，軍隊對將軍的忠誠遠遠超過了對皇帝的忠誠。

The soldiers farming the land in a given thema were under the command of a military and civilian leader called the strategos. While there is no doubt that the theme system rescued Byzantium from defeat during times of invasion, it also had certain drawbacks that would eventually contribute to the demise of the empire. The strategos became powerful aristocratic families who converted the soldiers under their command into veritable private armies whose personal loyalty to them far outweighed their allegiance to the emperor.

拜占庭儀式和禮物

? ? ? ? ? 拜占庭皇帝在關注儀式和對公共建筑和藝術的贊助方面，確實表現(xiàn)出與他們羅馬祖先的高度相似性。拜占庭皇帝自稱是絕對統(tǒng)治者，因為他是基督的傳教士或代表——這與拉丁西方的羅馬教皇完全不同，后者履行的是精神政治的角色。所有的宗教節(jié)日和國家場合，從帝國加冕到出生、結婚、官方接待以及軍事勝利的凱旋慶祝，都成為拜占庭宮廷戲劇的舞臺。在這些場合，人們以隆重的方式舉行儀式，宮廷中每個人的等級很容易通過服裝來識別，以創(chuàng)造一種和諧與權威的氛圍。在宗教節(jié)日里，整個宮廷會列隊離開皇宮，到大教堂慶祝彌撒，以顯示對教堂的最高權威。官方肖像畫讓所有人都能看到皇帝的權威和威嚴?；实酆突屎罂偸潜幻枥L成理想的類型，英俊而安詳，服飾豐富，帶著光環(huán)和鍍金背景，將他們與太陽和圣人的神圣性聯(lián)系起來。

The Byzantines emperors were truly the heirs of their Roman forebears in the attention they gave to ceremony and the patronage of public buildings and the arts. The Byzantine emperor styled himself as an absolute ruler by virtue of his being a vicar, or representative, of Christ— quite different from the Roman pontiff in the Latin West, who fulfilled this spiritual-political role. All religious festivals and state occasions, from imperial coronations to births, marriages, official receptions, and triumphal celebrations of military victories, became the stage of Byzantine court theater. These occasions were richly observed with pomp and circumstance, the rank of each person in the court easily identified by a costume, to create an aura of harmony and authority. On religious feasts the entire court would leave the palace in procession to celebrate mass at the basilica in a display of supreme authority over the church. Official portraiture rendered the authority and majesty of the emperor visible to all. The emperor and empress were invariably portrayed as ideal types, handsome and serene, richly costumed, and bearing a halo and a gilded background that associated them with the Sun and the sanctity of the saints.

? ? ? ? ? 這種宮廷財富和華麗展示構成了拜占庭外交的一個組成部分，旨在威懾他們的敵人，使其默許他們的要求。外國權貴、十字軍戰(zhàn)士和其他來自拉丁西部的拜占庭訪客一再證明，拜占庭皇帝用奢華和慷慨的禮物來“款待”他們的客人是多么的光彩奪目。人類學家認為，送禮是一種權力的儀式或計謀。送禮者顯示出他或她對受禮者的優(yōu)越性，而受禮者則有義務以忠誠和友誼作為回報。然而，對十字軍來說，奢華的拜占庭式禮物預示著戰(zhàn)場上的背信棄義。

Such courtly displays of wealth and splendor formed an integral part of Byzantine diplomacy and were designed to intimidate their enemies into acquiescing to their demands. Foreign potentates, crusaders, and other visitors to Byzantium from the Latin West attest repeatedly to the splendor of the lavish and generous gifts with which the Byzantine emperors “honored” their guests. As anthropologists have demonstrated, gift-giving is a ritual or stratagem of power. The gift giver displays his or her superiority over the recipient, who is obliged to reciprocate with loyalty and friendship. For the crusaders, however, lavish Byzantine gifts heralded perfidy on the battlefield.

帝國的收縮

? ? ? ? ? ?當希拉克略于641年去世時，拜占庭帝國已經(jīng)失去了敘利亞、巴勒斯坦和美索不達米亞等省份，被不斷擴張的伊斯蘭帝國占領。645年，在位于亞歷山大和福斯塔特之間的一個小鎮(zhèn)上發(fā)生了決定性的尼基烏戰(zhàn)役后，埃及很快就淪陷了。穆斯林軍隊繼續(xù)向西進軍，在8世紀初征服了整個北非；他們于711年進入伊比利亞半島。拜占庭曾多次試圖奪回在伊斯蘭教統(tǒng)治下的省份，由于來自斯拉夫人的壓力越來越大，這項任務變得更加困難，例如，斯拉夫人在677年圍攻塞薩洛尼基，與此同時，拜占庭的軍隊已經(jīng)在安納托利亞和敘利亞與穆斯林作戰(zhàn)。此時，對拜占庭人發(fā)動戰(zhàn)爭的保加利亞部落在681年成功脫離了拜占庭人的控制，形成了自己的大保加利亞國，其領土包括今天的保加利亞、塞爾維亞和羅馬尼亞。

By the time Heraclius died in 641, the Byzantine Empire had lost the provinces of Syria, Palestine, and Mesopotamia to the ever-expanding Islamic empire. Egypt would soon follow in 645 after the decisive Battle of Nikiou, at a small town located between Alexandria and Fustat. Muslim armies continued marching westward, conquering the whole of North Africa by the early eighth century; from there they entered the Iberian Peninsula in 711. Byzantium attempted several times to recapture the provinces that had fallen under Islamic rule, a task made all the more difficult by increasing pressure from the Slavs, who, for instance, laid siege to Thessaloniki in 677 at the same time the Byzantine army was already divided fighting the Muslims in Anatolia and Syria. Meanwhile, Bulgar tribes waging war against the Byzantines managed to secede from Byzantine control in 681 and form their own state of Great Bulgaria, a territory encompassing present-day Bulgaria, Serbia, and Romania.

? ? ? ? ? 更為嚴重的是穆斯林對君士坦丁堡發(fā)起的攻擊，而君士坦丁堡正是拜占庭帝國的心臟地帶。盡管分別于674-678年和717-718年進行的對君士坦丁堡的第一次和第二次圍攻都以拜占庭軍隊的勝利而告終，但第二次圍攻被正確地比作732年著名的波提爾之戰(zhàn)。與那場戰(zhàn)役一樣，第二次圍攻君士坦丁堡也改變了歷史的進程，因為如果穆斯林占領了首都，拜占庭帝國肯定會瓦解。拜占庭成功的關鍵在于與保加利亞軍隊的及時合作、圍攻戰(zhàn)術的巧妙運用、卓越的海軍力量、復雜而準確的情報收集服務、維護良好的通信系統(tǒng)，以及神秘的希臘火——這是一種由原油與其他可燃材料混合點燃的強大燃燒裝置。盡管如此，七世紀末和八世紀初的間歇性戰(zhàn)爭迫使拜占庭人從沿海城市撤退到內陸設防地區(qū)。同樣，拜占庭的生活中心也從君士坦丁堡轉移到了安納托利亞和巴爾干半島的更安全的內陸地區(qū)。拜占庭帝國很大一部分地區(qū)的喪失引發(fā)了其歷史上所謂的黑暗時代，這一概念因圣像破壞運動的動蕩而進一步加劇。

Even more serious were the attacks launched by the Muslims on Constantinople, the very heartland of the Byzantine Empire. Although both the first and the second siege of Constantinople, fought in 674–678 and 717–718, respectively, would both result in victory for the Byzantine armies, the second siege has been rightly compared to the famous Battle of Poitier in 732. As did that battle, the second siege of Constantinople changed the course of history, for had the Muslims captured the capital, the Byzantine Empire would surely have disintegrated. The keys to Byzantine success were the timely collaboration of the Bulgarian forces, the ingenious use of siege tactics, superior naval power, a sophisticated and accurate intelligence gathering service, a well-maintained communications system, and, not least, the mysterious Greek fire, a powerful incendiary device derived from alighting crude oil mixed with other combustible materials. Nevertheless, intermittent warfare of the late seventh and early eighth centuries forced the Byzantine populations to retreat from the coastal cities into inland fortified areas. Similarly, the center of Byzantine life shifted from Constantinople to the safer inland areas of Anatolia and the Balkans. The loss of a substantial area of the Byzantine Empire precipitated a so-called dark age in its history, a concept that was further exacerbated by the turmoil of the Iconoclast Controversy.

修士、修女和修道院的作用

? ? ? ? ? 第三和第四世紀，在羅馬埃及、巴勒斯坦和敘利亞的沙漠中，有一群新興的群體。這些隱士，或稱苦修士，來自希臘語monachoi（“孤獨的人”），他們逃離城市，進入偏遠的農(nóng)村和沙漠地區(qū)。在那里他們試圖通過極端的苦行來達到圣潔和與上帝的精神結合狀態(tài)。圣安東尼（三世紀）等隱士的生活和苦修功績，通過撰寫和傳播圣傳，即“圣人的生活”，成為其他人效仿的榜樣。圣人的生活講述了那些實行獨身主義、禁止睡眠、禁食和吃素的精神運動者。有些人，如登塔者，一生都棲息在柱子上，而其他人則住在山洞里、墻后，或廢棄的墳墓和修道院里。

In the third and fourth centuries new figures could be found inhabiting the deserts of Roman Egypt, Palestine, and Syria. These hermits, or monks, from the Greek monachoi (“alone ones”), fled the cities into remote rural and desert areas where they sought to attain holiness and spiritual union with God through extreme ascetic practices. The lives and ascetic feats of hermit monks such as Saint Anthony (third century) became known as models to emulate by others through the writing and dissemination of hagiographies, or “l(fā)ives of the saints.” The lives of the saints tell of spiritual athletes who practiced celibacy, sleep deprivation, fasting, and vegetarianism. Some, such as the Stylites, spent their entire lives perched atop a column, while others lived in caves, behind walls, or in abandoned tombs or temples.

? ? ? ? ? 雖然孤獨是修道士的理想，但其他形式的修道士與隱居生活并存。受艾塞尼派的影響，一些修士住在沙漠中的隱居地，與其他猶太人隔絕，并實行嚴格的禁欲主義，他們住在半組織化的拉伏拉（聯(lián)盟）中，每個修士都單獨住在自己的房間中，定期與其他人見面，慶祝彌撒。帕科繆（Saint Pachomius，卒于346年）被認為是創(chuàng)立了隱修士制度的人，在這種制度下，修士們在修道院長（hegoumenos）的絕對權威下共同生活。盡管拜占庭主教該撒利亞的巴西流（370-379）寫下了一些關于隱修士的一般準則，但這些準則并沒有被普遍采用，也從未聲稱具有本篤會規(guī)則的權威。修道院的生活方式被證明是非常受歡迎的，吸引了來自埃及、敘利亞和巴勒斯坦以及整個小亞細亞社會各階層的男人和女人。

While solitude was upheld as the monastic ideal, other forms of monasticism coexisted with the hermetic life. Influenced by the Essenes, a Jewish sect that lived in desert retreats separated from other Jews physically and by their strict asceticism, some monks lived in semiorganized lavra (allies) in which each monk lived alone in his or her cell and met periodically with others to celebrate Mass. Saint Pachomius (d. 346) is credited with founding cenobitic monasticism, in which monks lived in communion under the absolute authority of an abbot (hegoumenos). This model of monasticism would be adopted in the Latin West in the late fourth century, albeit in a much more regimented form, for although the Byzantine bishop monk Basil of Caesaria (r. 370–379) wrote down some general guidelines for cenobitic monasticism, they were not adopted universally and never claimed the authority of the Benedictine rule. The monastic way of life proved to be incredibly popular, attracting men and women from all sectors of society in Egypt, Syria, and Palestine and throughout Asia Minor.

?? ? ? ? ??東羅馬的修道院并沒有像西方修道院那樣發(fā)揮相同的社會功能。西方修道院，特別是在加洛林王朝文藝復興的推動下，主要負責古典文化和學習。在東方，拜占庭式的教育和文化機構仍然完好無損；因此，修士和修道院的功能始終是以精神為主，其次才是社會。修道院在一般被稱為拜占庭“黃金時代”的高峰期蓬勃發(fā)展，從843年圣像破壞運動結束到1261年拜占庭軍隊從十字軍手中奪回君士坦丁堡。除了作為神圣圣像守護者的宗教職責外，城市修道院還管理著醫(yī)院、孤兒院、濟貧院和職業(yè)學校，而農(nóng)村的修道院則作為農(nóng)業(yè)公社發(fā)揮作用。在第九和第十世紀，修士們在保加利亞人、斯拉夫人和羅斯人的基督教化中發(fā)揮了特別重要的作用。

Eastern Roman monasticism did not perform the same social function as its Latin counterpart. The Western monastery, particularly under the impetus of the Carolingian renaissance, was largely responsible for the survival of classical culture and learning. In the East Byzantine educational and cultural institutions remained intact; thus, the function of the monk and the monastery was always primarily spiritual and secondarily social. Monasticism burgeoned from the height of what is generally known as the “golden age” of Byzantium, from the end of the Iconoclast Controversy in 843 to 1261, when the Byzantine army recaptured Constantinople from the crusaders. Aside from their religious duties as the guardians of sacred icons, urban monasteries administered hospitals, orphanages, poor houses, and vocational schools, while their rural counterparts functioned as agricultural communes. Monks were particularly instrumental in the Christianization of the Bulgarians, Slavs, and Russians in the ninth and 10th centuries.

? ? ? ? ? ?因此，盡管他們?yōu)榱俗非笊裥远与x社會，但即使是最孤獨的隱士也在羅馬晚期和拜占庭早期社會中行使著重要的庇護職能。晚期古代最重要的歷史學家彼得·布朗(Peter Brown)令人信服地證明了圣人和圣女承擔著羅馬庇護者的角色。俗人會去找他們，渴望得到他們的神靈代禱，以治愈病人、驅除惡魔、結束干旱或瘟疫，或者奇跡般地介入，解決無權無勢者與富人之間的糾紛。因此，圣人或圣女是一個直接來自上帝的權力中心，不通過主教和機構教會的權威來調解。修士的獨立性和神圣的道德權威被證明是皇帝和主教的一把雙刃劍。修士們可以并被召集到大公會議上，借用他們的道德權威來解決許多教義上的爭論。然而，如果修士們不同意帝國或教會的政策，他們的觀點就更有可能得到普通民眾的支持。這種潛在的權力斗爭最生動的時候莫過于圣像破壞運動。

Thus, despite their flight from society in the quest for the divine, even the most solitary hermits exercised an important patronage function in late Roman and early Byzantine society. Peter Brown, foremost historian of late antiquity, has convincingly demonstrated that the holy man and woman assumed the role of a Roman patron. The laity would seek them out, anxious to obtain their divine intercession to heal the sick, cast out demons, end droughts or plagues, or intervene miraculously to resolve disputes between the powerless and the wealthy. The holy man or woman was thus a locus of power that derived directly from God, unmediated through the authority of the bishop and the institutional church. The monk’s independence and divinely inspired moral authority proved to be a double-edged sword for both the emperor and the bishop. Monks could be and were marshaled at ecumenical councils to lend their moral authority to resolve many a doctrinal controversy. Yet if the monks did not agree with imperial or ecclesiastical policy, their views were more likely to be supported among the general populace. At no time was this potential power struggle more vivid than during the Iconoclast Controversy.

拜占庭的圣像崇拜

? ? ? ? ? 730年，拜占庭皇帝利奧三世（Leo III the Isaurian，717-741年）下令從君士坦丁堡的正門撤走一個基督像。在同年發(fā)布的一項詔書中，他沒有事先征求拜占庭教長或羅馬教皇的意見，就禁止了對圣像的崇拜，他認為這是一種“偶像崇拜”。禁止圣像崇拜的決定可能是作為對最近他的鄰國穆斯林對手的軍事?lián)p失和塞拉火山爆發(fā)的災難性影響的回應而啟動的。利奧三世在圣像崇拜中找到了一個替罪羊，來解釋為什么上帝似乎從帝國撤回了對他的寵愛。利奧的繼任者君士坦丁五世（741-775年）再次確認了這項法令，并在754年召開了海爾里亞公會議，正式確定了這一教義。伊琳妮皇后在787年撤銷了這一教義，但利奧五世（813-820年）在814年再次恢復了這一教義，以應對穆斯林軍隊的軍事失敗。843年，在已故皇帝西奧菲勒斯（狄奧費魯斯，Theophilus，卒于842年）的妻子狄奧多拉（Theodora）執(zhí)政期間，圣像破壞法令被最終廢除。在圣像破壞主義成為拜占庭官方教條的那個世紀里，羅馬和希臘教會之間的關系惡化了，盡管許多希臘神學家和教長與天主教徒一樣熱衷于圣像崇拜（"圣像愛好者"）。

In 730 the Byzantine emperor Leo III the Isaurian (r. 717–741) ordered a prominent image of Christ to be withdrawn from the main gate of Constantinople. In an imperial edict issued in the same year and with no prior consultation of the Byzantine patriarchs or the Roman pope, he forbade the worship of images as a form of “idolatry.” The decision to ban icon worship probably was initiated as a response to recent military losses to his neighboring Muslim rivals and the catastrophic impact of the eruption of the volcano at Thera. Leo III found in iconoclasm a scapegoat to explain why God seemingly had withdrawn his favor from the empire. Leo’s successor, Constantine V (r. 741–775), reconfirmed the edict and convoked the Council of Hieria in 754 to formalize the doctrine. Empress Irene revoked the doctrine in 787, but Leo V (r. 813–820) reinstituted it in 814, once again in response to a military defeat by the Muslim army. The iconoclast doctrine was definitively revoked in 843 during the regency of Theodora, wife of the deceased emperor Theophilus (d. 842). During the century in which iconoclasm was official Byzantine dogma, relations between the Roman and Greek Churches degenerated, despite the fact that many Greek theologians and patriarchs were as ardent iconodules (“l(fā)overs of icons”) as the Catholics.

? ? ? ? ? 從爭論一開始，羅馬教皇和許多拜占庭教長和修士就對皇帝公然的凱撒教權（即帝國對教會的主權）行為感到不滿，并以神學為由拒絕接受圣像破壞的基督論意義。因此，嚴重的神學和政治問題推動了這場爭論。圣像破壞者認為，以物質形式描繪基督是一種褻瀆，也是對基督的貶低和羞辱。崇拜圣像的人反駁說，既然上帝通過道成肉身成為物質，那么基督的圣像就是物質神化的正面證明，實際上是救贖的必要條件。圣像也是教友們直接接觸神的必要手段，因為他們被認為被賦予了神力（奇跡）和代禱能力。當無法尋求圣人的神圣幫助時，教友們會在圣像前傾訴他們的悲傷和擔憂。

From the onset of the controversy, the Roman pope and many Byzantine patriarchs and monks resented the emperor’s blatant act of caesaropapism, or imperial sovereignty over the church, and rejected on theological grounds the Christological implications of iconoclasm. Thus, grave theological and political issues had driven the controversy. The iconoclasts argued that it was sacrilegious as well as degrading and humiliating to Christ to depict him in material form. The iconophiles countered that since God had become matter through the Incarnation, icons of Christ were proof positive of the deification of matter and, indeed, necessary for salvation. Icons also were necessary as a means for the laity to gain direct access to the divine, since they were believed to be endowed with thaumaturgic (miraculous) and intercessory power. The laity would take their sorrows and concerns before the icon whenever it was not possible to seek the divine help of a holy man or woman.

? ? ? ? ? 與之前的任何其他基督論爭相比，圣像破壞之爭暴露了凱撒教權的深度和悲劇性后果。一方是皇帝、眾多主教、軍隊和國家公務員，他們代表了圣像破壞者的立場，而圣像崇拜者主要由修士和普通人組成。圣像破壞者奉行的政策是積極地讓教會服從于帝國，而圣像崇拜者則贊成相互依存和相互尊重的關系。彼得·布朗和其他學者正確地指出，圣像破壞運動的真正目標是修士和修道院，他們的權力和影響已被視為對皇帝和當?shù)刂鹘虣嗤奶魬?zhàn)。斯圖狄烏斯隱修院的圣狄奧多爾（卒于826年）甚至寫信給羅馬的教宗巴斯加一世，尋求他對此事的干預，這并沒有什么幫助。這種敵意在君士坦丁五世統(tǒng)治時期體現(xiàn)得淋漓盡致，根據(jù)修士和當代目擊者Theosterictus的說法，他上臺后的“唯一目的和愿望”就是要“消滅整個修道院的權力”（Alexander 244）。君士坦丁五世不僅監(jiān)督了圣像的毀壞，還無情地迫害修士，公開羞辱他們；將他們趕出修道院，然后將修道院變?yōu)槭浪棕敭a(chǎn)；燒毀他們的虔誠文本，如《沙漠之父的箴言》。在切斷修士和教友之間的庇護關系的最后努力中，教友被禁止訪問修道院院長或接受他的圣餐。

More than any other Christological controversy before it, the Iconoclast Controversy exposed the depths and tragic consequences of caeseropapism. On the one side stood the emperor, numerous bishops, the army, and the civil servants, who represented the iconoclast position, while the iconophiles mainly consisted of monks and laypeople. The iconoclasts pursued a policy of aggressive subordination of church to empire, while the iconophiles favored a relation of interdependence and mutual respect. Peter Brown and other scholars have rightly identified the true target of the Iconoclast Controversy as the monks and monasteries, whose power and influence had become regarded as a challenge to the authority of both the emperor and the local bishop. It did not help that one monk, Theodore the Studite (d. 826), went so far as to write to Pope Pascual in Rome to seek his intervention in the matter. This enmity is best seen during the reign of Emperor Constantine V, whose “sole purpose and desire” upon rising to power, according to Theosterictus, a monk and contemporary eyewitness, was to “wipe out the entire monastic garb” (Alexander 244). Constantine V not only oversaw the destruction of icons but relentlessly persecuted the monks, publicly humiliating them; driving them out of their monasteries, which he then transformed into secular properties; and burning their devotional texts, such as the Sayings of the Desert Fathers. In a final bid to sever the patronage relations between monk and laity, the latter were forbidden to visit the monastic abbot or receive communion from him.

拜占庭帝國的黃金時代(843-1261)

? ? ? ? ? 當圣像破壞運動的烏云終于在843年被揭開時，“正統(tǒng)的勝利”似乎給帝國注入了新的活力。第九、第十和第十一世紀初，馬其頓王朝的皇帝們見證了一個擴張和繁榮的黃金時代。這個王朝是由巴西爾一世在867年建立的，他是一個非凡的、雄心勃勃的人，從一個亞美尼亞農(nóng)民的卑微出身中崛起，通過刺殺他的前任和對手邁克爾三世皇帝（842-867年）而登上王位。巴西爾一世的成就包括法律和行政改革，帝國的擴張，以及對改善與羅馬關系的追求。后一個目標促使他撤換了君士坦丁堡的主教佛提烏一世（858-867年，877-886年），并以伊格內修斯（867-877年）取而代之，后者得到了羅馬教宗哈德良二世（867-872年）的青睞，并支持教廷使保加利亞人皈依拉丁語基督教的決心。863年，拜占庭軍隊入侵該國，迫使其統(tǒng)治者保加利亞的鮑里斯一世（852-889）請求和平并皈依東正教。當保加利亞統(tǒng)治者似乎即將皈依拉丁教會時，佛提烏寫了一篇通諭，譴責西方儀式和教皇對東正教的干涉。這一事件是1054年大分裂的眾多政治先兆之一。

When the dark cloud of the Iconoclast Controversy was finally lifted in 843, the “triumph of orthodoxy” seemed to breathe new life into the empire. The ninth, 10th, and early 11th centuries witnessed a golden age of expansion and prosperity under the Macedonian dynasty of emperors. The dynasty was founded in 867 by Basil I, an extraordinary and ambitious man who rose to power from his humble origins as an Armenian peasant and whose accession to the throne was achieved through the assassination of his predecessor and rival, Emperor Michael III (r. 842–867). Basil I’s achievements included legal and administrative reforms, the expansion of the empire, and the quest to improve relations with Rome. The latter objective would lead him to remove the presiding patriarch, Photios I of Constantinople (r. 858– 867, 877–886), and replace him with Ignatius (r. 867–877), who enjoyed the favor of the Roman pope, Adrian II (r. 867–872), and supported the papacy in its determination to convert the Bulgarians to Latin Christianity. In 863 the Byzantine army had invaded the country and forced its ruler, Boris I of Bulgaria (r. 852–889), to sue for peace and convert to the Orthodox Church. When it seemed as though the Bulgarian ruler was on the verge of converting to the Latin Church, Photios wrote an encyclical denouncing the Western rite and papal interference in the Orthodox Church. This event was one of the many political forerunners of the Great Schism of 1054.

? ? ? ? ? 在兩位學者型修士兄弟圣西里爾（卒于869年）和圣美多迪烏斯（卒于885年）的指導下，大摩拉維亞（包括現(xiàn)代斯洛伐克、捷克共和國和奧地利）的斯拉夫帝國和保加利亞國家逐步基督教化。西里爾和美多德（圣美多迪烏斯）被認為是格拉哥里字母的創(chuàng)造者，大約在863年，他們用這種字母將圣經(jīng)翻譯成斯拉夫語。保加利亞的鮑里斯一世在其統(tǒng)治末期委托圣人西里爾和美多德的弟子建立學院，用斯拉夫語言和禮儀指導講希臘語的神職人員，以此來確保保加利亞教會相對于君士坦丁堡的自治地位。

Under the guidance of two scholarly monk brothers, Saint Cyril (d. 869) and Saint Methodius (d. 885), Byzantine monks undertook the Christianization of the Slavic empire of Great Moravia (comprising modern Slovakia, the Czech Republic, and Austria) and the Bulgarian state. Cyril and Methodius are credited with inventing the Glagolitic alphabet, with which they translated the Bible into Slavic languages circa 863. Toward the end of his reign Boris I of Bulgaria commissioned disciples of Saints Cyril and Methodius to found academies to instruct the Greek-speaking clergy in the Slavic languages and liturgy as a means of ensuring the autonomous position of the Bulgarian Church vis-à-vis Constantinople.

? ? ? ? ? 巴西爾一世與神圣羅馬帝國皇帝路易二世（855-875年）保持著良好的關系，他們之間完成了一次成功的聯(lián)合軍事行動，將穆斯林人趕出了亞得里亞海。隨后，拜占庭皇帝尼基弗魯斯二世·?？ㄋ梗∟icephorus II Phocas，963-969年）和約翰一世·齊米斯基斯（John I Tzimiskes，969-976年）的征服，將敘利亞和伊拉克的部分地區(qū)以及塞浦路斯和克里特島奪走。正如他的稱號“保加利亞殺手”，巴西爾二世（976-1025年）見證了保加利亞國家的崩潰和最終瓦解，并將其并入拜占庭帝國。因此，在黃金時代的巔峰時期，拜占庭帝國的版圖東起阿塞拜疆和亞美尼亞，西至意大利南部的卡拉布里亞。與羅斯的斯堪的納維亞瓦蘭吉人的戰(zhàn)略聯(lián)盟將使他們的影響力遠遠向北延伸。

Basil I maintained good relations with Holy Roman Emperor Louis II (r. 855–875), resulting in a successful joint military campaign to drive the Muslims from the Adriatic Sea. Subsequent conquests by the Macedonian emperors Nicephorus II Phocas (r. 963–969) and John I Tzimiskes (r. 969–976) wrenched part of Syria and Iraq as well as Cyprus and Crete. As his epithet “the Bulgar-slayer” well suggests, Basil II (r. 976–1025) oversaw the crushing and definitive defeat of the Bulgarian state and its annexation to the Byzantine Empire. Thus, at the height of the golden age the Byzantine Empire extended from Azerbaijan and Armenia in the east to Calabria in southern Italy in the west. A strategic alliance with the Scandinavian Varangians of Russia would extend their influence far northward.

《Handbook To Life in The Medieval World》（2008）

By Madeleine Pelner Cosman and Linda Gale Jones

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