A Study of Yasukuni Shrine’s Joint Enshrinement of Japanese Invaders during the January 28 Incident and Japanese Military Funeral Rituals

Yang Xiuyun

(School of History, Nanjing University, Nanjing, Jiangsu Province, 210023; Changshu Institute of Technology, Changshu, Jiangsu Province, 215500)

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Abstract:?Yasukuni Shrine commemorates over 3,000 war dead of the January 28 Incident, among whom Kuga Noboru used to be a special symbol of wartime Japan. The joint enshrinement of Kuga Noboru and other war dead reflects how the Japanese government has made use of Yasukuni Shrine’s control over?“those alive” by “those who died” since the founding of the shrine. As?the hub of the wartime funeral rituals, Yasukuni Shrine owes its establishment, ritual standards, ritual forms and ritual functions to the Japanese government. After the war, Yasukuni Shrine was degraded to a religious corporation, but the right-wing forces intended?to distort history. In particular, their homage to the shrine, which is continuous with Japan’s wartime militarism and fascist funeral rituals, has provoked China-Japan controversy over Yasukuni Shrine.

Keywords:?Yasukuni Shrine; January 28 Incident; Japanese Invaders; Funeral Rituals of Japanese Soldiers; Joint Enshrinement

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Throughout history, funeral rituals have been held in commemoration of the dead both at home and abroad. Everyone dies. And funeral rituals, especially those of the war dead who were buried in Arlington National Cemetery or commemorated in Neue Wache[], vary in different countries.

The Japanese view of life and death has always been unique, even in wartime. It is generally known that during the Japanese invasion, Yasukuni Shrine[]?played a very important role in war mobilization. Through commemorative activities, Yasukuni Shrine has worshipped the war dead as “sacred guardians of the country”, turned the sorrows of the bereaved families into joys and happiness, and made other citizens willing to sacrifice their lives for the country. Japanese scholar Tetsuya Takahashi vividly describes this political function as?an “alchemy of the emotion.”?[]?How was the function established? How was a dead soldier jointly enshrined with his fellows? How does Yasukuni Shrine relate to Japanese military funeral rituals? Why is Yasukuni Shrine a controversial issue between China and Japan? Kuga Noboru is a Japanese invader during the January 28 Incident. His joint enshrinement in Yasukuni Shrine is a case worth studying. This article aims to discuss the above questions by referring to relevant archives of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Ministry of Defense and Kunai-shō as a means to benefit studies of Yasukuni Shrine and Japanese War of aggression against China.

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I. Establishment and Entry Requirements of Yasukuni Shrine

After Japan opened ports in 1853, two major factions—the Tobakuha and the Bakufu were formed. The former was Mikado-centered, while the latter was backed by the Tokugawa Shogunate. To restore the Mikado’s reign, samurais of the Sonnō-Jōi faction in Choshu Domain and Satsuma Domain launched the Anti-Bakufu Movement before the outburst of the Boshin War[]?and the Hakodate Battle[]. Many soldiers died during these events. How to dispose their corpses? How to consolidate the Mikado power via these war dead? These had been the imperatives of the Meiji government since its establishment. As a result, Yasukuni Shrine was born.

1.?Establishment of Yasukuni Shrine.

To commemorate the war dead, the Meiji Government issued two proclamations to call back the spirits of the Martyrs when it was founded in 1868. One of the proclamations, which was issued on May 10, said Kyoto Shrine would be established in the Higashiyama District to worship those who sacrificed their lives to the emperor’s affairs.?When Japan moved its capital to Tokyo the next year, the shrine was relocated to Kudankita to jointly enshrine the war dead since the founding of Japan.[] Another proclamation was an edict issued to Jingikans in Tokyo in May under the name of Emperor Meiji, requiring each domain to submit the roster of the jointly enshrined martyrs since the Battle of Toba-Fushimi by November 25[]?in preparation for the soul-calling ritual.

According to the above two proclamations, the Meiji government built Kyoto Ryozen Gokoku Shrine in Ryozen Cemetery?in Higashiyama where sumurais and martyrs from Choshu, Mito and Satsuma, as well as government soldiers who died in the Bakumatsu Upheaval are buried. The Shinto rituals were in line with the Meiji government’s religious policies of Saisei-itchi and Jingikan restoration. In 1868, under the leadership of the Meiji government, a series of memorial ceremonies were held to call back the souls of the war dead. For example, the Meiji government held a memorial ceremony for those who were martyred for the founding of Japan in Higashiyama on May 10. On June 2, a memorial ceremony was held at Nishimaru O-Hiroma in Edo[]. On July 11, a two-day memorial ceremony was held in Kyoto Drill Court for the dead government soldiers.

The above-mentioned necromancy rituals were held concurrently in Tokyo and Kyoto. In February 1869, to make Tokyo the capital of Japan, the Meiji government decided to establish a shrine in Tokyo. Prince Komatsu Akihito[], the then career officer of the Imperial Japanese Army, issued an edict. After a field investigation with ōmura Masujirō[]?and Kagawa Keizo[], they decided to build the shrine in Kudankita, Tokyo. On June 19, the construction began. Ten days later, a temporary hall was built. From June 29 to July 3, the shrine held the first memorial ceremony for the 3,588 people who died in the Battle of Toba-Fushimi and the Battle of Hakodate.[]?Later, the war dead once worshipped in Kyoto Shrine were jointly enshrined here.

In 1872, Tokyo Shrine was completed. As stipulated by the Japanese government, Tokyo Shrine was under the joint jurisdiction of the Japanese Army and the Japanese Navy, with a vice admiral or a major general being the temporary officiate. This indicated that Tokyo Shrine was at first controlled by the Japanese Corps. The war dead who invaded Taiwan and those who were previously worshipped in Kyoto Ryozen Gokoku Shrine and?other shrines were collectively enshrined in Tokyo?Shrine. On January 27, 1874, Emperor Meiji attended the soul-calling ritual for the first time. He worshipped the war dead in person and wrote down the waka[]?“The names of the patriots who died for the sake of the country are forever inscribed in Musashino Sanctuary”[], claiming that the shrine was built to comfort the souls of the warriors who sacrificed for the country and to pass down their heroic deeds from generation to generation. Emperor Meiji’s first visit was seen as an exceptional tribute to the martyrs. Thereafter, it was a routine for Mikados to visit the shrine and joint enshrinement was regarded as a special honor.

On June 4, 1879, Tokyo Shrine was renamed “Yasukuni Shrine”?and was upgraded to an imperial shrine of special status.[]?Yasukuni Shrine distinguished itself from other shrines in the following aspects: (1) Yasukuni Shrine was established to forever commemorate soldiers who sacrificed for the Mikado and the country and highlight their loyalty to the country. (2) Memorial Ceremonies were held routinely each year. (3) The ceremonies were held at the will of the Mikado. (4) Imperial envoys were dispatched to hold the ceremonies. (5) The Mikado, the empress and the crown prince attended the ceremonies. (6) Descendants of the enshrined war dead lived in domains and villages all across Japan, and Yasukuni Shrine was an integration of the nation’s reverence and belief.?Given the particularity of Yasukuni Shrine, only those who died for the Mikado and the country could be jointly enshrined. Ordinary people were excluded. In the early years of the Meiji period, the soul-calling rituals were held by each domain respectively. After the establishment of Yasukuni Shrine, central soul-calling shrines came into existence and received ordinary worshippers. As Japan moved its capital to Tokyo, Emperor Meiji relocated all the shrines from Kyoto to Edo, and the Mikado-centered ritual?system began to take shape.

As?stipulated by the state-issued Abolition of Official Posts in Imperial Shrines on January 6, 1887, Yasukuni Shrine abolished Jingikans of imperial shrines and reset the priesthood. The Guji was appointed by the Home Ministry. The Negis[]?and the ceremonial master were appointed by Docho Kyuhonchosya. Positions below the Guji level were appointed by the Army Ministry and the Navy Ministry. The Guji enjoyed the privileges of a Sōninkan, while the Negis?and the ceremonial master enjoyed the privileges of a Hannin.[]?According to the stipulation, Yasukuni Shrine was under the control of Kunai-shō which represented the will of the Mikado. The shinto priests appointed by the Army Ministry and the Navy Ministry?also?enjoyed privileges. This further consolidated Yasukuni Shrine’s status?as a special place of worship.

Initially, the Japanese people had a vague idea about Yasukuni's role as the final resting place of the war dead. Later, under the leadership of the Mikado, both the Army and the Navy held large-scale memorial ceremonies at Yasukuni Shrine. During the Russo-Japanese War in particular, the Japanese troops visited Yasukuni Shrine before they went to the battlefields. After the war, they also went to the shrine to report the war news to their dead comrades-in-arms. For example, the Japanese Army held a victory parade celebrating their triumphant return on April 30, 1906. On May 2, soldiers of the Army and the Navy paid their respective visits to Yasukuni Shrine. The crown prince gave a banquet, and Emperor Meiji hosted a state-level memorial ceremony at the shrine for the officers and soldiers who died in the Russo-Japanese War. In 1907, a reburial ritual for the Japanese soldiers who died in Manchuria and an enshrining ceremony for the soldiers who died of wounds after the war were held at Yasukuni Shrine. Thereafter, the Imperial House of Japan regarded the rituals held at Yasukuni Shrine a model of memorial ceremonies. It can be said that Yasukuni Shrine, as a witness of the beginning and the end of the Russo-Japanese War, was an integral part of Japan's militaristic movement.[]

To sum up, the Meiji government established Yasukuni Shrine to commemorate the war dead since the Bakumatsu period, set up the standards of Bushidou, and encourage the living generals and soldiers. Enshrining Army-Navy soldiers who sacrificed for the Meiji government, Yasukuni Shrine, together with other shrines at all levels, was under the control of the marshal and the admiral. The militaristic funeral rituals centered on Yasukuni Shrine began to take shape.

2. Regulations on Joint Enshrinement

After the establishment of Yasukuni Shrine, the Army Ministry issued a number of announcements on the investigation of the war dead enshrined in Yasukuni Shrine, such as the notice issued in 1898 on the investigation of the jointly enshrined war dead of the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, the notice issued in 1939 on joint enshrinement, and the notice issued in July 1944 on the investigation and detailed report of the jointly enshrined war dead. These notices were detailed stipulations on the standards and reporting requirements of joint enshrinement.

Prior to the first Sino-Japanese War, Japan mainly suffered from civil wars and the jointly enshrined soldiers were members of government forces. The Sino-Japanese war of 1894-1895 was the first large-scale war waged by Japan in China. Since then, military police who died on the battlefields were also jointly enshrined. In November 1898, the Adjutant General Branch in charge of joint enshrinement issued a nationwide announcement on the investigation of the roster of the war dead jointly enshrined in Yasukuni Shrine. From July 25, 1894 to November 17, 1895, families of the soldiers who were killed in Korea, the Qing Empire, Taiwan and the Penghu Islands were investigated. Before November 16, 1898, data of those wounded or died of diseases during the Sino-Japanese War, combined with data of temporary employees, military logistic personnel and other war dead were also gathered. The aforementioned census lasted until January 31, 1899. When, where and how the enshrined members died and which armies they belonged to were required to be clearly recorded in the roster. Hereinafter is the information of Umemura Kinjuro, a jointly enshrined member who was treated in Osaka Hospital:[]

Date of Admission:?October 7, 1896

Cause of Disease: Malaria (Judged by symptoms)

Name of Disease: Aortic Insufficiency

Symptoms after Admission: Anasarca, Tachycardia, Tachypnea, Eusitia and Normothermia

Cause of Death:?Cardiac Failure

Date of Death: March 18, 1887

Umemura got wounded during the first Sino-Japanese War and passed away in 1887. By November 16, 1898, he was jointly enshrined in Yasukuni Shrine.

On March 30, 1939, the Army Ministry issued “No.1026 Announcement”, requiring all forces to submit their rosters of the jointly enshrined soldiers. This reflects the ministry’s stricter control of the rosters. On April 14, the Army Ministry issued another announcement, asking the forces to submit their rosters prudently to avoid repeated submission.[]?Thus, it is clear that the Army Ministry had the right to examine the qualifications of the jointly enshrined members.

On July 18, 1944, Yasukuni Shrine revised the qualifications and defined the following situations eligible for joint enshrinement: (1) Anyone who died in war or died of war wounds. (2) Anyone who died of epidemic diseases or non-human factors in battlefields or places of incidents. (3) Anyone who died of wounds or diseases while on duty during a battle or an incident. (4) Anyone who committed suicide for the country and was identified as an eligible member for joint enshrinement.[]?The lists of the war dead submitted by the forces had to be examined by the joint enshrinement office of the Yasukuni Shrine, which consisted of 30 high-ranking army officers. In addition, the senior adjutant appointed a chief commissioner, an adjutant, a ceremonial director, an auxiliary officer, a bounty officer, a military officer and a medical officer as members of the Qualification Review Board which scrutinized the death causes, death processes and eligibilities of the jointly enshrined members in accordance with the internal regulations of Yasukuni Shrine. The outcome was submitted to the Mikado for approval.

Yasukuni Shrine honors the war dead who sacrificed their lives for the Mikado-ruled country. From the distinctive “l(fā)oyal souls” to the homogenized, abstract “Yasukuni deities”, from Tokyo Shrine to Yasukuni Shrine, the shrine not only changed its name, but also changed its essence radically. Superficially, the shrine honors the martyrs of the Meiji Restoration and the war dead of the civil wars and foreign wars waged in the name of the Mikado. Actually, the enshrined deities were selected at the will of the Mikado. Joint enshrinement in Yasukuni Shrine represents the Mikado’s praise for the war dead. As long as the soldiers sacrificed their lives for the Mikado government, they could be enshrined in Yasukuni shrine, regardless of their status. Therefore, Joint enshrinement became the shared aspiration of the soldiers of the Imperial Japanese Army and Navy and their family members. As described below, the joint enshrinement of the soldiers who attacked China during the January 28 Incident was a complicated and twisted process which reflects the wartime function of Yasukuni Shrine.

II. Enshrinement of Kuga Noboru

During the January 28 Incident in 1932, 77, 000 soldiers from the 3rd?Fleet, the 24th?Independent Mixed Brigade and the 9th, 11th, 14th?Divisions invaded China. A total of 3,091 war dead were jointly worshipped in Yasukuni Shrine.[]?Kuga Noboru, major of the Imperial Army, was one of them. Neither killed in battle nor died of disease, this man was forced to commit suicide on the fifth seventh memorial day of the war dead who belonged to his troop.

1.?The Death of Kuga Noboru

Kuga Noboru came from Saga Prefecture. In December 1910, he was appointed as second lieutenant of the Japanese Army, belonging to the 69th?Infantry Regiment. Later he was promoted to squadron leader of the 7th?Detachment which belonged to the 35th?Infantry Regiment. In March 1928, he was promoted to major of the Imperial Army. In August 1930, he was promoted to commander of the 2nd Unit of the 7th Infantry Regiment under the jurisdiction of the 9th?Division. After?the Japanese invaders launched the January 28 Incident in 1932, Kuga Noboru was dispatched to Shanghai as commander of the 9th?Division to join the attack on Jiangwan Town on February 20. On the evening of February 22, he went unconscious after being wounded in the chest by gunshots and grenades. At the daybreak of February 23, he was captured by a KMT troop and sent to Nanjing Prison.[]

In 1965，Wang Yunfan interviewed Gan?Hailan, witness of Kuga Noboru’s life in prison, and wrote an article named The Inside Story of Kuga Noboru’s Death?based on what he saw and heard.[]?According to the article, after China and Japan signed the armistice agreement on May 5, Kuga Noboru was repatriated to Japan as an exchange prisoner of war. When he returned, he was interrogated in Kudan Kaikan (Tokyo Military Hall). The interrogator questioned: “Kuga Koboru, you have stained the honor of the Imperial Army. According to the samurai spirit, what are you going to do?”?Having no other choice, Kuga Koboru bowed to the palace from afar, saluted the interrogators, took off his military uniform and committed seppuku in public.[]?However, with reference to the Japanese archives, there are still a few questionable points in Wang Yunfan’s description. (1) Time of death. In Wang’s article, Kuga Noboru died on May 5, 1932 when Shanghai Armistice Agreement (also named Songhu Armistice Agreement) was signed. But?in?the government-run newspaper, Kuga Noboru died on March 28, 1932.[]?(2) Repatriation process. In Wang’s?article, Kuga Noboru was released back to Japan on March 16[]?as an exchange prisoner of war when China and Japan agreed to cease fire. But historical records show that Kuga Noboru was sent to the camp hospital in Shanghai by Ohashi Kumao, who served at the Headquarters of the General Staff in Nanjing, by taking an ocean liner named O-Sada-Maru. Nishio Jinroku, junior?captain of the 19th Infantry Regiment, was also repatriated.[]?(3) Place of interrogation. In Wang’s article, Kuga Noboru was interrogated in Tokyo Military Hall. But historical records show that he was interrogated in the martial law court of the headquarters of Shanghai Expeditionary Army and was acquitted at last. (4) Pre-death situation. In Wang’s article, Kuga Koboru committed seppuku in the court.[]?But according to historical records, Kuga Koboru committed suicide on the fifth seventh memorial day of his dead comrades-in-arms after he mourned for them on the battlefield. (5)?Manner of death. In Wang’s article, Kuga Noboru died by cutting his stomach open. But historical records show that he shot himself with a pistol.[]

Aside from the uncertainties in Gan Hailan’s oral account, one thing is clear: Kuga Noboru was forced to commit suicide. In fact, the Japanese military felt very embarrassed after Kuga Noboru returned alive. “The headquarters of the division left behind told me ‘Kuga Noboru sent a letter to his hometown when he was imprisoned in Nanjing,’”?wrote Okabe Naozaburo, staff officer of the Shanghai-camped Japanese Expeditionary Force, in his diary, “It?was a tough task. He acted bravely, but was indecently captured out of majeure force. And it would remain difficult in the future.[]”?Kuga Noboru was captured “due to force majeure”. There were no relevant penalty clauses in?the criminal law of the Japanese army. Since the Russo-Japanese War, no other high-ranking officers have survived the captures. Moreover, as China and Japan didn't declare war formally, this war of aggression against China, according to Japan's logic, was not a war in its essence. Therefore, when Kuga Noboru was repatriated to Japan, the Japanese Corps secretly detained him in a room of the headquarters, waiting for the judgement of the council of military court until he was acquitted. Kenkichi Ueda, commander of the 9th Division, intended to send Kuga Noboru to Manchuria and give him an official post for the rest of his life.[]?Soberly aware of his predicament, Kuga Noboru petitioned to Tani Saneo, chief?of staff, on March 21 for going to the front line, claiming that “it would be a supreme honor to die in battle.”[]?However, the following three events indicated that Kuga Noboru had no other choice, but to die immediately.

The first was the “attempted suicide”?committed by senior captain Oyama Toyokazu, leader?of?the?7th Detachment, 7th Infantry Regiment. On February 20, more than 200 soldiers led by Kuga Noboru were besieged by Chinese troops and cut off from help. The next evening, the isolated Japanese soldiers ran out of ammunition and food supplies, huddling in trenches. At that time, rumor had it that Kuga Noboru died in battle, so Oyama took his place to command the battle. At about 10 p.m. on February 22, Oyama asked the whole army to withdraw and claimed he would be in full charge.?Owing to his withdrawal, the entire army missed the golden opportunity. According to the Infantry Drill Manual, Japanese soldiers were obliged to stay on the battlefield. Unwarranted retreat was a breach of military discipline. On March 21st, Oyama committed seppuku. As revealed in his suicide note, “I did nothing to save my esteemed leader, which led to his death.”[]?In fact, Kuga Noboru remained alive.

The second was the indifferent attitude of Kuga Noboru’s fellows from the 22nd class of the Imperial Japanese Army Academy[]. Mutaguchi Renya, personnel officer in charge of general affairs serving in the 7th Division, was also Kuga Noboru’s classmate. Mutaguchi not only opposed Kuga’s request of entering the war again, but also sent a telegram “Make your own decision, quickly and bravely!”?with other fellows. At that time, insiders from the Army Ministry held that “as a Japanese soldier, he must, in any case, compensate for his humiliating capture.”[]?Though Kuga Noboru came back alive, he felt it was better to die than to live. Kuga once told Masanobu Tsuji, squadron?leader of the 1st Unit of the 7th Infantry Regiment: “Even my fellows urged me to make a quick self-decision. Maybe in their eyes, I’m afraid of death. But before the army check out details of the battle and my feats, I can't die no matter how painful it is. Now I’m suffering more than death. No one understands me. Rather, I’m pretty much scolded.”[]

The third was the public opinion. Although the army authorities blocked the news of Kuga Noboru’s survival, the left-behind?7th Infantry Regiment spread the news all across Kanazawa. Passers-by disdained Kuga’s family as “family of a captive” and often threw stones at his house. His pregnant wife was also scolded. So all his family members had to make a detour. Kuga’s father Masataka, once a samurai, felt deeply ashamed of his son’s capture. He even tried to cut his belly?with a?treasured?sword handed down from his family,?and told Kuga in the letter: “Cut your stomach. Don't stain the reputation of a samurai. Shoulder all the responsibilities and come back as ashes.”[]?Consequently, Kuga Noboru had no other choice but to die.

As the fifth seventh memorial day of the war dead under his command was approaching, Kuga Noboru shot himself in front of their tombs. In view of this, the general public used to criticize Kuga Noboru for he didn’t commit seppuku as other samurais did. “He’s a coward, not a samurai.”[]?On the contrary, the Army Ministry found it worthwhile to worship Kuga Noboru in Yasukuni Shrine.

2.?The Road to Joint Enshrinement

On March 29, 1932, the day after Kuga Noboru’s suicide, the headquarters of the Shanghai Expeditionary Army submitted a report to general affairs section of the Cabinet Secretariat, revealing the truth behind Kuga’s death. According to the report, Kuga Noboru wanted to commit suicide after being captured. But there was no such a chance under close surveillance. Originally, Kuga wanted to commit seppuku, but the saber tip was snapped during the war and the bent blade was unable to unsheathe. Finally, he had to shoot himself dead.[]?On the afternoon of March 30, the funeral of Kuga Noboru was held at Nishi Honganji Temple in Zhaman Road, Shanghai International Settlement. Yoshinori Shirakawa (commander of the Shanghai Expeditionary Army), Kenkichi Ueda (regimental commander of the 9th Division) and Nomura Kichisaburo (commander of the 3rd Fleet) attended the funeral. A great many wreaths were laid in front of the altar.[]

Kuga Noboru died just at the right time. After his death, the Army Ministry started to publicize and beautify Kuga Noboru, claiming that to die amid hails of bullets is an easy choice, but a cultivated samurai dies on duty unflinchingly.[]?Among Kuga’s remains, there were more than ten letters written to superiors, prefects and family members, reflecting Kuga’s bravery to affront death. On March 27, the day before Kuga committed suicide, he “excellently” completed such tasks as war logs, detailed war reports, merit investigation and condolence letters to families of the war dead. In his last words to chief of staff Toshimichi Uemura that night,?Kuga said “My wife is about to have a baby by the end of March. Please find a chance to tell her. I'm keenly aware that as a samurai, I should commit seppuku. But I can't unsheathe my sword which was bent after killing enemies. So, I have to shoot myself dead.”[]?In his last letter home, he wrote “I always obey my parents and abide by Bushido.” “I have never lived in vain. But unfortunately, I have to die today.”[]?According to historical data, this letter was written on March 10, Memorial Day of the Japanese Army, during Kuga’s imprisonment.[]?This shows that the Japanese Army even took graft-like measures to publicize Kuga Noboru.

On March 31, Tsutomu Tanaka, a major who served in the Bureau of Army Personnel,?asked the general affairs section of the Cabinet Secretariat to treat Kuga Noboru like other war dead and promote him to lieutenant colonel.[]?At that time, General Sadao Araki’s praise of Kuga was published in a newspaper article. Sadao hailed Kuga as “getting the true essence of a samurai.”[]?On April 2, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs submitted the proposal for Kuga’s promotion to the Cabinet Council. Ykomizo Mitsuteru?(head of general affairs) went to the mansion of Takahashi Korekiyo (head of the Finance Ministry) to had a face-to-face talk about Kuga Noboru. On April 4, Ykomizo Mitsuteru and Kawajima Takahiko went?to the Army Ministry and surveyed Matsuura Shigejirou, head of the Personnel Bureau, for the truth about Kuga’s imprisonment. For several times, Tanaka visited the General Affairs Division and the premier’s mansion, negotiating with Morikaku, secretary of the cabinet. In the evening, Tanaka dressed in plain clothes and lobbied in Yokomizo’s mansion. Ryotaro Nakai, head of the Bounty Bureau, also visited Morikaku, asking him to treat Kuga Noboru as a war dead. In mid-April, Mutaguchi Renya, staff officer of the Army Ministry, asked Morikaku for another negotiation. On April 19, Morikaku’s work—Opinions on the Promotion of Kuga Noboru—was?finished, printed and issued to various departments. The position paper held that Kuga’s suicide was commendable for it washed away his captive shame and reflected the samurai spirit. However, his promotion was unprecedented and ran counter to the law.[]?So, it could not be approved.[]

Despite the cabinet’s disapproval, the Army Ministry and public media continued to praise and publicize Kuga Noboru. Laudatory remarks filled newspapers. The story of Kuga Noboru was staged, filmed, touted as “the spirit of Yamato”, and spread all across the country. On March 10, Kuga Sh?sa?was premiered in Shinkyo Cinema. On April 8, Yamato-damashii Kuga Sh?sa filmed by Kawai Film Studio was released to the public. From April 19 to 28, the condolation group of Asahi Shimbun visited Kuga Noboru’s tomb in Jiangwan Town, Shanghai, claiming that “Kuga’s tragedy will shine in Japan’s history and ignite the passion of the Japanese nation.”[]

When Araki, commanding officer of the Japanese Army, negotiated once again in early May, Morikaku asked him to read the position paper. On May 14, Araki replied that he could understand the contents, but he thought there were lack of negotiations between Ykomizo, the premier, the army officer and Dajōkan. As Japan underwent regime change after Inukai Naikaku’s collapse on May 15, Saito Makoto, a retired naval officer, re-organized the cabinet. The negotiation attitude and enthusiasm of the Army Ministry began to wane. On May 28, the Army Ministry published a “revised” announcement concerning Kuga Noboru on the official newspaper, deleting Kuga-related information in the non-war dead list. The content reads as follows, “In yesterday’s column, Kuga-related contents in the third paragraph of the non-war dead list on page 711 were wrongly reported and should be deleted.”[]

On June 24, Tanaka Ryukichi, major of the Shanghai Expeditionary Army,?visited the cabinet secretary and pushed for Kuga Noboru’s promotion.?According to Ykomizo’s reply, the Minister of State turned a blind eye to the affair officer’s advice. Though he asked for negotiation based on his auxiliary duties, it was still a hard judgement. On July 7, at a dinner party hosted by privy counsellor Shintaro Kanwa, Ykomizo told the commanding officer that the affair officer refused to make a judgement. Kuga Noboru’s promotion was hopeless, let alone being jointly enshrined in Yasukuni Shrine.

A favorable turn occurred. On March 19, 1934, Yasukuni Shrine made a special list of the jointly enshrined war dead. Kuga Noboru was not included at first. But according to the special decree that “those in office for more than a decade could be granted a promotion”, the Feat Investigation Committee held that Kuga could be “promoted” according to the “special decree” for he had been in service for 21 years.[]?On March 26, Araki submitted an application to Saiton, prime?minister of Japan, for a “specially decreed promotion” attached with reasons for delayed application. He claimed that despite relevant provisions[], the specially decreed promotion failed to be given within 10 days because of poor wartime liaison and the extra time required to define the death category. On March 28, Kuga Noboru’s death anniversary, the Cabinet of Japan announced the decision to promote Kuga Noboru. As a result, Kuga was promoted from second lieutenant to lieutenant colonel.[]?In April 1934, when a temporary memorial ceremony was held at Yasukuni Shrine, Kuga Noboru was jointly enshrined.

At that point, thanks to the Army’s operation, Kuga Noboru, who was forced to commit suicide, underwent a status transformation. He was no longer an accused captive, but a “kami” worshipped in Yasukuni Shrine. At the same time, Kuga Noboru, once portrayed by the Army as a felo-de-se who died for upholding the dignity of the Japanese Army, was venerated and commemorated by the Japanese public.

In retrospect, Kuga’s death actually resulted from the coercion of his battle companions and nationwide expectation, which was unimaginable in peacetime. But in wartime Japan, it was taken for granted. Such contempt for individual life, in essence, was rooted in the need to deify the war dead. In other words, Yasukuni Shrine could function as an “alchemy of the emotion” because the concept of “sacred war” permeated every corner of Japan. The role of the Japanese military was vividly illustrated in its propaganda of Kuga Noboru’s death and Kuga Noboru’s joint enshrinement.

In fact, many other war dead like Kuga Noboru caught spotlight under the operations of the Army and the media. For example, the famous “Nikudan Sanyushi” also died in the Chinese battlefield of the January 28 Incident and were later immortalized in Yasukuni Shrine. To break through the wire meshes of the Chinese army, three Japanese soldiers were ordered to rush onto the Chinese battlefield by carrying explosive torpedoes to blaze trails for other comrades. The three soldiers were revered as “Three Heroic Warriors” or “Three Human Bombs”. Their heroic deeds were reported by media[]?and quickly spread nationwide, marking a turning point for the nation to “hone the Japanese spirit and invigorate national ideology”[]. As indicated in existing documents and studies, however, the three “warriors” did not die of their own will.[]?Anyway, facts don’t matter. The military, media and Japanese people all believed they died voluntarily out of sacred reverence for war.

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III. Truth behind Yasukuni Shrine and Japanese Military Funeral Rituals

In wartime, the Japanese government and newspapers held the power of speech in society. The whole nation, as well as war-related propaganda, fell into a “thoughtless state”. The government’s propaganda of the stable life in rear areas was driven not only by Emperor Meiji’s prestige, but also by the blessings of the enshrined “kamas” who sacrificed their lives for the Meiji government. That’s why the loyal souls of the kamas should be revered and commemorated. To commemorate the loyal souls, chureito pagodas were built in both Chinese battlefields and Japan. The chureito pagodas in major Chinese battlefields became a tool to promote “mainland policy and eternal peace in Japan”. In Japanese cities, towns and villages, chureito pagodas were also built for local war dead. Allegedly, these pagodas were not built for the villages, but for the battlefields. Through publicity and immortalization, the war dead enshrined in the chureito pagodas were revered by the whole nation, arousing the nation’s ancestral worship and national spirit. As a result, the entire nation was steeped in wartime culture.

During the war, the Japanese military funeral rituals served as a spiritual bond between individuals and the country, subjects and the ruler. The Japanese nation’s emphasis on death, contempt for life and loyalty to the country was closely linked via shrines and memorial towers. Funeral rituals became an essential part of traditional Japanese culture. In any types of society, birth and death are considered major events in life. In the primitive belief of the Japanese nation, both were related to gods. In the special historical period since modern times, the Japanese government have used such a natural belief to establish a top-down, official-to-people national system, transforming death into an obligation to the Mikado and the country, thus creating a spiritual base for the so-called individual sacrifice. The military burial ceremony was a perfect combination of Bushido spirit and militarism. The flesh-and-spirit enshrinement was a proof of loyalty to the Mikado and the country. This unique view of life and death wreaked havoc to the Japanese people and other people affected by Japanese invasion.

To build Japan into a democratized country, GHQ, during its occupation of Japan, banned the Japanese government from forcing its citizens to participate in commemorative activities. It also called for demolition of monuments, chureito pagodas and soul-calling steles in schools or public areas. Advocacy of the superiority of the Mikado and the Japanese nation was prohibited. Propaganda of militarism and extreme nationalism was also forbidden. Thus, the pre-war funeral ritual system of the war dead was collapsed. In addition, according to GHQ’s separation of religion from politics, religious corporatization of Yasukuni Shrine, Article 20 and Article 89[]?of Japan’s Constitution on liberty of faith and separation of religion from politics, the National Diet failed to pass the state-backed movement and Yasukuni Shrine Bill. The prime minister’s official visits to Yasukuni shrine and the publicly funded tamagushi fee (ceremony fee) were both deemed as violations of the constitution. ?

In April 1952, after the Peace Treaty with Japan took effect, Japan restored its independent state system. The Ministry of Health and Welfare searched overseas for remains of the war dead during World War II, built soul-consoling towers and held memorial rituals. Families of the war dead established Japan War-Bereaved Association and Loyal Soul Association to restore the pre-war assistance system and pension system. The Japanese government and the Autonomy, under the pretext of assisting the war-bereaved families, restored the nation’s joint enshrinement of the war dead in Yasukuni Shrine. Due to opposition from the Socialist Party, the joint enshrinement came to an end in November 1985, but the enshrinement list had to be reviewed by the Mikado. Although the memorial day of Yasukuni Shrine was changed to August 15, the day when Japan surrendered, the standards for joint enshrinement remained consistent. Those who were hired by the country, who died for the Mikado government, even war criminals of World War II were stuffed into Yasukuni Shrine.

Today, prewar-like memorial groups and organizations still exist in Japan, such as the Military Reward Alliance, the Wounded Soldiers’ Association, the War-Bereaved Association, Fellow-Comrades Association, Comrade Associations and Fellow Villager Associations based on military units, etc. Through memorial events, these right-wing forces have strengthened coalitions between old soldiers and self-defense troops. Through alliance with politics and the ruling party, the rightists incite public organizations and Japanese politicians to visit Yasukuni Shrine and deny their atrocities to China in an attempt to rectify the reputations of WWII criminals and restore pre-war orders. On December 10, 2017, Kumamoto Fellow Villager Association, Kumamoto Fellow-Comrades Association and Kumamoto Military Officers’ Club consisting?of former self-defense guards held an assembly in the memorial hall of Kumamoto Gokoku Shrine to restore the reputation of the 6th Division, hailing the Hisao Tani-led 6th Division which fought in the Battle of Nanking as a “l(fā)ocal honor”.[]?Participants in the Battle of Nanking, testimonies of the Japanese residents in Nanjing and military postal services at that time were introduced at the assembly. Nakagaki Hideo, former professor at National Defense Academy of Japan, delivered a speech titled “A Thorough Inspection of the Nanjing Massacre”.?Kumamoto Gokoku Shrine and its memorial hall are places where the spirits of militarists were called back in wartime Japan. From the assembly venue, it can be seen that the Japanese right-wing forces intended to reverse the historical trend by commemorating war criminals like Hisao Tani in a bid to erase the evils of Nanjing Massacre war criminals and whitewash the Japanese militarists.

In pre-war Japan, Yasukuni Shrine commemorated so-called “l(fā)oyal souls” who sacrificed their lives for the Mikado and the country. In the post-war period, those who were “martyred for the country”, “contributed to peace” or “fulfilled the supreme duty of humankind” were added to the shrine. On this account, the rightists tried in vain to distort the fact of Japan’s military aggression. In 1994, Koya Town in Wakayama Prefecture denied the justice of the Tokyo Trial, described the war criminals as “dying for the trial” and built a monument to restore their reputations. 1,180 class-A, B and C war criminals interrogated had their names inscribed on the monument. Each April, religious rites were held in Okunoin Temple to sing praise for the war criminals. Shinzo Abe-led Japanese politicians either attended rituals, or made sacrifices, or wrote condolence letters.[]?Both the fame-restoration assembly of the 6th Division and Abe’s commemoration for the war dead were held in the name of “peace”, but their targets and ways of commemoration were continuations of the pre-war military funeral ritual system, and their conflicting behaviors reflected their paradoxical attitude towards historical issues and national interests.

IV. Conclusion

From the establishment of Yasukuni Shrine and its regulations on joint enshrinement, we can see that Yasukuni Shrine commemorates Japanese soldiers who died for the Mikado and the country. Thanks to the Mikado’s visits, the enshrined soldiers were elevated as “deities”. As individuals, each soldier has the instinct for self-preservation. But in wartime Japan, the military, soldiers and citizens were fanatically “creating” Yasukuni “gods”. Even Kuga Noboru who committed suicide under the pressure of public opinions was “sent” to Yasukuni Shrine.

Unlike other war dead, Kuga Noboru was killed not on the battlefield, but under his gun. This, to some extent, became a hindrance to his enshrinement, but provided a new perspective for observations and analyses of Yasukuni Shrine and Japan's war mobilization and responsibilities. The “alchemy of the emotion” of Yasukuni Shrine was targeted at two groups: war-bereaved families and ordinary citizens. For the Japanese soldiers at war, survival was their ultimate wish. To mobilize every soldier, the Japanese government deified the war and promoted the idea of “death before imprisonment”. For the Japanese army, Kuga Noboru’s survival after imprisonment was no good news. It seemed that Kuga Noboru was forced to commit suicide. In fact, his death was the shared expectation of ordinary citizens (including his parents and wife). From this perspective, Kuga Noboru was killed by the general public.

As the war ended, the military funeral rituals and the propaganda function of Yasukuni Shrine in wartime became things of the past. However, the Japanese right-wing forces went against the historical trend, trying to whitewash militarists. Even today, Yasukuni Shrine remains a “stumbling block” hindering the peaceful exchange between China and Japan. The Japanese government and rightists must face up to history and avoid repeated evils. Only in this way can they provide a peaceful political environment for China-Japan diplomacy and East Asia.

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