The Battle of Hastings in south-east England on 14 October 1066 saw the defeat of the Anglo-Saxon king Harold II (r. Jan-Oct 1066) by the invading Norman army led by William, Duke of Normandy (reigned from 1035). After a day of heavy fighting, the Norman cavalry eventually proved more effective than the Anglo-Saxon infantry.

? ? ? ? ? 1066年10月14日，英格蘭東南部發(fā)生了黑斯廷斯戰(zhàn)役，盎格魯-撒克遜國(guó)王哈羅德二世（1066年1月至10月在位）被諾曼底公爵威廉（1035年起在位）率領(lǐng)的入侵軍隊(duì)擊敗。經(jīng)過(guò)一天的激烈戰(zhàn)斗，事實(shí)證明諾曼騎兵比盎格魯撒克遜步兵更有戰(zhàn)斗力。

William claimed the throne of England had been promised to him by Harold's predecessor, Edward the Confessor (r. 1042-1066) and he had invaded England to take by force the kingdom he considered rightfully his. Harold was killed in the battle, according to tradition, hit by an arrow to the eye and then hacked to pieces as he fell. The victor would be crowned king of England on Christmas Day of the same year and, over the next five years, his conquest of England would earn him the title of William the Conqueror. Hastings brought an end to 500 years of Anglo-Saxon rule and innumerable political, religious, and cultural changes over the coming decades as the Norman elite installed themselves throughout their new kingdom, setting up castles and creating such innovations as the Domesday Book.

? ? ? ? ? 威廉聲稱(chēng)英格蘭的王位是由哈羅德的前任懺悔者愛(ài)德華（Edward the Confessor，1042-1066年）承諾給他的，威廉決定入侵英格蘭，以武力奪取他認(rèn)為理所當(dāng)然屬于他的王國(guó)。根據(jù)記載，哈羅德在戰(zhàn)斗中喪生，他的眼睛被箭射中，后來(lái)倒地時(shí)被肢解。勝利者于同年圣誕節(jié)加冕為英格蘭國(guó)王，在接下來(lái)的五年里，他對(duì)英格蘭的征服為他贏得了征服者威廉的稱(chēng)號(hào)。黑斯廷斯結(jié)束了500年的盎格魯-撒克遜統(tǒng)治，在接下來(lái)的幾十年里，隨著諾曼精英們?cè)谛峦鯂?guó)里安營(yíng)扎寨，建立城堡，并創(chuàng)造了諸如《末日審判書(shū)》等創(chuàng)新成果，政治、宗教和文化也發(fā)生巨變。

哈羅德·戈德溫森

In 1066, the momentous year which would change English history, Harold Godwinson had only just become king of England. Formally the earl of Wessex, Harold was crowned on 6 January following the death of Edward the Confessor who had no heir. Harold had acquired the throne in unclear circumstances although Edward, on his deathbed, had personally nominated Harold as his successor. Harold was the foremost military leader in the kingdom and had built his reputation on his successful campaigns in Wales in 1063-4.

? ? ? ? ? 1066年是改變英國(guó)歷史的重要一年，哈羅德·戈德溫森(Harold Godwinson)剛剛成為英格蘭國(guó)王哈羅德二世 (Harold II)。在懺悔者愛(ài)德華去世后，哈羅德正式成為威塞克斯伯爵，并于 1 月 6 日加冕，愛(ài)德華沒(méi)有留下任何繼承人。哈羅德是在不明朗的情況下登上王位的，盡管愛(ài)德華臨終前親自指定他為繼任者。哈羅德是王國(guó)中最重要的軍事領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，他于1063-4年在威爾士的成功戰(zhàn)役中聲名鵲起。

諾曼底公爵

Meanwhile, across the English Channel, William, the Duke of Normandy had other plans. William claimed that Edward had, in fact, promised him the throne back in 1051. The Norman also claimed that a visit by Harold in 1064 had either repeated Edward's offer or, thanks to the Norman securing the release of Harold after his capture by Count Guy of Ponthieu, the Englishman had promised William he would be his vassal and not obstruct his claim to the throne. This is the Norman view of the events leading up to 1066.

? ? ? ? ? 與此同時(shí)，在英吉利海峽對(duì)面，諾曼底公爵威廉另有計(jì)劃。威廉聲稱(chēng)，事實(shí)上，愛(ài)德華早在1051年就向他承諾過(guò)王位。諾曼人還聲稱(chēng)，在哈羅德于 1064 年訪問(wèn)時(shí)，他要么重申了愛(ài)德華的提議，要么向威廉承諾他將成為他的附庸，但不會(huì)阻止他繼承王位，因?yàn)楣_德在被居伊·龐蒂厄伯爵俘虜后被諾曼人釋放。這就是諾曼人對(duì)導(dǎo)致1066年的事件的看法。

The Anglo-Saxon sources have an alternative version, well, actually three scenarios: Harold's trip to Normandy never took place, if it did it was merely an accident of the weather, or he merely went to Normandy in order to secure the release of some Anglo-Saxon prisoners. Finally, the English maintained after Hastings that even if the Normans were right and Harold had made such a promise of vassalage to William, it having been made while held captive made it invalid. The modern scholarly consensus is that William's claim to the English throne was a slight one but, as so often in history, such niceties as promises and oaths of loyalty meant very little compared to victory on the battlefield. Whatever William's self-justification might have been, he was intent on invading England and he made extensive preparations to do so in the summer of 1066.

? ? ? ? ? 盎格魯-撒克遜人的資料有另一個(gè)版本，事實(shí)上，有三種可能的情況：哈羅德的諾曼底之行從未發(fā)生過(guò)，如果發(fā)生了也只是天氣意外，或者他去諾曼底只是為了確保釋放一些盎格魯-撒克遜的囚犯。最后，英國(guó)人在黑斯廷斯之后堅(jiān)持認(rèn)為，即使諾曼人是對(duì)的，而且哈羅德曾向威廉作出過(guò)這樣的附庸承諾，但由于是在被囚禁期間作出的，所以它是無(wú)效的?，F(xiàn)代學(xué)者的共識(shí)是，威廉對(duì)英國(guó)王位的要求是微不足道的，但正如歷史上經(jīng)常發(fā)生的那樣，與戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)上的勝利相比，諸如承諾和忠誠(chéng)的誓言這樣的細(xì)枝末節(jié)意義微不足道。不管威廉的自我辯解是什么，他一心想要入侵英格蘭，并在1066年夏天為此做了大量準(zhǔn)備。

哈拉爾·哈德拉達(dá)和托斯提·葛溫森

As if the story of 1066 was not complicated enough, there was a third player in the deadly game for who would win the kingdom of England. King Harald Hardrada, aka Harald III of Norway (r. 1046-1066), had just as dubious a claim to Harold Godwinson's crown as William had but, like the Norman duke, he well knew that a strong army would more than make up for the flimsiness of his legal rights.

? ? ? ? ? 仿佛1066年的故事還不夠復(fù)雜，在這場(chǎng)關(guān)于誰(shuí)將贏得英格蘭王國(guó)的致命游戲中還有第三位參與者。挪威國(guó)王哈拉爾·哈德拉達(dá)，又稱(chēng)哈拉爾三世（1046-1066年），與威廉一樣對(duì)哈羅德·戈德溫森的王位充滿爭(zhēng)議，但是，和諾曼公爵一樣，他很清楚，一支強(qiáng)大的軍隊(duì)可以彌補(bǔ)他法律權(quán)利的不足之處。

Hardrada was assisted by Tostig, the Earl of Northumbria, brother and great rival of Harold II. Tostig's harsh rule had caused a serious revolt in Northumbria in 1065, and he was consequently stripped of his title and banished out of harm's way to Flanders. Tostig did not take this treatment well, and his ships harried the southern and eastern coasts of England. Escaping to Scotland, Tostig eventually ended up in Norway, where he saw Hardrada as the ticket to wresting the throne from his brother.

? ? ? ? ? 哈德拉達(dá)得到了諾森比亞伯爵托斯蒂格的幫助，他是哈羅德二世的兄弟和勁敵。托斯蒂格的嚴(yán)酷統(tǒng)治在1065年引起了諾森比亞的嚴(yán)重叛亂，因此他被剝奪了頭銜，并被放逐到佛蘭德斯，遠(yuǎn)離了危險(xiǎn)。托斯蒂格對(duì)這種待遇并不滿意，他的船只騷擾了英格蘭的南部和東部海岸。逃到蘇格蘭后，托斯蒂格最終到了挪威，在那里他在哈德拉達(dá)看到了從他兄弟手中奪取王位的機(jī)會(huì)。

Hardrada amassed an invasion fleet of perhaps around 300 ships, although some estimates go as high as 500. His army may have numbered around 12,000 warriors. Landing off the north-east coast of England near the mouth of the River Tyne on 8 September, Hardrada was there joined by a small fleet of perhaps 12 ships commanded by Tostig. From there the two fleets sailed south and eventually landed at Ricall, just 16 km (10 miles) from the key city of York. The threat to Harold Godwinson was self-evident but, timed as it was just when William was planning to invade in the south, the Anglo-Saxon king's crown was now in real danger.

? ? ? ? ? 哈德拉達(dá)為入侵集結(jié)了一支約有 300 艘船的艦隊(duì)，盡管有些估計(jì)高達(dá)500艘。他的軍隊(duì)可能有大約12000名戰(zhàn)士。。9 月 8 日，哈德拉達(dá)在英格蘭東北部靠近泰恩河口的地方登陸，在那里他與托斯蒂格率領(lǐng)的一支由大約 12 艘船組成的小型艦隊(duì)會(huì)合。兩支艦隊(duì)從那里向南航行，最終在里卡爾（Ricall）登陸，距離關(guān)鍵城市約克（York）僅16公里（10英里）。對(duì)哈羅德·戈德溫森的威脅是顯而易見(jiàn)的，但由于威廉從南方入侵的計(jì)劃恰逢其時(shí)，盎格魯-撒克遜國(guó)王的王位正處于真正的危險(xiǎn)之中。

富爾福德門(mén)和斯坦福橋

The first of the three major battles of 1066 was at Fulford Gate, an uncertain location somewhere near York. There, on 20 September, an Anglo-Saxon army led by Eadwine, earl of Mercia, and Morcar, the earl of Northumbria, clashed with Hardrada's army. The king of Norway was victorious but Harold was already on his way north with a second army which included his elite force of up to 3,000 housecarls (aka huscarls, professional armoured troops).

? ? ? ? ? 1066年三大戰(zhàn)役中的第一場(chǎng)發(fā)生在富爾福德門(mén)，這是一個(gè)靠近約克的未定地點(diǎn)。9月20日，一支由麥西亞伯爵埃德溫和諾森比亞伯爵莫卡率領(lǐng)的盎格魯-撒克遜軍隊(duì)與哈德拉達(dá)的軍隊(duì)交戰(zhàn)。挪威國(guó)王取得了勝利，但哈羅德已經(jīng)率領(lǐng)第二支軍隊(duì)北上，其中包括他的約 3,000 名輕騎兵（負(fù)責(zé)保護(hù)國(guó)王的專(zhuān)業(yè)軍隊(duì)）的精銳部隊(duì)。

On 25 September Harold's army met Hardrada's force at Stamford Bridge, a wide meadow somewhere to the east of the River Derwent. Hardrada's men were caught by surprise as they were expecting that day to negotiate the release of hostages from York after the city's capitulation the day before. The invaders thus had the distinct disadvantage of being without their mail armour coats - they had left them in their camp following the victory celebrations after Fulford Gate. The fighting was over within a day, and both Hardrada and Tostig were killed. The battle was a complete victory for Harold, with the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle recording that there were only enough survivors from the invading army to fill 24 ships, which sailed back home under the command of Hardrada's son, Olaf. Harold had seen off one of the players for his crown but it was the more dangerous of his two rivals who now had to be faced in the south.

? ? ? ? ? 9月25日，哈羅德的軍隊(duì)在德文特河以東某處的寬闊草地斯坦福橋與哈德拉達(dá)的軍隊(duì)會(huì)合。這讓哈德拉達(dá)的手下感到驚訝，因?yàn)樗麄冾A(yù)計(jì)當(dāng)天會(huì)就前一天投降后從約克市釋放人質(zhì)進(jìn)行談判。因此，入侵者的明顯劣勢(shì)是發(fā)現(xiàn)自己沒(méi)有他們的盔甲，在富爾福德門(mén)慶祝勝利后將他們留在營(yíng)地。戰(zhàn)斗持續(xù)了不到一天，哈德拉達(dá)和托斯蒂格都在戰(zhàn)斗中喪生。這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)斗對(duì)哈羅德來(lái)說(shuō)是一場(chǎng)巨大的勝利，《盎格魯-撒克遜編年史》記載，入侵軍隊(duì)的幸存者勉強(qiáng)裝滿了 24 艘船，這些船在哈德拉達(dá)的兒子奧拉夫的率領(lǐng)下駛回了家。哈羅多擊敗了他王冠的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)者之一，但現(xiàn)在他不得不面對(duì)他在南方的兩個(gè)對(duì)手中更危險(xiǎn)的一個(gè)。

侵略者與捍衛(wèi)者

Throughout the summer William had been busy amassing a fleet on the northern coast of France near Saint-Valéry-sur-Somme. A contemporary Norman source puts the total number of ships at 776, but this is likely an exaggeration. The Norman warriors were motivated by the promise of booty and lands in the conquered territory but they were also paid by William during the summer preparation period. The total force is unknown, but most historians suggest a figure of 5-8,000 men, which included 1-2,000 cavalry.

? ? ? ? ? 威廉整個(gè)夏天都在努力在法國(guó)北海岸的索姆河畔圣瓦萊里附近組建一支龐大的艦隊(duì)。當(dāng)時(shí)的諾曼史料顯示船只總數(shù)為 776 艘，但這個(gè)數(shù)字很可能被夸大了。諾曼士兵的動(dòng)機(jī)是被征服領(lǐng)土上的戰(zhàn)利品和土地的承諾，但他們?cè)跍?zhǔn)備期間也收到了夏季薪水。部隊(duì)總數(shù)未知，但大多數(shù)歷史學(xué)家認(rèn)為這個(gè)數(shù)字在 5,000 到 8,000 人之間，其中包括 1,000 或 2,000 名騎兵部隊(duì)。

Harold knew of the impending Norman invasion and had prepared to meet it, but he had trouble keeping his own force together. The English army had already been in the field for over three months, and by harvest time men had to return to their farms where everyone was needed to ensure there would be enough corn for the coming year. Bad weather stalled William's plans - or perhaps he was cannily waiting for his opponents to disband - and Harold returned to London in the first week of September. Then came news of Hardrada's invasion in the north and the defeat at Fulford Gate. Harold's march and victory at Stamford Bridge, although significant, was only the first act of a two-act tragedy for the English king.

? ? ? ? ? 哈羅德知道即將到來(lái)的諾曼入侵并為此做好了準(zhǔn)備，但難以將他的部隊(duì)集中在一起。英軍已經(jīng)離家三個(gè)多月了，他們的士兵必須在收獲季節(jié)之前返回農(nóng)場(chǎng)，每個(gè)人都需要確保來(lái)年有足夠的糧食。惡劣的天氣推遲了威廉的計(jì)劃——或者他可能在狡猾地等待他的對(duì)手解散——于是哈羅德在 9 月的第一個(gè)星期回到了倫敦。隨后傳來(lái)了哈德拉達(dá)從北方入侵和富爾福德門(mén)戰(zhàn)敗的消息。哈羅德在斯坦福橋的進(jìn)軍和勝利雖然意義重大，但對(duì)英國(guó)國(guó)王來(lái)說(shuō)只是兩幕悲劇的第一幕。

On 28 September 1066, William and his invasion army landed at Pevensey in Sussex, southern England, where there was a good harbour and the added advantage of an old Roman fort which, refortified by William, provided some protection for the army's camp. The Normans would not have wondered where Harold was as they already had intelligence of Hardrada's invasion in the north. What William could not have known, though, was which king had won the Battle of Stamford Bridge and who his opponent might be. Then news came of Harold's victory and that he was marching south. Harold arrived in London on 6 October and mustered his army, gathering at Caldebec Hill, 13 km (8 miles) north of Hastings, on the 13th.

? ? ? ? ? 1066年9月28日，威廉和他的入侵軍隊(duì)在英格蘭南部蘇塞克斯郡的佩文西（Pevensey）登陸，那里有一個(gè)良好的港口，還有一個(gè)由威廉重新加固的古羅馬堡壘，為軍隊(duì)的營(yíng)地提供一些保護(hù)。諾曼人不必懷疑哈羅德在哪里，因?yàn)樗麄円呀?jīng)有了哈德拉達(dá)在北方入侵的情報(bào)。不過(guò)，威廉不可能知道哪個(gè)國(guó)王贏得了斯坦福橋戰(zhàn)役，以及他的對(duì)手可能是誰(shuí)。這時(shí)傳來(lái)了哈羅德的勝利和他正在向南進(jìn)軍的消息。哈羅德于10月6日抵達(dá)倫敦，并于13日在黑斯廷斯以北13公里（8英里）的卡爾德貝克山集結(jié)軍隊(duì)。

Harold's force included his elite housecarls and the general levy or fyrd, less well-trained troops supplied by each shire of the kingdom. Some sources, seeking to explain either the defeat or victory depending on the writer's loyalties, state that the Anglo-Saxon army was smaller than that of the Normans because Harold had not had time to muster troops from all of the shires. In contrast, other writers claim Harold's army was the bigger of the two. Given the closeness of the battle, though, it seems likely that both sides were more or less equal in size. One persistent criticism from medieval writers is that Harold mobilised too soon, perhaps deliberately enticed to do so by William's orders to ravage the territories of the south-east coast, Harold's personal estates.

? ? ? ? ? 哈羅德的部隊(duì)包括精銳部隊(duì)、輕騎兵和普通步兵（或民兵），即由王國(guó)的每個(gè)郡提供的訓(xùn)練有素的部隊(duì)。一些消息來(lái)源試圖根據(jù)作者的親和力尋找勝利或失敗的解釋?zhuān)暦Q(chēng)盎格魯撒克遜軍隊(duì)比諾曼軍隊(duì)規(guī)模小，因?yàn)楣_德沒(méi)有時(shí)間從所有郡集結(jié)軍隊(duì)。不管怎么說(shuō)，在雙方戰(zhàn)果相同的情況下，雙方的體量很可能差不多。對(duì)中世紀(jì)作家最一致的批評(píng)之一是，哈羅德太早動(dòng)員了他的軍隊(duì)，這也許是威廉和他的命令故意引誘，破壞英格蘭東南海岸的領(lǐng)土，這些領(lǐng)土是哈羅德的個(gè)人領(lǐng)地。

戰(zhàn)? ? ?斗

The two armies met on 14 October 1066, William's force having advanced first to reach Harold's camp early in the morning. Harold's army, perhaps caught a little by surprise at the Normans' first move, took up position on a low rise, 'hammer-head ridge', which was protected on the sides by woods and in front by a stream and marshy ground. William's forces took up position to the south of the ridge in three infantry divisions: (from the left) Bretons, Normans, and French, all with a line of archers and a number of crossbowmen in front and the cavalry held in reserve at the rear.

? ? ? ? ? 1066 年 10 月 14 日，兩軍相遇，威廉的部隊(duì)首先前進(jìn)，在清晨到達(dá)哈羅德的營(yíng)地。哈羅德的軍隊(duì)也許對(duì)諾曼人的第一次行動(dòng)有點(diǎn)措手不及，他們?cè)谝蛔∩缴险紦?jù)陣地，形狀像錘頭，兩側(cè)有樹(shù)林保護(hù)，前面有溪流和沼澤地。威廉的部隊(duì)在山脊的南部占據(jù)了三個(gè)步兵師的位置：（從左邊開(kāi)始）布列塔尼人、諾曼人和法國(guó)人，前面都有一排弓箭手和弩兵，騎兵則在后面待命。

Harold's warriors were typically armed with a sword, large axe, or long spear, and the better equipped (and front ranks) wore a chain mail coat. Further protection was provided by a conical helmet with a nose guard and a round or kite-shaped shield. There would have been some contingents of missile throwers who launched javelins, arrows, stone hammers, clubs, and slingshots at the enemy before the other warriors moved forward as a unit with shields held close together to create a 'shield-wall'. The next stage would have been more chaotic, with small fighting groups and duels predominating. A common tactic was to use pairs of soldiers, one wielding with both hands a broad-bladed axe and another soldier with a sword and shield with the job of protecting the axeman who could not carry a shield. The Normans, in contrast, favoured cavalry with armoured riders using close-order charges and lances braced under the arm to break up the enemy infantry formations. The Normans also had both bowmen and crossbowmen, something the Anglo-Saxon army probably lacked, at least in significant numbers.

? ? ? ? ? 哈羅德的戰(zhàn)士們通常裝備一把劍、一把大斧或一把長(zhǎng)矛，裝備最精良的（和前線）身穿鏈甲。帶護(hù)鼻器和圓形或三角形盾牌的錐形頭盔提供了額外的保護(hù)。還會(huì)有一些特遣隊(duì)向敵人投擲射彈，例如標(biāo)槍、箭、石錘、狼牙棒和投石器，然后其他戰(zhàn)士排成隊(duì)形前進(jìn)，他們的盾牌靠在一起形成一道保護(hù)墻。下一階段會(huì)更加混亂，以小團(tuán)體決斗和戰(zhàn)斗為主。一種常見(jiàn)的策略是使用成對(duì)的士兵，一個(gè)雙手揮舞著一把寬斧頭，另一個(gè)手持劍和盾牌，后者的任務(wù)是用斧頭保護(hù)士兵。他不能攜帶盾牌。相比之下，諾曼人偏愛(ài)騎兵，裝甲騎兵的手臂下夾著長(zhǎng)矛，他們以緊湊的單位沖鋒以打破敵人的步兵防線。諾曼人也有弓箭手和弩手，盎格魯-撒克遜軍隊(duì)可能缺乏這些，至少數(shù)量不多。

The Normans first launched a barrage of arrows, with the Anglo-Saxons responding by hurling a hail of stone axes at the enemy infantry as it tried to climb the ridge. The Norman cavalry was then sent in but was hampered by the terrain and slope so that they, too, were repelled by the Saxon shield wall. At one dramatic moment, a cry went up amongst the Normans that William had been struck down. This could have turned the battle as many an army in the Middle Ages had deserted the field once their commander had fallen. William, however, was unhurt, and he raised his visor and rode amongst his men to show that he was still alive and in command of the situation.

? ? ? ? ? 諾曼人以齊射箭開(kāi)始進(jìn)攻，盎格魯-撒克遜人以石斧雨還擊試圖爬上山丘的敵方步兵。諾曼人的騎兵隨后被派上戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)，但受到地形和坡度的阻礙，他們也被撒克遜人的盾墻擊退。在一個(gè)戲劇性的時(shí)刻，諾曼人中傳出了威廉被擊倒的呼聲。這可能會(huì)扭轉(zhuǎn)戰(zhàn)局，因?yàn)樵谥惺兰o(jì)，許多軍隊(duì)在他們的指揮官倒下后就放棄了戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)。然而，威廉并沒(méi)有受傷，他舉起面罩，穿梭于他的軍隊(duì)中間，表明他仍然活著，并且在指揮著局勢(shì)。

A number of the Anglo-Saxons, encouraged by the retreat of the Norman cavalry, then raced after them down the hill, but once on lower ground and losing their formation, they were cut down by the Norman horseman as they reverse-charged. Seeing the success of this, William ordered a further two feigned charges and retreats up to the ridge and back again, both times luring the enemy into a pursuit and ending in a successful counter-attack on flatter ground more suitable for the horses.

? ? ? ? ? 一些盎格魯-撒克遜人受到諾曼人騎兵撤退的鼓勵(lì)，從山上追了下來(lái)，但一旦到了低處，失去了隊(duì)形，他們就被諾曼人的騎兵在反向沖鋒中砍倒?？吹竭@樣的成功，威廉又下令向山上進(jìn)行了兩次假裝沖鋒，然后再退回來(lái)，兩次都引誘敵人追擊，最后在更適合騎兵的平地上成功反擊。

哈羅德國(guó)王之死

The fighting had now been raging for several hours, an unusually long time for a medieval battle. However, the superiority of the Norman cavalry against the Anglo-Saxon infantry was gradually winning the day, and now that their numbers were reduced, there were not enough Anglo-Saxons to defend the ridge. It was at this point that the depleted number of the best-trained troops, the housecarls (following the Battle at Stamford Bridge), must surely have been a telling factor. In a final cavalry charge, Harold and other Saxon leaders, including the king's brothers Gurth and Leofwine were killed. Harold's death, at least in tradition, was caused first by an arrow to the eye, then he was knocked over by a cavalry charge, and finally hacked to pieces by Norman swords as he lay prone on the ground. The remaining Anglo-Saxons fought a valiant rearguard action as they retreated to a nearby hill, the Malfosse, but they were eventually wiped out, and total victory was William's.

? ? ? ? ? 戰(zhàn)斗持續(xù)了幾個(gè)小時(shí)，對(duì)于一場(chǎng)中世紀(jì)的戰(zhàn)斗來(lái)說(shuō)，時(shí)間異常漫長(zhǎng)。然而，諾曼人騎兵對(duì)盎格魯-撒克遜人步兵的優(yōu)勢(shì)正在慢慢發(fā)揮作用，隨著部隊(duì)的大量減少，沒(méi)有足夠的盎格魯-撒克遜士兵留下來(lái)保衛(wèi)山脊。當(dāng)然，在那個(gè)時(shí)候，訓(xùn)練有素的輕騎兵部隊(duì)在斯坦福橋戰(zhàn)役中被耗盡是決定性的。在最后一次騎兵沖鋒中，哈羅德和其他撒克遜人的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，包括國(guó)王的兄弟吉爾斯和利奧夫威都陣亡了。哈羅德的死亡，在記載上是由眼睛中箭造成的，然后在騎兵的沖鋒中倒地，最后被諾曼人的劍砍成碎片，臉朝下躺在地上。剩下的盎格魯-撒克遜士兵在撤退到附近一座名為馬爾福斯的山上時(shí)進(jìn)行了一場(chǎng)英勇而絕望的戰(zhàn)斗，但他們最終被殲滅，威廉獲得了全面的勝利。

The Norman duke later built an abbey, known as Battle Abbey, on the site of the battle in thanks for his success, and its ruins still stand there today. The fate of Harold's body is unknown, although one 12th-century tradition states that his remains were removed from burial near the battlefield to Waltham Abbey - even if a later exploration of the tomb revealed that it was empty. There was also a legend that Harold had survived the battle and lived into old age but such stories and the mystery of the fallen king's burial are probably exactly what William wished: there would be no king's burial and no martyr's grave for rebels to rally around.

? ? ? ? ? 后來(lái)，諾曼底公爵為了感謝他的勝利，在戰(zhàn)斗的地點(diǎn)建造了一座修道院，稱(chēng)為戰(zhàn)役修道院，其廢墟至今仍矗立在那里。哈羅德尸體的命運(yùn)不得而知，盡管有一個(gè)12世紀(jì)的傳說(shuō)，他的遺體從戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)附近被移到沃爾瑟姆修道院埋葬，盡管后來(lái)對(duì)墓穴的勘探表明它是空的。還有一個(gè)傳說(shuō)，哈羅德在戰(zhàn)斗中幸存下來(lái)并終老，但這樣的故事和亡國(guó)之君的埋葬之謎可能正是威廉所希望的：沒(méi)有國(guó)王的埋葬，也沒(méi)有烈士的墳?zāi)构┡衍娂Y(jié)。

戰(zhàn)斗結(jié)束后

William the Conqueror, as he became known, was crowned William I, king of England on Christmas Day of the same year at Westminster Abbey, bringing an end to 500 years of Saxon rule. William, though, did have to struggle for five more years - winning battles against rebels in the north of England and building Norman motte and bailey castles everywhere - before he completely controlled his new realm.

? ? ? ? ? 征服者威廉（William the Conqueror），后來(lái)為人所知，于同年圣誕節(jié)在威斯敏斯特教堂加冕為英格蘭國(guó)王威廉一世，標(biāo)志著盎格魯-撒克遜人 500 年統(tǒng)治的結(jié)束。然而，威廉在獲得對(duì)新王國(guó)的完全控制之前還需要再戰(zhàn)斗五年，在此期間他在英格蘭北部贏得了與叛亂分子的戰(zhàn)斗，并在各地建造了城寨城堡。

One of the great records of the Battle of Hastings is the Bayeux Tapestry. Produced between 1067 and 1079, the tapestry measures around 68 metres by 50 cm and depicts in detail many aspects of the Norman Conquest and the events leading up to it, but it is a propaganda piece, reinforcing William's claim to the English throne and, for example, omitting the Battle of Stamford Bridge. Nevertheless, the images on the tapestry (actually an embroidery) are striking, particularly of the Battle of Hastings and the death of Harold.

? ? ? ? ? 黑斯廷斯戰(zhàn)役的重要記錄之一是貝葉掛毯。這幅掛毯制作于1067年至1079年間，尺寸約為68米×50厘米，詳細(xì)描繪了諾曼征服的許多方面以及導(dǎo)致諾曼征服的事件，但它是一幅宣傳品，強(qiáng)化了威廉對(duì)英國(guó)王位的要求，例如，省略了斯坦福橋之戰(zhàn)。然而，掛毯（實(shí)際上是刺繡）上的圖像非常引人注目，尤其是黑斯廷斯之戰(zhàn)和哈羅德之死。

The demise of both the Anglo-Saxons and the Vikings in the battles of 1066 ushered in a new era of history in northern Europe and England, in particular, where the Normans replaced the Anglo-Saxon ruling elite, the Church was similarly restructured, and much closer ties with continental Europe were established, especially with France, something which would have a tremendous bearing on the history of the two countries over the following centuries.

? ? ? ? ? 盎格魯-撒克遜人和維京人在 1066 年的戰(zhàn)斗中雙雙失敗，開(kāi)啟了北歐歷史，尤其是英格蘭的新紀(jì)元，諾曼人取代了盎格魯撒克遜人的統(tǒng)治精英，教會(huì)也進(jìn)行了重組，并與歐洲大陸，特別是與法國(guó)建立了更為密切的聯(lián)系，這將對(duì)這兩個(gè)國(guó)家隨后幾個(gè)世紀(jì)的歷史產(chǎn)生巨大影響。

參考書(shū)目:

Allen Brown, R. The Norman Conquest of England. Boydell, 1995.

Bennett, M. Campaigns of the Norman Conquest. Osprey Publishing, 2001.

Blockmans, W. Introduction to Medieval Europe 300a€“1500. Routledge, 2017.

Cole, T. The Norman Conquest. Amberley Publishing, 2016.

Hicks, C. The Bayeux Tapestry. Random House UK, 2008.

Mathew, D. Britain and the Continent 1000-1300. Hodder Education.

Morris, M. The Norman Conquest. Windmill Books, 2019.

Nicolle, D. The Normans. Osprey Publishing, 1987.

Williams, B. Bayeux Tapestry Secrets - French. Pitkin Publishing, 2019.

原文作者：Mark Cartwright

????????? 駐意大利的歷史作家。他的主要興趣包括陶瓷、建筑、世界神話和發(fā)現(xiàn)所有文明的共同思想。他擁有政治哲學(xué)碩士學(xué)位，是《世界歷史百科全書(shū)》的出版總監(jiān)。

原文網(wǎng)址：https://www.worldhistory.org/Battle_of_Hastings/