?

Weddell's account of the above incident (O.C. 1662).

?

? Noe man Cominge neere unto us to tell us what was become of our merchants and money, soe that wee resolved to gett them by force or to loose all our lives, and fitted our longe boats with a Drake in each boates head and our skiffes and bardge all well manned, and at 5 in the morninge the 19th September, wee sett upon 16 saile of the Kinges man of warr and fought with them howre, in which tyme wee burned 5 of them (3 of them were fire Junkes) ; the rest made their escape. The same day our boates tooke the towne of Famon which they pillad[g]ed and burnte, and by the [blank] was fired another Junke, and returned aboarde without anie damadge on our side.

?

? The 20th [September 1637]. Wee sent ashoare to know of the Country people whither they could tell us any Newes of our Merchantts. They told us that 2 Mandareenes were gon For them and would bee here againe within 2 Daies.

?

? A lettre received from our Merchantts advising of their restraint etts.

?

? The 21th [September 1637]. Wee receaved a lettre From Mr Nathaniell and Mr John Mountney, wherein they advised they were kept in straightt and feared Dayly to have their persons seized, having Not heard from Mr Robbinson, Nor of the treasure last sentt uppe. Neither of whatt themselves had broughtt uppe.

?

? Their Councell how to remedy itt : held Difficult and therefore not Followed.

?

? Therefore their opinion was thatt the best course For their better usage would bee to come quietly with our shippes Farther uppe into the River withoutte giving cause of complaint, rather Fearing [frightening] then hurting them*. This councell was held Diffcultt and Daungerous to bee Followed, soe kept our former resolution.

?

注：Weddell says (O.C. 1662) that complaints had been carried to Canton by the fugitives from Fumaon and the neighbourhood, and that " at last license was given to our merchants to write to us, whoe desired us to forbeare to use anie more acts of hostility and all would be well. Divers boats and Junkes would Come and sell us sugar at easie rates ; by [? but] they came by stealth."

?

? Wee prosecute our First purpose : A skirmish with the Chinois, 5 or 6 of them slaine.

?

? Thereuppon they manned 6 or 7 of our boates, went ashoare to the village Fumaone, skirmished with the people and off them killed 5 or 6 ; the rest, beeing a greatt Number, ran away, having firste conveyed their goodes elcewhere. Nor would the houses take fire, beeing off bricke and stone, covered with tiles. From thence they went to the [Anung-hoi] Fort. Finding Neither men nor Munition therein, they threw Downe the gates and came aboard. There was in all this on our side only one Scot[c]hman hurt.

?

? A greatt Juncke Fired and 8 prisoners taken. Another great Juncke pursued butt got away.

?

? The 22th September [1637]. Our boates were sent to the Creekes etts. passages Near Tayffoo or Cloven Hand. There they burned one great Juncke, saving outt of her 8 persons whome they broughtt aboard ; the rest gotte away. They then allsoe pursued another greatt Juncke, came very Neare, shott at her, thoughtt to have boarded her, butt were in such Manner kept offe by their continuall heavinge offe greatt stones, billetts, barres off Iron, etts., thatt shee gotte away. Then allsoe they fired a forsaken towne. In all this no greatt Daunger, there beeing butt little resistance and No pillage off any purposed*.

?

注：From the Continuation of the China Voyage (Marine Records, Vol. LXIII.) Ave learn that the first junk burned was one " of the Kings, of 12 peeces of Ordnance."

?

? The [Anunghoi] Fort blowne upp with gunpowder.

?

? The said Day the Commaunders went on shoare, undermined the Fort and with 3 barrelles of gunpowder blew uppe much off the wall, Crackt, shooke and Defaced all the rest, especially inwards.

?

? Lettres from the Mandareens to stay yett 10 Daies.

?

? The 24th [September 1637]. There came a lettre from the Mandareenes, wherin they Desired us to stay yett 10 Daies, and then wee should have our requiry. This wee conceaved to bee Falce and only Devised to gaine More tyme to putt theire intentts in practice.

?

? A Juncke pursued, defends her selffe and putts our boates offe. One of our Men slayne by the Chinois.

?

? The 25tt [September 1637]. Wee sent to take a great Juncke thatt passed somwhatt Near us, butt shee Defended herselffe and endaungered both our Men and boates by Flinguing greatt heavy broad-headed Iron Darts among them, Made rather to spoile smalle boates then Men, lying under their high and smooth built sides, and therefore (as I have said) these kind are with much Difficulty to bee boarded. There beeing butt our barge and the Sunnes skiffe. The Anne was sent to assist them, butt shee could not come Near them. Soe att length the boates. For want off gunpowder, came off, and alltogether returned. One of the Sunnes Men was by them shotte within [with] an Arcabuza-Croc [harquebus a croc] that hee shortly after Died off itt*.

? This evening wee tooke a poore boate. They were Chincheos, and note long since taken by their owne Nation, who tooke From them their owne vessell and putt them into thatt. Shee and hers were released againe.

?

注：This was Christopher Barker, quartermaster. His name is given in the Continuation of the China Voyage.

?

? Black Antonio his opinion.

?

? Blacke Anthonio, an eathiopian thatt had gon formerly interpreter beetweene usS was now contented to stay with us. Hee told us That hee thoughtt Thatt the Mandareenes Demaunding off us yett More lo Daies respitt was to no other end then to Detyne [sic] us untill the arrivall off a Fleet of Chincheos, who as hee heard were Dayly expected ; a Darcke Moone now allsoe att hand, the only tyme to putt in execution their Fire stratagems, wee lying somewhatt DaungeroOur falling lower.us For those occasiones.

?

? Our falling lower.

?

? The 26th September 1637. To prevent or avoid the aforesaid Daunger, with others thatt mightt bee intended against us. Wee fell Downe Farther and Anchored by Nanteea or Lanteea [Lintin Island], formerly Mentioned*.

?

注：Weddell (O.C. 1662) gives additional reasons for returning to Macao. " The tyme of the yeare and winter Corainge on, wee resolved to goe for Macao and protest against the Governor and Councell for all such damadges as had befalne us, to soe birth our selves that they Could not conae from Japan but they must of necessitie Come through us."

?

? A protest sentt against the Generall and Councell offe Macao.

?

? The 27th of September [1637]. Wee came within 4 leagues of Macao and there anchored. From thence the barge 1 was sent with a protest against the Generall and Councell off thatt Citty, S[he]weing them therin the reason off our Comming in to these parts, As allsoe demaimding att their hands our Merchantts, Monies and Meanes deteined att Cantan, with the losse of our voyage, and thatt they had given Just occasion of a breach off peace beetweene our 2 Kings. Thus much wee laid to their Charge, as allsoe the last fire Juncks, Requiring restitution and satisfaction For all losses, Dammages, etts., which wee have allready susteyned or may hereafter accrew on these occasiones, they beeing the Cause offe alle, beesides the contempt off our Kings Majesties Freindly letter unto them. Soe having Delivered this protest, wee retourned aboard 2 .

?

注：

1：From the Continuation of the China Voyage we learn that the pinnace Anne accompanied the Dragon's barge which carried the protest.

2：The Continuation of the China Voyage adds that " The same Eveninge a boate from the towne Came abourd with a message to the Coraaunders of the Fleete, teUing them that on the morrow they should have answeare."

?

? Copy of the Second Letter sent by the English1 27th September 1637 (O.S.) （Lisbon Transcripts, I.O. Records, Vol. IV).

?

? The following is a reply to the Protest dated in Macau the 7th of September 1637, Roman Style and received in Jaypo 2? on the 6th of the month Old Style.

? Know your Worships that in past times there existed much discord between the Portuguese and English nations in the dominions of India, which was of profit to neither party, but rather your Worships suffered from an evil of which you were the cause, as it was not enough that you should close and forbid us your ports, but you also exerted every means to prevent us from holding commerce with other kingdoms. At last peace was sought for by you for two or three years, the procurers being Padres and persons of your own nation 3 , and was concluded in the city of Goa in December 1634, by the Conde de Linhares your Viceroy and the President of the Enghsh nation ?? being celebrated with very great rejoicing, pleasure and contentment, the articles being confirmed by both parties, by which was conceded to us the free entry and trade of your ports.

? Your Worships asked for a quantity of stores, munition, etc., from our land, required by the galleons or fleet, which were granted, but not before special license had been obtained from our King, these being forbidden stores ; upon the delivery of which you had promised us their value in cinnamon or pepper, the which we expected.But time went on, delays being asked of a fortnight, on another occasion of ten days, on others more or less days, until three months went by and nothing was done, we being at last compelled to seek these stores in other places, leaving that place [Goa] and putting in at divers of your ports, where we were received with much consideration. But finally reaching Macau, where we expected greater favour, we received greater discourtesy (although we were bearers of a special letter from our King to the Captain-General), it being forbidden us to enter your City, excepting at first, this being due more to our own daring than to any desire on your part. Moreover, special guards were placed at the harbour to prevent anything being brought to us, with the exception of a few scanty provisions.

? During the whole of our stay, both by letters and by speech in conference with persons of standing in the city, you held out to us the hope of open trade after the departure of the fleet of Japan, which we permitted to depart in peace. And when your Worships learnt that it was in safety, you sent a messenger to us to ask what further we required, as we had already received the reply and there was nothing further to wait for. We therefore departed from thence [Macao] and came to the mouth of the River of Canton, where we were expected and received with much courtesy, and trade was already opened, as your officials were witness when they came to bring us the protest, and saw your agent, Pablo Norete, acting as Mandarin, which he was not, but an imposter and your leader and agent in all the treachery that occurred.

? A few days after his arrival five large fire ships came upon us, and we can bring sufficient and clear evidence that these were brought there by your Worships, at your expense, and captained and conducted by your ships up to the moment of starting the fire, and then were delivered over to the Chinese, whose vessels were ready and waiting to come up to the wrecks and ruins which would result. But God did not permit the plan to succeed, and the said ships returned a few days later to Macau.

? Further, touching the detention of the King's merchants with all their cargoes. Your Worships, by your agent Francisco Carvalho Aranha, promised the Chinese large sums of money and fresh duties to do this and deprive us of all hope of trading in this land, and to encourage the Chincheos [Fuhkienese] to provide themselves with arms and munitions to come upon and totally destroy us. This have we discovered by the voluntary confessions of different persons who came to us on various occasions, and other clear evidence, such as Portuguese cloth which fell into our hands, together with what our men saw and heard your men speak of when they were going about in these parts.

? All which, being as stated, we request your Worships to deliver up and return to us the said merchants who are detained in Canton on your account, with all their, cargoes, and also to give compensation for the loss sustained in this voyage, of which your Worships are the authors. And thus we will depart in peace. And if not, we present the following protest to your Worships, which, as we have no lawyers here, is not couched in the formal terms it should be. Nevertheless let it have all the force of a perfectly worded document.

? I, John Wed[d]ell, Commander of the English Fleet dispatched by his Majesty the King of Great Britain, and the other Captains thereof, ask and call on your Worships, as in justice and reason we may and should do, in the name of his Catholic Majesty of Spain, your Master and in the name of the King of Great Britain, our Master, whose vassals we are, that your Worships make restoration and return and deliver to us our aforesaid- merchants, and other servants detained in Canton, with all the treasure and merchandise they have with them, and further all the costs and damages which have resulted, and may in all probability result, in future from the loss of this voyage, knowing that all this has been the work of your Worships. And thus we may depart satisfied from here. But should our just and reasonable demands be refused, we declare that in presence of their Majesties the King of Spain and Great Britain we will demand from yon all the foregoing, and further declare that your Worships are authors of all the prejudice and evils which may spring from the contempt of the letter and favour of a King and the rupture of the peace of which your Worships are guilty.

? From on hoard the Flagship [the Dragon] on the 27th September 1637, Old Style.

?

?????????? John Widdell

?????????? Arthur Hatch

?????????? Jno. Carter

?????????? R. Leo Onley [Richard Swanley]

?????????? Peter Mendes [Mundy]

[Here follows an attestation of the correctness of " the protest presented to the English and their answer thereto " signed by Domingos Rodrigues de Figueiredo and Affonso Garces. The attestation which is in Portuguese, is dated 9th December 1637 N.S. =30th November O.S.]

?

注：

1：This document is in Spanish.

2：A copyist's error for Tayfo, Tai-fu, Tiger Island.

3：Notably, Father Pablo Reimao.

4：Methwold did not reach Goa until the 6th January 1635, and it was on the 8th that the wording of the agreement between the English and Portuguese was settled.

?

? Bartholomeo de Roberedo etts. sent to answear the protest by word of mouth : Our Freindly letter unto the Citty.

?

? The 29th ditto [September 1637]. Came a boate From Macao, and in her Bartholomeo de Roboredo, a Jesuitt thatt came with us From MallaccaS and a Spaniard, a Serjauntt Major 1 thatt came on the Sonne. These 2 came in the Name of the Citty to answear the protest sent unto them by word of Mouth 2 who Denied allmost every article of itt. Howsoever, necessity compelhng us, a lettre was sent to them Desiring in Freindly Manner that they would procure the releasementt of our Merchantts. This course must have bin taken, or elce wee must resolve to leave their hves and hberties, with the Companies estate to the Desposure and Mercy of Heathen. This broughtt us to thatt which otherwise would nott have bin condiscended [agreed] unto, [viz.] J. W. [John Weddell] ; A. J. 3 ; P. M. [Peter Mundy].

?

注：

1：Port. Sargenio mor, the major of a regiment. In Mundy's time the major of a British regiment was called a " serjeant-major."

2：That is, they came to answer verbally the written protest delivered on the 27th September, but they also brought a letter from Domingos da Camara (see infra).

3：A. J. seems to be a slip for A. H., i.e., Arthur Hatch, " the Minister," one of the signatories of the letter of the 27th September.

Copy of a Letter addressed by the Captain-General of Macau to the Commander of the EngHsh Fleet, 8th October 1637 [N.S.= 28th September O.S.],. （Lisbon Transcripts, I.O. Records, Vol.IV.).

?

? We received your Excellency's letter and the protest which accompanied it, both dated the 7th of October New Style ; and as all that your Worship states shows clearly that the information you have received against us is contrary to the truth, we have requested the Reverend Father Bartholomeo de Reboredo of the Society of Jesus, whom you brought from Malacca in your ships, and therefore your very good friend, to go and inform you in a friendly way of what really occurred, with which, if your Worship is satisfied, we shall much rejoice, and as friends we will overlook your complaints, and if not, we will reply to your protest in terms of justice and courtesy, such as we always employ in treating with your Worships, whose illustrious persons may God keep.

????????????????????????????????????????

?????????????????????????? Domingos Da Camara.

Macau, 8th October 1637.

?????? Agrees with the original.

??? ??????????????????????Domingos Rodrigues de Figueiredo.

?

[The reply of Courteen's merchants to the above Letter] （Lisbon Transcripts, I.O. Records, Vol. IV.).

?

????????????????????????????????????????? 29th September 1637.

Illustrious Sirs,

? We received your Excellencies' letter in which you refer yourself in all things to the information given by the Reverend Father Bartholomeo de Reboredo and the Serjeant-Major. We have heard both, and they argued well in behalf of your Excellencies. We confess that in the matter we wrote of we relied on information given us by Chinese and others, and we were distressed at the ill success of our voyage, as your Excellencies may perceive. But now we are satisfied with the information afforded us and have given our reply to the informants to remit to your Excellencies, to which we refer you.

? To come to what we now desire. There are two things, for which we will beg your Excellencies as our friends to forgive any fault on our side, if there should be any, for it is not intentional, but due to our ignorance of your Excellencies' customs, we being foreigners.

? Firstly, will your Excellencies do us the favour of treating with the Chinese and inducing them to give up to us our merchants who are in Canton, together with our silver and merchandise. I know that many difficulties will arise in this matter, but we shall be greatly indebted to your Excellencies, and will report it as being a very great favour to the most powerful King of Great Britain, our Lord ; and we will be responsible for all costs incurred in the matter.

? Secondly, since we are in this place [Macao], will your Excellencies let us have some of the merchandise you may have [in your hands] as compensation for the heavy costs of this voyage.

? If it pleases your Excellency, I will dispatch trustworthy persons to treat of these two matters, as nothing can be done by letters and messages at such a distance.

? I intended to enclose with this a letter that I received from the Mandarin of Canton \ in which he promises me my men in ten days, provided that I leave the River of Canton, which I have done ; but the person who goes to treat of these matters will carry it.

? We renew our offer of our persons and ships for the service of your Excellencies as your true friends. God keep your Excellencies many years.

?

From the Flagship [the Dragon], 2gth September 1637.

????????????? John Wed[d]ell

????????????? Harthur Natsh [Arthur Hatch]

????????????? Peter Mundez

? Agrees with the original

???????????? Domingos Rodrigues de Figueiredo.

?

? A Spanish galleon arrived From Manilla : a conference aboutt her.

?

? The Last of September [1637]. Came a greatt shippe a little before Day and anchored somwhatt Near us. Wee sent the barge to her and found shee was a Spanish Galleon come From Manilla hither For Metall, Munition, etts. For the Kings accompt. Shee had aboutt 500 Men and 24 peeces of brasse Ordnance. Heretofore they yearly and usually came From Mannilla hither and returned with silke, etts., which From thence was transported to Aquapulco in Nueva Hispannia.A Conference was had whither it were best to stay her or lette her goe, and it was concluded not to Meddle with her for sundry good reasons. Neither stayed shee long by us. For as soone as itt was lightt shee wayed, and as shee passed, shee saluted us with her Ordnance and wee her againe with ours. Our not intercepting her bredd greatt Murmuring in our whole Fleete amongst the Commonalty.

?

? Promises of trade att Macao at laste.

?

? The 2d of October 1637. Came the said Padre Roboredo, bringuing a lettre From the Generall of Macao, wherin all was remitted to the said Padre, who promised in the behalffe of the said Generall and Citty that they should use their best indeavours For the releasementt of our Merchantts at Cantan with all the Monies and goods there deteyned; Allsoe thatt there should Free licence bee graunted For the Merchantts of Macao to trade with us, and that wee might chuse a convenient place where our shippes Might ride in saffety.

?

? Copy of the contract which the City [of Macao] made with the Mandarins of Canton, respecting the Enghsh who were in the said port [undated, ? October 1637] （Lisbon Transcripts, I.O. Records, Vol. IV.).

?

? Touching the subjection * and to arrange for the Uberation of the Enghsh who, being ignorant of the laws of China, entered your lands, we were summoned by the Aitao's Chapa [Haitao's chhap, official order] to go to Canton and fetch the English, in number five men^ and bring them to Macau, from whence they may return to their lands, and not transgress in the future, as in their petitions they promise, which if transgressing, we who are residents in the lands of the King of China and have received from him many favours for well nigh a hundred years, and are natives of his land, undertake to exert all our power as soldiers of the King in his service.

?????????????????? Agrees with the original

????????????????????????? Domingos Rodrigues de Figueiredo.

?

注：The sense seems to require " detention " rather than " subjection."

?

? The 4th [October 1637]. In the Morning Mr Woolman* and my selffe, I say Captain Swanly, [Christopher Parr] the Purser of the Dragon and my selffe, were enordred to goe ashoare to conclude on the Articles* and to have all confirmed under the hands of the Captaine Generall and Councell off Macao. Butt beeing ready to set Forth, came a lettre From the Padre certifying that except our Admirall himselfe came in person they Desired none att all to come.

?

注：That is, to sign the agreement concluded with De Roboredo. A conference had been held by the Council at Macao on the ist October, when it was deemed expedient to grant the requests of the English, lest they should seize on the Japan fleet in retaliation for their losses.

?

? Hostages Demaunded For our Admiralls landing att Maccao.

?

? The 5h October [1637]. Wee were sentt unto Macao, where wee Delivered a lettre containing some reasons wherfore our Admirall could not come himselffe. However, if they would Deliver us 2 hostages, viz., the said Padre for one, and the other to bee one of the Councell off the Citty, that then hee would come, otherwise Desired to bee excused. The people in generall shewed themselves very straunge towards us, scarce any comming Near us. Yett was I in private told by one thatt there were Mandareenes come downe to treatt aboutt our businesse and thatt it was rumoured if wee would condiscend [agree] and promise Never to Molest them more in these partts, our Merchantts should bee Freed and goodes and Monies released. Soe having there awaited a good space For an answear wee were at length willed to goe away withoutt itt., whither it should be sent us.

?

? Signes of reconciliation withall and Hopes of our merchantts etts, restoration.

?

? Thatt afternoone, however, one of the Generalls pages came and overtooke us aboutt the pointy and broughtt us our answear from him. At that very tyme there passed along close by us certaine China Juncks armed, off whome wee were somwhatt in doubt. They contrariwise, when they saw us. Fell to piping and Drumming as they went, signes of some reconciliation to be made, and that (as wee were told) there were in them Mandareenes come Downe to Negotiate all.

? Merchantts at Cantan full of hopes to bee shortly restored, with Monies and Merchandize, or elce these country commodities in lieu therof, By reason the vice Roy off Cantan (or rather one of the Kings Secretaries) was' com thither to hear the Matter, Soe thatt now wee beegan to recover hopes thatt wee should ere long see them all safely againe, which untill now wee Made great Doubts whither wee should see them this voyage or Noe.

?[Mundy's explanation of Illustration No. 30.]

?

A：The habitt of those wee call Mandareenes (a portugall word) beeing officers of Commaund, having aboutt their middle a great girdle in which 2 such as himself may bee conteyned, made to stand outt, with the Kings armes embrodered before and behind them, somwhatt like the figure of a lyon . They were it not ordinarily, butt fitt themselves when occasion requires, For I have scene the same parties thatt att sometymes are as No. A. ; att other tymes I have scene them as No. D. and H.

? B：The same made sidewise thatt the forme of his Cappe may bee scene as allsoe the forepart of his body.

? C：A gentile yong Fellow with a curious netting caule' over his head, his haire comming through beehind, which is Made uppe in Knobbes after the ordinary Manner, having a bodkin and Comb sticking in it, a Fanne in his hand, with long garmentts ; Soe thatt I thincke Noe men in the world in their outtward habitt More resemble weomen then of these Doe.

? E：The ordinary and common sort of people, it is said thatt when they Marry they were Caules from their forehead to this Marke 1.

? F：The same with hattes of leaves and rattanes.

? G：Another sort.

? H：Another sort, of which I saw butt one, which was when wee went aboard the Junckes to the Mandareene of Lantao. Many with those kind off hattes stood on both sides ; some of them I had scene att other tymes in the habitt of Mandareenes as No. A., as allsoe of the letter D., these beeing Commaunders of thatt Fleete, and the said Mandareene, of Lantao over them all.

? I：A poore fellow with a short Cloke and Coate all in one. Made of Cajanes or Coconutt leaves to keepe them from the Raine, Most commonly boatemen.

? K：Many youthes and boies I have scene in this manner, butt no Men, part offe their haire hanguing loose aboutt their browes and head and the rest bound uppe.

? L：A Mandareene or officer sitting in his officiall robes att a table writing with a pensil as all in generall Doe.

? M：Is thatt which holds his Incke, the one side containing blacke, the other redde ; 2 little partitiones with water where hee Dippes his pensill and so tempers his Inckei

? N：An Invention of [sic] with 5 peakes or spires, wheron hee putts his pencills For nott Fowhng the Carpitt or table.

? O：The paper, beegining their writing at the left hand and their lines from the toppe downe toward the bottome.

? P：His Fanne : seeldome any Men of quallity withoiitt them.

? Q：A quitasoll [umbrella] held over him, if hee bee in the sonne : Scarce any withoutt them as they passe to and Fro.

? R：A large board with a long handle with a paper pasted over it, wheron, I conceave, is written his Commission, and is allwais with him and carried before him as hee goes

? S：As I remember, when our prisoners came before Nurette, they all fell Downe on their knees and strooke their foreheads against the ground 3 tymes 2.

? T：Inferiour people kneeling before officers, itt beeing usuall ; and for thatt purpose I have scene some with little Cusheons tyed to their Knees.

? V：A Table covered with Damaske, Fastned at the Corners with buttones and loopes ; this is ordinary silke, beeing heere soe Cheape.

?

? Our Choppe [chhap] or Patent From Cantan Falsely interpreted by Nurette.

?

? Allsoe when the said Nurette came From Cantan with our Merchantts, then broughtt hee us downe a Patentt pasted on a board as lettre R., which hee Construed unto us cleane contrary and Most Fake (as afterward appeared), Interpreting all on our sides, As that wee should have Free trade For 4 shippes yearly, with a convenientt place to inhabitt and to secure our shippes, Itt beeing all contrary as aforesaid (As itt was expounded by a Jesuitt skillfull in the tongue) ; butt wee will not beleive him 1. Moreover, by the Merchantt of the Junck taken and Antonio the Caffer, their Interpretation agreeing with the Jesuitts in most things, these wanting language to express their Meaning, the effect of the Contents was Thatt how wee Durst with our shippes come uppe soe Farre—willing us to beegon, elce they would use all the Force they could to expell us, and thatt they would not leave us one Ragge of saile, which was one of their termes, and other things of the same Nature. The Jesuit had it worse, wee beeing stiled redhaired barbarians, etts*. Soe thatt hereby only wee mightt perceave it was Nnrettes close contrived treachery in beetraying our Merchantts and Imployers Meanes uppe att Cantan. I say hee was the engine whereby itt was Don.

? The attire of the heades of letter A. B., the Caule on lettre C, the Chapparone of lettre D., and the round Cappe of lettre G. are all Made of blacke horse haires, either of the Mane or tayle, very curiously wroughtt and woven, Soe thatt through the worcke may bee scene their haire made uppe on the Crowne of their heads. The most eminentest thatt I have yett scene are those of lettre A.

? The Mandareenes thatt came aboard of us, as soone as they were outt of our shippe into their owne boate. putt off their official abilementts and Dressed themselves after an ordinary Manner. Questionlesse many other straunge Fashioned attires are used Farther uppe in the Country.

? As For the apparell of their weomen, I cannott say Much, having scene None butt the poorer sort, and those Differ butt little From the Men, The haire on their heads Made uppe after the same Manner, allthough in greater quantity. Jewells, Chaines, etts., I could [see] none worne by men, either Ritch or poore, aboutt their Necks, armes or in their cares. Neither weapons by their side.

? I have here only endeavoured to shew somwhatt of their habitts. As For their phisiognomyes, they are for the most part small Eyed, wyde mouthed and Flatte Nosed, of a swart coullour those thatt live hereawaies, it beeing allmost under the tropicke of Cancer (allthough there bee amongst them many handsome Faces and proper men) ; their beards very thing [sic] with few haires, butt long, which I conceave to bee Naturall in the most part. Others pull them outt and keepe them soe. Some greatt thick beards I have seene, butt very Few.

? Having made this short Digression off the Chinois, I will now returne to the Portugalls in Macao.

? The 9th of October [1637]. After Dinner wee made accompt to have come away, having taken leave of the Captaine generally as allsoe of the Captaine of the galleon then present, And a writing given by our Admirall under his hand .Thatt if the Hayto [Hai-tao] etts. Mandareenes would Deliver uppe Our Merchantts and Meanes Detevned in Cantan, thatt then hee would Forthwith Depart and Never trouble these parts No More. I say, leave beeing taken, the writing given and wee ready to come away, wee were Disapointed off a boate, Soe stayed and lodged att the house of Captaine Antonio Olivera Aranha, one of the 4 Governours off Macao, who are elected every year, and Doe Dispose of Most of the Citty Matters, the Captaine Generall beeing For some Matters which particularly concerne the King.

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注：

1：" Will " should apparently be " would." Courteen's merchants were at first unwilling to believe that Noretti was playing them false, but by this time they were convinced of his treachery towards them.

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注：

1：Mundy is alluding to a custom which prevailed before the Tatar conqiiest of China, when, on attaining their twentieth year, Chinese youths tied up their hair and wore a horsehair cap over it, in contradistinction to the modern custom of shaving the head with the exception of one lock of hair, which was originally imposed on the Chinese by an edict of 1627, as a badge of subjection to the Tatars.

2：Mundy seems to be alluding to the crew of the junk seized by the English on the 12th August. Noretti probably acted as interpreter between them and their captors.

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? China Men sell their Children.

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? The poorer sort of Chineses selling their Children to pay their Debtts or Maynetaine themselves (which itt seemes is somwhat tollerated here), butt with this condition, as letting them to hire or binding them servauntts For 30, 40, 50 yeare, and after to bee Freed, Some sell them outrightt withoutt any Condition att all, bringuing them wrapt uppe in a bagge secretly by Nightt, and soe part with them For 2 or 4 Ryalls of eightt a peece.

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? Copy of the undertaking [dated] 9th October 1637, which the Commander of the English fleet signed, as follows （Lisbon Transcripts, Vol. IV.) :

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? I, John Weddell, Commander of the fleet of four English ships at present in the River of Macau by order of my Master, the most powerful King of England, declare : That if the Aytao of Canton, or his Mandarins, deliver to me my six men who are imprisoned by their authority in Canton, and the silver and merchandise they had with them, or any specimens of the products of China in exchange, that I will depart peacefully from Chinese waters, without injuring anyone, and will never return to these shores.

? This I promise and thereto set my hand,

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Macau, 9th April [sic ? October] Old Style

??????????? John Wedell.

? Agrees with the original

????????????? Domingos Rodrigues de Figueiredo.

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? The 10th of October [1637]. Having taken leave of Senor Antonio aforesaid, wee came away, and passing by the Fort at the barre, wee were saluted by 5 peeces of Ordnance More ; and soe wee came aboard. Ailthough a great Many in our Fleete Made Doubt of itt, wee wellcommed those tha,tt came aboard with us (beeing the same thatt accompanied us on shoare) with good Cheere and gunnes.

? The 11th [October 1637]. Wee wayed and fell Downe to the Enseada de Andres feo, where wee found the Galleon of Mannilla, whome wee saluted and shee us againe. In this place the Artillery yielded 3 excellent Distinct echoes, one after the other, with such ratling and thundring as though the hilles had come tumbUng Downe, the land beeing close and high ground round about us.

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? A limmitted trade obteyned att last.

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? In Fine, wee had permission From the Portugalls off a limmitted trade in Macao, soe hired a house, setled people ashoare, Fell to Following our businesse on all hands,? selling our owne commodities, as Cloath, some Incense, etts., buying and shipping of theirs, as Sugar, Greene ginger, some stuffes, etts., butt untill the end of this Month Nothing of import entred uppon, by reason of the absence and trouble of our Merchantts.

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? A lettre From our Merchantts : goods provided by them att Cantan.

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? The 10th November [1637]*. Wee receaved a lettre From our Merchantts att Cantan wherein they advised thatt they had provided aboutt 5 or 600 tunnes offe Sugar, greene ginger, Sugar Candy and China rootes, and had Fraighted 3 greatt Junckes to lade it in, with which they hoped to come Downe themselves very sodainely. Allsoe thatt wee mightt Free our prisoners if wee woujd, which accordingly wee did, viz., 8 taken in a great Jimcke as aforementioned? and one thatt wee tooke From the shoare. These 9 were released and Mony given them to bear their Charges, with a lettre allsoe to our Merchantts, they Departed.

? One prisoner wee reserved, it beeing hee thatt was taken in the Fire Juncks. This Fellow having escaped and bin healed of Most Desperate and Deadly wounds, seeing his Fellowes set att liberty and himselff yet kept in Durance, beelike Dispairing ever to bee Freed, butt rather reserved For some Further Cruell punishmentt. It is said hee leaped overboard, and beeing laden with Chaines and bolts of Iron off great waightt, Suncke Downrightt.

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注：Mundy does not record the sale of the Anne (though he alludes to it later on) on the gth November to the captain of the Spanish galleon for 3,500 reals of eight.

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? Plaies exhibited by the Chineses to the Common people gratis.

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? The 12th [November 1637]. Beeffore the Captaine of the galleones lodgings (which was in very Faire house beelonguing to the Jesuitts) was erected a scaffold or Theater, wheron was acted a play perfformed by China boies. The outtward action seemed pretty well unto us, and well Favoured boies ; their singuing somwhatt like to thatt in India, all in unison, keeping stroke and tyme with tabours and Copper vessells. It was Don in the open place to all Commers withoutt any Mony Demaunded. It seemes Men of quallity, uppon causes off rejoycing, as weddings, birth off Children, Feast, etts., Do exhibit and bestow these plaies among the Common people gratis, they themselves paying For it.They Acte allso with Men.

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? In whatt case wee were in at thatt tyme, N.B.

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? In the Meane tyme itt went otherwise with us, Our Merchantts yett alofft [at Canton], wee in perplexity beelowe, our Mayne hopes overthrowne, viz., setling trade in China, Japan, etts. General Discontents throughoutt ; Nothing said to bee well Don ; Imputationes [accusations] among the great ones, one uppon the other ; Discontented Murmurings among the Inferiours. However the generall businesse went, the private was closely Followed. Our Cheiffe Directors wanting ; the Companys Factors and businesse Disposed off by Sea Commaunders, among whome Much Contradiction. In breiffe, all in a Conffusion, Misffortune having in a Manner hitherto Followed all our proceedings, viz., prohibition off trade where wee most expected, Death off Men, treachery among straungers. Discontents among ourselves. God send a good end to all.

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? The arrivall of our Merchantts From Cantan.

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? The 28th November 1637. Our as long expected as Desired Merchants arrived att Macao (having bin wanting since the 24th off August, 3 Monthes and 4 Daies) in certaine China vessells, and would in them have come Directly aboard, butt were not permitted beetweene the Portugalls and the Chinois, one putting the Fault on the other ; both Culpable. They broughtt with them much off the goods they advized offe.

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? The experiences of Courteen's merchants in Canton September—November 1637 （Continuation of the China Voyage, Marine Records, Vol. LXIII.).

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? 14th September 1637. Nathaniel and John Mounteney with one youth [Charles Webb], beinge in Canton, and Thomas Robinson with a servant of N. M. and a saylor of the Shipp Sumte [Simon Grey] detayned abourd the Kinges Joncke, neither the one nor the other Party could procure the conveighance of a letter, nor could come to understand what had passed belowe with the Shipps, nor how their owne Cases stood for many daies. And att this tyme was the host of their howse, togeather with his Sonne, haled forth to prison with ropes and chaines about their neckes (the sonne not beinge freed att their Comeinge away), and all the rest of the howshould putt forth, all fyer quenched and Provision off victuall denied them, bills beinge sett upon the doores prohibitinge all access, and a guarde of Souldiers in the street to that End. Beinge in this treacherous manner thus handled for the space of 2 or 3 daies, in which tyme they sustayned themselves with a little bisquett and racke ['arak, spirits] which they had in the howse, att length they resolved Either to inforce a passage downe to the water side and to free themselves, or elce to perish in the attempt. And therefore, beinge fitted with swords and PistoUs, and haveinge pyled upp store of cleft wood against the doores, they made fyre with a burning glass, and in sight of the guarde who from without could discerne them, they began to kindle the heape, when they were presently called unto to forbeare till worde might be carryed to the Manderyn, who sent immediately unto them to knowe what they intended therby.

? They made answeare that beinge soe treacherously dealt withall, and havinge noe other present redress, they intended to revenge themselves by fyreinge the towne, and soe with the extreame hazard of their lives. Either to force a passage or to dye in the Attempt ; which resolution of theirs (beinge a qualitie wheroff those Cowardly people are not much guilty), togeather with the badd success of the fyre Jounckes and the revenge which ours in the Shipps were then prosecutinge, caused him presently to inorder the doores to be opened. Yett the guard continued still without, not permitting any thing to be brought unto them untill that, beinge sharpned by necessitie, and seinge divers people howrely passing by from the markett with flesh or Fish in their hands, as the use there is, John Mounteney did divers tymes with his sword in one hand and monney in the other, seize upon their victualls, payinge them for the same, by which and the like tryalls which they had made of their patience,, they found the English not to be such as the Portugalls had reported. Moreover, they had then received what they thought might be for that tyme Expected in bribes from those our hollow harted frends, and therefore att length began to Consider upon a restitution to be made for our goods and monies and to give way [yield] to our people accommodation there, each one shiftinge of the blame from himselfe, till att length itt was layde on the weakest shoulders and least able to bear the burthen of Envye (an usuall tricke amongst politicians), and thus was our poore broker imprisoned and with Easily found cudgells [was] soe bebosted that poore dogge, that they have scarce left him worth his skin.

? Our Shipps in the interim, not hearinge from the merchants, save only by gennerall reporte that they were imprisoned, ranged to and fro about the mouth of the rever^, pillageinge and burninge many vessells and villages and doinge many other spoiles, of which themselves can best relate the particulers, this register beinge then at Canton.

? 28th September 1637 . . .(The passages omitted deal with events chronicled by Mundy.) Nathaniel and John Mountney beinge att some liberty, sent a letter downe to the Shipps and a coppy thereof to Thomas Robinson, who was not a little joyed (after soe longe detention) to understand of their safetye.

? They received in Canton 2 letters from the Shipps and one from Thomas Robinson (the Contents of all will appeare in the books of letters), and from that tyme they had some more freedome of sendinge, though with some interceptions. But the Shipps had then abandoned the river and were gone for Maccaw, where they arryved the 27th present . . .

? 6th October 1637. The Admyrall Gennerall Champin [Tsung-ping] sent to visite Nathaniel Mountney and his brother, and beinge desirous to tast some meate dressed after the English fashion, had caused his messenger to intymate so much unto them, wherupon they played the cookes and roasted certaine henns, etc., which togeather with some Bisquett, a bottle of Sacke and some other things, they sent unto him, wherewith he seemed much content and returned them many thanckes, assureinge them of his frendshipp ; nor did he fayle them therin to his uttmost, And at their departure told them he was sorry he could doe noe more for them, beinge the plaine truth that the Portugalls had outbribed them, And had soe farr prevayled with the great ones that he alone was not able to oppose soe many. But he sollicited Chadjan [Cham-jan] and the newe Vice Roy to write in our behalfe to the Kinge, and himselfe had done the like. And this was found to be true after their comeinge away, as shall appeared.

? 8th October 1637. . . . This day Nathaniel Mountney beinge sicke, Champin sent one of his people to visitte him, And the same night Thomas Robinson was lycenced to doe the like, and arryved in Canton, beinge the first tyme they had seene one another since the beginninge of their detention.

? 12th October 1637. They joyntly firmed [signed] a petition to the Mandryn for a free trade in China And then Thomas Robinson beinge att liberty, returned againe abourd his Joncke to awayte an order for the weighinge out of the Incense, which the Mandryns had now resolved to take and to give Suger and Ginger for it . . .

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