作者：John·F· Haldon? 約翰·F·哈爾頓
出版商：1979年維也納奧地利科學院出版??

接上

When Heraclius became emperor in 610, the imperial forces in the East were in a state of disorganisation, if not of chaos. Phocas’ reign had seen a series of military set-backs in both East and West. The rebellion of the former magister militum per Orientem, Narses, in 603, and Persian attacks which thrust into the eastern provinces and Anatolia almost yearly from 604, led to a succession of reverses. The armies in Armenia and the East were defeated on several occasions, while the praesental troops also met defeat on at least one occasion in 609 near Antioch.26 The situation as it was at the end of 610, when Heraclius replaced Phocas, has recently been analysed by Kaegi, who draws attention to further internal discord after Heraclius’ coronation.27 Of the Byzantine forces in the East, there was at least one cohesive division in Anatolia under Comentiolus, another brother of Phocas; but apart from this, and the troops of Nicetas in Egypt, we hear of no major Byzantine armies. The events which followed reinforce such a view; not only had Heraclius no substantial force with which to oppose Comentiolus; Prisons, who succeeded to the command of the latter’s army, bottled the Persians up in Caesarea for a year, but received no reinforcements, and when the Persians broke out, they faced a clear route home.

??????? 公元 610 年赫拉克利烏斯即位時，東方帝國的勢力即使不是混亂，也處于混亂狀態(tài)。 福卡斯的統(tǒng)治在東西方都經歷了一系列軍事挫折。? 603 年，前東方總督軍的叛亂，納爾塞斯，以及從 604 年起幾乎每年都向東部省份和安納托利亞發(fā)起的波斯襲擊，導致了一連串的逆轉。 亞美尼亞和東方的軍隊數(shù)次被擊敗，而 609 年安條克附近的普雷森塔爾軍隊也至少有一次失敗。 26 610 年末希拉克略取代福卡斯時的情況，最近 由 Kaegi 分析，他提請注意在赫拉克略加冕后進一步的內部不和。27 在東方的拜占庭軍隊中，安納托利亞至少有一個由?？ㄋ沟牧硪晃恍值芸崎T蒂奧羅斯領導的統(tǒng)一師。 但除此之外，還有尼塞塔斯在埃及的軍隊，我們沒有聽說有拜占庭軍隊。 隨后發(fā)生的事件強化了這種觀點； 赫拉克略不僅沒有強大的力量來反對康門泰羅斯； 接替后者指揮權的監(jiān)獄將波斯人關押在凱撒利亞一年，但沒有得到任何增援，當波斯人爆發(fā)時，他們面臨著一條清晰的回家之路。

After the Persian escape from Caesarea, Roman troops remained in Cappadocia and Cilicia, which now constituted a frontier zone, while the Persians proceeded to occupy all the eastern provinces and to take most of the major cities outside Asia Minor during the following six or seven years, with little opposition except that offered by small local units and garrisons.

??????? 波斯人逃離凱撒利亞后，羅馬軍隊留在卡帕多西亞和奇里乞亞，這兩個地區(qū)現(xiàn)在構成了一個邊境地帶，而波斯人則在接下來的六七年里占領了東部所有省份并占領了小亞細亞以外的大部分主要城市 ，除了當?shù)匦⌒蛦挝缓婉v軍提供的反對意見外，幾乎沒有反對意見。

Heraclius’ re-organisation of the empire’s military resources does not appear to have begun in earnest until 621/622, when he transferred the majority of the troops left in Europe to Asia Minor.30 Apart from the united field forces — those in Cilicia and Cappadocia— now under Heraclius’ personal command, there were only isolated groups and garrisons scattered throughout Asia Minor and in the few eastern cities which had managed to avoid capture by the Persians. According to George of Pisidia, the various units in Anatolia flocked to Heraclius’ standard. He re-organised these troops, and embarked upon a period of training and exercising the reformed army.31 While the troops in Anatolia were certainly in no condition to undertake offensive operations, they had by no means lost all order; for when Heraclius arrived in Bithynia, he informed them by letter of the assembly point, and it appears that they were able to march to his standard fairly quickly.

??????? 赫拉克略對帝國軍事資源的重組似乎直到 621/622 才真正開始，當時他將留在歐洲的大部分軍隊轉移到小亞細亞。 30 除了統(tǒng)一的野戰(zhàn)部隊——那些在西里西亞和 卡帕多西亞——現(xiàn)在在赫拉克略的個人指揮下，只有孤立的團體和駐軍散布在整個小亞細亞和少數(shù)設法避免被波斯人占領的東部城市。 根據(jù)皮西迪亞的喬治的說法，安納托利亞的各個單位都涌向了赫拉克略的標準。 他重新組織了這些部隊，開始了一段時期訓練和鍛煉改革后的軍隊。31 雖然安納托利亞的部隊肯定沒有條件進行進攻，但他們并沒有完全失去秩序； 因為當赫拉克略到達比提尼亞時，他通過信件通知了他們集合地點，看來他們能夠很快地達到他的標準。

The troops were reformed in central Asia Minor. So much is clear from Sebeos’ statement that Heraclius sent orders to the troops to gather at Caesarea in Cappadocia, taken but later abandoned by the Persians, to which he travelled from Pylai, near Chalcedon. From there Theophanes reports that Heraclius marched ?π ι τ? ? τω ν δ εμ? τω ν χ? ρ α?.

??????? 軍隊在小亞細亞中部進行了改革。? Sebeos 的聲明清楚地表明，赫拉克略下令部隊在卡帕多西亞的凱撒利亞集結，但后來被波斯人帶走但后來放棄了，他從查克頓附近的皮萊前往那里。 從那里 Theophanes 報告希拉克略行軍 ?π ι τ? ? τω ν δ εμ? τω ν χ? ρ α?。

This phrase has been the subject of a great deal of scholarly debate, for Theophanes may be referring here to the later themata or military provinces. The word thema also occurs in Theophanes’ text for the year 611/612, a passage convincingly re-dated by Oikonomides to the year 626. Ostrogorsky suggested that Theophanes’ second mention may be used in a fixed geographical sense, of the themata as both military and civil districts.

????????? 這個短語一直是大量學術辯論的主題，因為 Theophanes 在這里可能指的是后來的 themata 或軍事省份。? Thema 一詞也出現(xiàn)在 Theophanes 611/612 年的文本中，Oikonomides 令人信服地將這段文字重新標注為 626 年。 軍區(qū)和民用區(qū)。

In spite of his arguments, the most that can be said about the use of the word thema at this time is that it means military units, corps and divisions of armies. Heraclius examined the themata in 611/612 (now 626/627 after Oikonomides), and he established his headquarters in the districts where they were billeted in 621/622. Baynes’ original proposal that the term is used anachronistically by Theophanes has been refuted by Oikonomid.es; but the latter goes on to assert that the themata were by 626/627 military districts based on new methods of recruitment introduced by Heraclius in’ 622. If this were the case, the phrase ?π ? τ? ? τω ν θ εμ? τω ν χ? ρ α? would have to mean that Heraclius did a grand tour of Asia Minor, visiting several regions distant from one another. On the evidence of Sebeos and George of Pisidia it cannot be interpreted in this way. Heraclius marched to Cappadocia — to Caesarea — where he set up his headquarters and began the re-organisation of his troops.

??????? 盡管有他的論點，但目前關于 thema 一詞的使用最多可以說是指軍事單位、軍團和軍隊的師。 赫拉克略在 611/612 年（現(xiàn)在是 626/627 年奧科諾米德斯之后）檢查了 themata，并在 621/622 年他們在那里被安置的地區(qū)建立了他的總部。? Baynes 最初提出 Theophanes 不合時宜地使用該術語的提議已被 Oikonomid.es 駁斥； 但后者繼續(xù)斷言，根據(jù)赫拉克利烏斯在 622 年引入的新招募方法，themata 是 626/627 軍區(qū)的。如果是這種情況，短語 ?π ? τ? ? τω ν θ εμ? τω ν χ? ρ? α? 的意思是赫拉克略對小亞細亞進行了一次盛大的旅行，訪問了幾個彼此相距遙遠的地區(qū)。 根據(jù) Sebeos 和 Pisidia 的 George 的證據(jù)，不能這樣解釋。 赫拉克略進軍卡帕多西亞——凱撒利亞——在那里他建立了自己的總部并開始重組他的部隊。

In fact, the evidence adduced for the existence of a “thematic” military organisation established under Heraclius demonstrates simply a change in terminology which had begun already in the later sixth century, and which accompanied a change in the tactical structure of the field armies undertaken during the reigns of Tiberius Constantine and Maurice.36 The appearance of words such as το ? ρ μα, θ ?μα and δ ρ ο ? γγο ? — the first of Latin, the second of Greek and the third of Germanic origin — to describe divisions of the army; the subsequent creation of new titles to describe the officers in charge of them (το υ ρ μ? ρ χη ? and δ ρ ο υ γγ? ρ ιο ?) are to be seen as a reflection of such changes, and perhaps also as the adoption of everyday soldiers’ terms in official parlance.37 At the same time, a process of linguistic hellenisation was going on, which served to freeze to some extent the technical terminology of the later sixth century. It is significant that virtually all the technical terms and titles associated with the later thematic organisation are already present in the Strategikon. — β? ν δ ο ν , δ ρ ο ? γγο ?, κ ? μη ?/τρ ιβο ? ν ο ?, βαν δ ο φ ? ρ ο ?, κ εν τ? ρ χη ?, δ εκ ? ρ χη ? and so forth — a mixture of Latin, German and Greek words.

??????? 事實上，關于在赫拉克利烏斯領導下建立的“主題”軍事組織存在的證據(jù)僅僅表明了在 6 世紀后期已經開始的術語變化，并且伴隨著在 το ? ρ μα、θ ?μα 和 δ ρ ο ? γγο ? 等詞的出現(xiàn)——第一個來自拉丁語，第二個來自希臘語，第三個來自日耳曼語 軍隊; 隨后創(chuàng)建的新頭銜來描述負責他們的官員（το υ ρ μ? ρ χη ? 和 δ ρ ο υ γγ? ρ ιο ?）將被視為這種變化的反映，也許也被視為采用 官方用語中的日常士兵術語。與此同時，語言希臘化的過程正在進行中，這在一定程度上凍結了 6 世紀后期的技術術語。 重要的是，與后來的專題組織相關的幾乎所有技術術語和標題都已經出現(xiàn)在 Strategikon 中。? — β? ν δ ο ν , δ ρ ο ? γγο ?, κ ? μη ?/τρ ιβο ? ν ο ?, βαν δ ο φ ? ρ ο ?, κ εν τ? ρ χη ?, ? δ so 第四——拉丁語、德語和希臘語的混合詞。

Oikonomides has recently argued in favour of Ostrogorsky’s thesis and, as I have already mentioned, proposed that by 626/627 the themata were military provinces, whose forces were raised by new methods of recruitment introduced by Heraclius in or shortly before 622.39 In addition to the objections already raised, and the extensive evidence for the continuity of both civil and military administrative forms familiar from the sixth century,40 there are a number of weaknesses in the argument. The case is based essentially on the appearance of the word thema for the first time in 621/622 and 626/627, and likewise of a logothetes in the latter year.41 He suggests that the two should be linked and that both are a result of a reform of Heraclius in which (a) recruitment was re-organised and based on military land-holdings, and (b) the post of logothetes tou stratidtikou was established to supervise the kodikes or themata.

??????? 奧科諾米德斯最近支持奧斯特羅戈爾斯基的論點，并且正如我已經提到的，提出到 626/627 年的主題是軍事省份，其部隊是由赫拉克利烏斯在 622.39 年或之前引入的新招募方法籌集的。 已經提出的反對意見，以及 6 世紀熟悉的民事和軍事行政形式的連續(xù)性的廣泛證據(jù)，40 爭論中存在一些弱點。 該案例主要基于 621/622 和 626/627 中第一次出現(xiàn) thema 一詞，以及后一年出現(xiàn)的 logothetes。41 他建議將這兩者聯(lián)系起來，并且兩者都是結果 赫拉克略的改革，其中 (a) 重新組織招募并以軍事土地持有為基礎，以及 (b) 設立 logothetes tou stratidtikou 職位以監(jiān)督 kodikes 或 themata。

A further objection Res in the time necessary to organise and administer the measurement and distribution of the envisaged holdings and to settle the soldiers. It seems unlikely that Heraclius could have accomplished all this before 621/622; especially in view of the activities of the Persians at this time; and George of Pisidia, who extols Heraclius’ efforts to restore discipline and morale among the soldiers, makes no mention of any such reforms, even obliquely. Surely he would not have missed an opportunity to praise the emperor’s beneficence and generosity such as this supposed reform would have presented.

??????? 在組織和管理所設想財產的測量和分配以及安置士兵所需的時間內，進一步反對。 希拉克略在 621/622 之前完成這一切似乎不太可能。 尤其是考慮到波斯人此時的活動； 皮西迪亞的喬治稱贊赫拉克略為恢復士兵的紀律和士氣所做的努力，卻沒有提及任何此類改革，甚至是間接提及。 他當然不會錯過一個機會來贊美皇帝的仁慈和慷慨，就像這種所謂的改革會呈現(xiàn)的那樣。

Finally, Oikonomides suggests that the names of the later themata —? ρ μεν ι? κ ο ν, ’Α ν ατο λ ικ ? ν etc.— reflect the original recruitment of the soldiers from these areas. This geographical nomenclature has nothing to do with recruitment, however, but rather with the original areas in which the soldiers were stationed — that the two later became coterminous is, of course, a, different matter. For the real significance of these apparently regional names we need look no further than the armies of the magistri militum per Arme- niaon and per Orientem, as Diehl showed.

??????? 最后，奧科諾米德斯認為，后來的 themata 的名稱——? ρ μεν ι? κ ο ν、’Α ν ατο λ ικ ? ν 等——反映了最初從這些地區(qū)招募士兵的情況。 然而，這種地理命名法與招募無關，而是與士兵駐扎的原始地區(qū)有關——這兩者后來合并當然是另一回事了。 要了解這些明顯的地區(qū)名稱的真正意義，我們只需看看亞美尼亞和東方的魔導師軍隊，正如迪爾所展示的那樣。

In spite of Oikonomides’ plea, therefore, no evidence for a “Heraclian reform” of the wide-ranging nature envisaged has been produced. But this does not mean that Heraclius made no alterations at all in the administration of the army as he found it. Indeed, there is some evidence to suggest that he did introduce certain changes in the administration of recruitment, although not of the nature foreseen by Ostrogorsky.

??????? 因此，盡管奧科諾米德斯提出了請求，但并未產生具有所設想的廣泛性質的“赫拉克利亞改革”的證據(jù)。 但這并不意味著赫拉克利烏斯對軍隊的管理沒有任何改變，正如他所發(fā)現(xiàn)的那樣。 事實上，有一些證據(jù)表明他確實在招聘管理中引入了某些變化，盡管不是奧斯特羅戈爾斯基所預見的性質。

未完待續(xù)