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【搬運】彼得·芒迪明國行記(二)

2022-07-02 11:07 作者:NakiriCroiseur  | 我要投稿

? Copy of the First Petition made by the English to the Mandarins of Canton this year, 1637 1 (Lisbon Transcripts, I.O. Records, Vol.IV.).

?

? The Mandarin who comes from the West 2 to buy and sell, and the others, send this petition. Desiring to reside in this Kingdom and above all to buy and sell, which, though we live in the West, we can do with justice and ability, having come here now eight years 3 .Therefore we came to the barbarians of Macau ?, that they might show us the way, and tell us what to bring. But they are false and treacherous by their Oueves ?, who collect for them every year much silver, and they also take our silver, amounting many years to ten thousand [taels] ? and as those of Macau did not wish to take our silver to make use of it as they had always done, they (those of Macau) put poison in the food they gave us, and killed over forty of our men, and sent us to the Gate of the Tiger [Boca Tigris] ; and there the mandarins refusing to receive us, by favour of the Haitao and Cumpim [Tsung-ping], Norete [Pablo Noretti] came with a chapa [chhap, license] and brought the goods with the price of the silver, and this with a warm heart and true, and no deceit ; and there was no deception in the provisions they brought us.

? Later, the Paoye ? sent a Fanu ? to bid us depart for Macau to trade there, and we were wilhng, but fearing that those of Macau had evil designs upon us, and would take our silver, we who are simple and honest folk, feared that they would kill us.

? Now we are six persons here to deal with this matter, and the stores and all things are available without hindrance. We now desire that two of us, together with Nourete, shall go to our ships and bring twenty thousand tais [taels] for the King's treasury, the weighing to be done openty as in Macau, which silver we desire shall be delivered in presence of the Queves and the barbarians of Macau ; and the other four men to remain in Canton until our return ; and when all is settled they may depart, and we shall be thereby free and discharged.

? Agrees with the original.

????? Domingos Rodrigues de Figueiredo.

?

注:

1:It is undoubtedly the petition drawn up by Pablo Noretti and presented to the Mandarins, at Canton by Thomas Robinson and John Mountney on the 1 8th August, as related above.

2:This title seems to refer to Captain John Weddell, the head of the expedition.

3:An incorrect statement. The first English attempt to trade with China was in 1635 when, as previously stated (see note on p. 167), the London made a voyage to Macao under the wing of the Portuguese.

4:The Portuguese. In Chinese parlance all nations besides themselves were " barbarians "(紅毛) or " redhaired barbarians."(紅夷)

5:See note 2 on p. 209.

6:This statement seems to be an invention on the part of Noretti.

7:Cantonese, T'au-yan, the Chief, i.e., Domingos da Camara

8:Cantonese, Fan-tin, a deputy district magistrate, small official.

?

? A Patent for trade with the Chinois : The effect therof.

?

? The 2ith [August 1637]. Our Mandareene came againe, Bringuing with him From the Aytao, Chompee [Hai-tao, Tsung-ping], etts., (greatt Men att Cantan), a patent or firmaen [farmdn] in China writings pasted on a greatt board such as are usu[a]lly carried before Men off office 1.The effect thereof (as hee himselffe interpreted unto us) was Thatt in regard the Portugall had Denied us att [Pall] trade att Macao, And thatt wee had bin forced to seeke For itt hither, and wilHng to pay the Kings Duties, They graunted us Free leave to buy and sell any Comodity in their Country, appointing us the Choice of 3 severall places Fort [? for] our shippes to Ride in 2 AUsoe power and authority to Mandareene Tonpuan 3 the bearer therof, otherwise called Paolo Nurette, to Negotiate Further and assist us in all things (it is the same who came to parley with us, viz., the Jurabasse aforementioned), And therefore hee Desired thatt 2 or 3 Merchantts Might bee ready to goe uppe with him within a Dale or two unto Cantan there to provide whatt they should see Needffull, as gold, Muske, Raw silke, stuffes, etts. [and other] fine goods ; And as For Sugar, Porcelane, greene ginger, China rootes ? etts. course commodities, they were to bee had hereaboutts. Whereuppon, thatt Nightt all the gunnes lately taken From the plattfforme were restored againe and the other Juncke with her people were released, and restitution made off all whatt elce had bin taken From them ? . Soe Nurette Departed For thatt Nightt:

? The 22th [August 1637]. Our Mandareene came againe and said the Tootan who is viceroy ? of this Province of Cantan, beeing New Confirmed, Was going in circuit to visitt his governementt, and had sentt For him, soe of Necessity must goe to him, and thatt hee would informe him of us and soe procure his confirmation of our patentt aforesaid.

?

注:

1:See ante, note on p. 171.

2:The Continuation of the China Voyage (op. cit.), however, states that the farmun gave them " Free trade and liberty to fortifie upon any Convenient [place] without the mouth of the river."

3:T'ung-p'an(通判), Assistant Sub-Prefect.

4:The drug known as Smilax pseudo-china or China-root of the South, Cantonese lang-fan-táu.

5:Weddell (O.C. 1662) gives the number as " 35 peeces," and says that the restitution was " well taken by the Great Mandereenes." The Continuation of the China Voyage (op. cit.), adds that " a seeminge peace on all sides Ensued."

6:Tu-t'ung, one of the titles of a Viceroy.

?

? [The correct rendering of the official document of the Mandarins of Canton, dated August 1637, falsely interpreted by Noretti.] (Lisbon Transcripts, I.O. Records, Vol. IV.).

??

? Copy of the Chapa of the Aitao and Cumprim (Hai-tao and Tsung-ping), which was sent from Canton and is as follows:

? The Aitao of [the country] called China and the Comprim.

? As it is well to know the instructions given concerning the information communicated to us by the Mandarins of Canton, that four ships of barbarians with red hair had come thither from afar, and upon their arrival had anchored within the Mouth of the Tiger [Boca Tigris] ; who, upon being questioned as to their business, vomited from their mouth that they had received license from three Mandarins to hold intercourse and to trade. And that they now asked those Mandarins who had given them this promise, that should there be any other Mandarin who with his soldiers should impede them in this matter, they should be held as mortal enemues.

? And the Mandarin of the Mouth of the Tiger advised the Cumprim, who is the Commander-in- Chief, of other matters relating to this question. And the latter upon hearing this, equipped a thousand soldiers and some tens of mortars to drive them out, and intimate to them that entry to buy and sell would not be given them, as is notorious to all.

? And after telling them this many times, and that they must return to their kingdom, and that we would not allow them to come and disturb our lands, this same notice was afifixed at the Mouth of the Tiger, where they had asked for means of trading. Because, having to ask this of us, permission should have been asked of the Organchanty the Aitao and the Cumprim, so that they might consult with the Visitador [Judicial Inspector] and Viceroy ; and had they given license, then it might have been [confirmed].

? But coming by force and against my will and permission may not be done in this land by those who come hither to trade. And seeing that some profit may be made, they are dazzled and deceive the lower classes. And you do not know the laws of China, for in China there are very strict laws, and he who breaks them knows no pardon ; therefore nothing could be stricter.

? And I command as far as I may, and for this purpose I dispatch the Mandarin who bears this sentence, who will forthwith give this order to the ships of the red-haired barbarians, and upon receiving this our order they shall instantly weigh anchor and put out to the open sea. For you have shown great daring in attempting to trade by force with us, we having forbidden it ; and in so doing you appear to me to be like puppies and goats who have no learning and no reason.

? One or two of your men, like men without sense, have pressed this business upon me and the Commander- in-Chief that we should consider what you are doing ; therefore I warn you that should you have the great boldness to harm so much as a blade of grass or a piece of wood, I promise you that my soldiers shall make an end of you, and not a shred of your sails shall remain, should you do such a thing ; and you shall have no time for repentance and your sin shall not be forgiven.

? This is a faithful rendering of what is in the Chapa, this day, 27th October 1637 [N.S. = 17 October O.S.],

???????????? Bento de Matthes *[Translator.]

Agrees with the original

Domingos de Figueiredo.

?

注:The translator is referred to by Mundy in Relation XXVI. (infra) as " a Jesuitt skillfull in the Chinese tongue," but it was some time before the English could be induced to accept his version of the document instead of Noretti's.

?

? The Pinnace Anne sentt to Discover a Place For our shippes.

?

? This Day The Pinnace Anne was Dispeeded to view, the places appointed For our shipping as aforementioned 1 .There went in her to this purpose Mr Thomas WooUman Master of the Sunne, my selffe and an interpreter. Unto the one wee wentt nott, itt beeing too Neare Macao The 2d was an Hand called Quittaoo, a wilde open roade 2.The last was Chacwan lying Near unto Lantau 3 which had 2 bales ; the one of them had Deepe water butt held unffitt, the other More commodious but shallow. However, this last was held the best For presentt, in regard of its Nearnesse unto Lantao and a Number of townes lying along the shoare, which they say is the Maine of China. This place is aboutt lo leagues From Fumaone, an [? and] Nantee or Lanteea [Lintin], a round Hand, lyieth aboutt the Medway beetweene this Chacwan and Ouittaoo aforesaid ?.

?

注:

1:The Continuation of the China Voyage [Marine Records, Vol. LXIII.) says it was on the 23rd August that the "Ann was sent to scearch out some Hand without the river, which might be Convenient to settle uppon."

2:If by " Quittaoo " is meant Kwai-tau (Tortoise Head), an islet of the Kaipong Islands, lying on the outside of the estuary of the Canton River, Mundy is right. The place would have been in every way unsuitable.

3:" Chacwan " may represent Shakwan on the northern or Fan-si-ak Channel of the Canton river. If so, " Lantau " in this case indicates Lantau or Tai-ho Island at the mouth of the estuary, and not Wantong near Boca Tigris.

4:The distance between Shakwan and Fumaon, a village near Wantong Forts, is roughly that given by Mundy, and Lintin [Ling-ting, Lonely] Island lies, as he states, about midway between Shakwan and Kwai-tau.

?

? Her Returne to the Fleete. Our Cape Merchantt with others gon uppe to Cantan

?

? The 26th currantt [August 1637]. By 2 in the Morning wee came backe to our Fleete, and here wee understood how Mr Nathaniell Mountney, our cape Merchantt 1 , with his Brother Mr Jno. Mountney and Mr Robbinson afforesaid, and 2 or 3 attendantts were gon uppe to Cantan with Sir [Senhor, Mr] Paolo [Pablo Noretti], the 24th in the Morning, and had Carried Much treasure with them 2.

?

注:

1:Cape-merchant, head merchant or supercargo ; in this case used in the former sense. Nathaniel Mountney was the chief commercial agent of the expedition.

2:Weddell says (O.C. 1662) that the " treasure " amounted to " 12 Chestes," and the letter of 19th December 1637 (Courteen Papers, Appendix D) gives the amount as 22000 reals of 8, besides two small " Chestes of Japan plate whereof 10000 for the Mandereens, and the rest for imployment." This document also states that the merchants had only two attendants " for more the Mandereene would not Consent should goe." These were Simon Grey and Charles Webb.

?

? The Dragon lost 3 men.

?

? In our absence the shipp Dragon lost 3 Men, viz., the First by a Consumption. The 2d by a blow on the head with the Corner of a shovell which broke his skulle aboutt 20 Daies since, not much complayning of it till of late, and then to late. For Notwithstanding the skill and Dilligence of all the Surgeons in the Fleete by applying the trapana (an Iron instrumentt to cutt outt a peece of a Mans Scull), with all other remedies they could ; yett he Died. The 3d, a Jersey Man, who going to give a rope to the skiffe, holding with one hand on the gallery, a peece of it gave way, Soe thatt hee fell into the sea, suncke Downe right, rose noe More and perished, it beeing impossible to releive him.

?

? Account of the reception of the merchants at Canton (Continuation of the China Voyage, Marine Records, Vol. LXIII.)

?

? 24th August 1637. Mr Nathaniel Mounteney, John Mounteney and Thomas Robinson, with a quantitie of Rialls, Cloth, etts. Presents, passed upp the river, and after 2 dayes were (late in the Eveninge) in China habitts conveyed, togeather with their goods and Servants, into the suburbs of the Citty, and lodged in a verry Convenient howse, off all which they advized downe to the Shipps the next day. And then, out of hand, haveinge first paid 10 thowsand Rialls of 8, agreed upon for Custome and Duties, they began to bargaine for Sugar, Ginger, Stuffs, etc. insomuch that in 5 daies they had procured the quantitie of 80 Tonne Sugar, besides Ginger and other merchandize and provisions for the Shipps, and had given out monies accordinge to the use of the Cuntry for verry great parcells, with much encouragements*.

? But the mahcious treachery and base designes of the Portugalls, who slept not in that interim, but by all means plotted their destruction, had soe prevailed with the covetuous nature of Hittow [Hai-tao] and some others, that a private plott of Mischeife against ours was soe secretly contryved that they wist not therof till they were fallen into the snare. Itt is true that some did really suspect it and expressed it to Captain Weddell, but they being the parties bound to that sacrifice, were constrayned both to silence and sufferance, least either the voyadge might be pretended to be damnified by their neglect, as was threatned to be protested against them, or they taxed of tymourousness iff not of trecherie. And this only because they demaunded securitie for their Persons which might then have easily been obtayned.

?

注:Weddell adds, " They had silke stuffes of all sorts, raw silke, muske, gold Chaines, &ca. brought to their Lodginge, as all other sortes of goods," but the letter of 19th December 1637 (Courteen Papers, Appendix D) adds that they were kept closely to the house, were not even allowed to look " out of our doores," were only permitted to see samples of goods and had no opportunity of inspecting them in the bulk or supervising the weighing of them.

?

?? Leave Craved to come farther uppe with our shippes : Not graunted.

?

? The 2gth of August [1637]. My selfe and one More were sent to the Mandareene off the Fleete of Junckes to Crave leave to come farther uppe with our shippes For our More security. Butt our answear was, hee was a Servaunt and could nott of himselffe Doe any thing in thatt kind For his head 1.Soe wee retourned with thatt answear and exceeding Fowle weather, the Junckes beeing gotte into a Creeke with each 4 or 5 quillicks 2 (instead of Anchors) ahead, their cables of rattanes, expecting a Hurracane, by them called Tuffaon [typhoon], it beeing a violent stresse of winde happning some yeares.

?

?注:

1:If it were to save his head.

2:Killicks(一種與船錨功能相類的裝石蛇籠)

?

? Wee come farther uppe to Tayffoo.

?

? The 30th [Atigust 1637]. Notwithstanding such answear, Wee wayed From Fumaone and Came under a Cloven hill on a small Hand called Tayffoo* aboutt 2 mile farther uppe, where wee rode under the said hill in a very comodious harbour close to the shoare, the water by the shippes side good. Fresh and Sweete, it beeing of the River of Cantan.

?

注:Tai-fu, Tiger Island, lit., the great tiger. In Mundy's later allusions to this island, he confuses its name with its shape and calls it " Tayfoo or Cloven Island."

?

? A fine towne built of oyster shells.

?

? [31st August 1637]. The last currantt wee went to seeke some provision, a Matter of 2 or 3 leagues higher towards the Rivers Mouth, att a towne called Muncoo*, where wee gotte butt little. All the houses here which wee saw, and those not a few, were built off Oyster shells, which beeing aboutt a Foot long and the buildings uniforme, the[y] shewed very handsome. They are laid thwart, one length serving For the breadth or thicknesse of the walle.

?

注:" Muncoo " appears to represent the name of a village, probably situated near the Second Bar.

?

? Odde Kindes of Fishing.

?

? Here on the Dry oaze (of which there is very Much among these Hands) they used 2 or 3 kindes of Fishing not ordinary. One was, a Man or boy on a board off 3 or 4 Foote long and i broade, with a baskett or tubbe with him, and sitting thereon with one of his legges thrusting on the oaze, would give himselffe greatt way. Making the said board to shde Forward, which caused a small kind of Fish thatt lies on the oaze to skippe and leape, wherof some fall into his said tubbe ; how otherwise I know not. Of these small leaping Fishes there are in all these hotte Countries, and may bee termed Sea grashoppers : allwaies Near the brincke of the water or on the oase * .

? Another way to catch the said Fish is with an angling rodde and a hooke att itt like a grapnell, with which they would lightly and Nimbly whiske or fling on the said oaze, and in some places where the said little Fish lay very thicke, hee would hither and catch some of them on his hooke. Both these waies wee saw, butt itt may bee the taking of the Fish may Differ in the Manner Described.

?

注:Most of the early European travellers to China, from Mendoza onwards, have full descriptions of fishing with cormorants (a method which evidently did not come under Mundy's observation), but no 17th century writer, so far as I know, alludes to the practice of catching fry in the Canton River, as narrated in the text. It is, however, noticed by Osbeck, who describes it (in 1751) with some variation : — " The Chinese here [at Whampoa] catch fish, by putting up mats along the shore, while the tide is in, which hinder the fry from returning with the ebb. As soon as the water has fallen, many people were seen wading up to the knees in the blue clayey ground mixed with sand, after the little fry, which jumped about in the mud like lizards ; but when they saw no means of saving themselves, they crept a foot deep into the oozy ground, not without the knowledge of the Chinese, who took care to observe them, and pulled them out with their hands ; these fish, fryed in oil, are the principal food of the poor, besides rice. . . ." (Voyage to China, I. 199—201).

? By " Sea grasshoppers " Mundy means the walking or jumping fish (Periophthalmus), of which various species are found in great numbers on the mud fiats at the mouths of rivers in the tropics. They are closely allied to the gobies [Gobius) with which Osbeck, op. cit., confuses them. He gives their Chinese names as " Fay-ye " and " Tan-noao," i.e.,fai-ye, the jumpers and ian-nau, the mud fussers.

?

?

? Advice from our Merchantts att Cantan to goe lower Downe : Not Followed.

?

? The First of September [1637]. Came another lettre From our Merchantts att Cantan, where all[r]eady? newes was carried of our Comming uppe to Tayffoo, Desiring us to returne againe to our old roade of Fumaone For awhile, advising allsoe thatt they beegan to Make investmentt, having allready boughtt 2U000 peeces [loaves] of sugar to come Downe the next Day. Notwithstanding their advice to goe lower Downe, yett wee lay still.

?

? Some lading sent aboard and provision.

?

? The 5th cwrant [September 1637]. Came Mr Robinson and Nurette From Cantan, and the Next Day came much sugar For lading * and provisione For the shoppes [ ? shippes], among the rest the Chineses broughtt to sell peares, Chestnutts, Dried leecheeas as sweete as any Raysins of the Sunne ; they allsoe Make of them indifferent good Wyne.

?

注:From the Continuation of the China Voyage (Marine Records, Vol. LXIII.), we learn that Robinson brought " 2 Joncks laden with suger, &c." and an order from Mountney " for the bringinge upp of 6 chests of Rialls of 8." Weddell {O.C. 1662) adds that they brought 70 tonnes of goods," also that Noretti " promised to lode us all within a moneth after his Comeing downe ... so that our businesse went verie fairelie forward, and wee had about 20 China Carpenters Came from Cantan to make Chestes to pack up sugar and sugar Candie, which Cost 1 1 ??? 2d. per pound and as white as snowe."

?

? The Citty of Macao send a protest unto us : Slighted, and accordingly answered.

?

? The 6th September [1637]. Came 3 China skilling [sculling] Junckes with many Portugalls and Mestizoes [half-breeds]. They came From Macao and broughtt a protest From the Generall and Councell of thatt Citty, Declaring therin thatt excepte wee would Depart the Coast they would complaine to both our Kings and require satisfaction For all Dammages allready receaved and thatt hereafter Might bee occasioned through our Comming. The said protest was forthwith answeared in a shghting Manner, referring them to our better leisure to give them a larger Manifestation of the Just cause and reason of our Comming and abiding. With this answear they Departed. They came very well provided with Portugalls Mestizoes and slaves armed, butt to whatt purpose wee knew nott, they alleadging they came soe For their Deffence. There beeing Many outlawes and searobbers among all those Hands and Creekes*.

?

注:The Continuation of the China Voyage says that the junks arrived " under colour of bringinge a Protest against us for forceinge a trade in that river . . . but the Chief cause of their Comeinge (as soone after was manifest) was to awaite the issue of their most treacherous stratagem, which they had privately, by the Connivance of Hittow [Hai-tao], contrived against us."

?

? [The Protest from Macao.]

? 7th September 1637 [N.S. = 28th August O.S.].

? (Lisbon Transcripts, I.O. Records, Vol. IV.).

?

? Most Illustrious Sirs, Commander and Factor of the English Fleet.

? Your happy arrival at this port on the 7th of July [27th June O.S.] of this year 1637, we welcomed in accordance with the peace and friendship which to-day reigns between the most powerful King of England and his Catholic Majesty King Philip, our Lord, whom God preserve for many years. It is true that this joy was not perfect, as it was not within our power to welcome, treat and serve your Worships, either as our friends whom we greatly esteem, or as vassals of so powerful a King deserve, for we are not in a land which belongs to our King, nor in a city won in a just war, but in one which we hold through the good will of the King of England, I should say China, and we are necessarily dependent on him, not only in weighty matters, but in the most trifling details of our ordinary government, daily maintenance, and the trade by which we live.

? For which reason your Worships being sighted off this port, the Captain-General of this city sent directions for you to anchor outside and await definite orders. And the fohowing day he sent to welcome you, and to learn what you desired from this land, and what designs brought you to Macau ; and your Worships declared that you came to trade with us and to enter this port; whereupon both by persons of standing in this city and by letters, we made reply, declaring that this was a thing that we could not do, nor could we consent to it for many reasons, because we are in a land belonging to the King of China, a people very jealous of their lands, and any trade that we might have with you would cost us many vexations and annoyance with the great Mandarins, and loss of property ; and that although the ship London came with a Portuguese factor and merchants and anchored at a great distance from this City, nevertheless she brought great trouble and loss upon this city ; how much more so your Worships who came without order from our King or from the Lord Viceroy of India.

? But although we foresaw these evils, yet we gave order with all good will, that your Worships should be supplied with everything you asked for, both provisions and equipment for your vessels as far as was possible to us. And in spite of all the reasons we brought forward and the many we gave your Worships verbally, you paid no heed to them, but sent your pinnace to the river of Canton to speak with the Mandarins, a course which fills us with amazement, for it is likely to cost us much unpleasantness with these natives. And later your Worships proceeded to the mouth of the river of Canton with all your four ships, endeavouring to do commerce there, greatly to our prejudice, it being the only port on which we depend for our livelihood. For which reason the Mandarins are much disturbed and anxious, seeing your ships where our vessels have never reached, and they send us many orders that we do command your Worships to quit (?) their kingdom, compelling us to make your Worships put out to the open sea,and deliver their ports from you. And that which your Worships have done at present is to the Chinese one of the worst crimes, and it will all fall on us, as time will show ; and it is certain that did your Worships understand what you have done, we believe you would never have done it ; since what your Worships are doing is accumulating great crimes to this City, and giving out that we are the cause of your stay, they [the Mandarins] send express orders to us to make your Worships leave the port where you are.

? All this being taken into consideration, and that which has been set forth by persons of standing in this land, which is not here set down to avoid tediousness, and which will be stated in good time, we have great cause of complaint from the fact of your Worships having sent your pinnace, and having later gone with your four ships to the River of Canton to endeavour to trade with the Chinese and Mandarins, the only advantage being to dispose of the goods you carry, and thereby disturb our commerce which for more than ninety years we have maintained by the experience which time has brought to us. We beg you earnestly to deliver us from the trouble you have brought upon us, and if you will not 'do so on the plea of friendship, in order that justice may not be impeded, we make your Worships the following protest and requisition.

? Domingos da Camara de Noronha, Commanderin-Chief of this fort of Macau for his Majesty, and the members of the Council of this City request your Worship, once and many times, in such terms of law and justice as we may and should employ, in the name of the most powerful King of England whose subjects you are, and in the name of his Catholic Majesty King Philip IV of Spain, our Master, whose subjects we are, to depart from this port where you are anchored, and no longer be to us cause of the evils abovementioned, and those which we have reason to fear from the Chinese.Reminding your Worships that when the King, your Master, made peace with our King it was not intended to prejudice the Portuguese nation in any part of the world, but rather to bring help, favour preservation and much good to us, as may be assumed to be his royal mind, as it was also the intention of the King, our Lord, which is clear and manifest. Which end has not been attained for the Portuguese in this city on this present occasion, for the reasons above-mentioned, of which we will give proof at a future date to their Majesties the King of England and the King of Spain, that it may be seen that it was not through fault of ours that your Worships were not admitted to this City, we being distressed thereby, and being the cause of annoyance between our Kings. We hope therefore that your Worships will accede to our friendly request, and with all justice we ask you to put to sea with your ships, as your presence is a great prejudice to this City and its inhabitants, as we have manifested ; and we forbear to make requisition in more solemn and precise terms of law, but we desire that it should have the same value and weight as though it were so expressed in every detail we have set down, whether in legal terms or not. And should your Worships not comply, we demand by your noble persons that you make report to their Majesties the Kings of England and Spain of the losses, damage and annoyance we have suffered from the Mandarins and Governors of China through your presence in this port, and from the journey you made to the mouth of the River of Canton. And if it should be necessary to make further requisition and protest to your Worships upon this matter, we hold that it is here done, expressed and declared, with all details, clauses and conditions by law required, further protesting in the name of our Lord, the King of Spain, that our not receiving your Worships in this port for the reasons above declared shall not prejudice his royal position respecting the continuation or rupture of the peace which he so willingly concluded with his Majesty the King of England.

? Given in this City of the Name of God in China, commonly known as Macau, on the 7th of September 1637, over our signatures only.

?

? Domingos DA Camara??????? Luiz Pais Pacheco

? Antonio da Silveira????????????? Domingos Dias

????? Aranha???????????????????????????????? Espinhel

? Estevan Pires?????????????????????? Matheu Ferreira de

? Francisco de Aranjo???????????????? Proen?a

? Darros

?

? [The " Slighting Answer "] [Lisbon Transcripts, I.O. Records, Vol. IV.)

?

? 6th September 1637 [O.S.]. Having received your offensive letters, accompanied by a formal but unimportant protest, we were much astonished to find that you consider us so despicable and of no importance, since you appear to think that your letters, full of groundless threats, will induce us to abandon an undertaking -so profitable and so certain. For which, though we pay no heed to your threats, we shall fight your people with blood and sweat to the end. This land, as you yourself acknowledge, is not yours, but the King of China's. Why then should we wait for license from the King of Castile or his petty Viceroys in these parts?

? We have no leisure at present, because of other occupations, to answer your vulgar letters more at lengths hope to have some time later, although we fear that the reply will be as opportune as your proposal, which is certainly not at all while we are occupied in matters of greater importance.

? We greet you all. From our ships in the port of Canton, 6th September 1637 English style.

??????????????????????????????????????? John Wed[d]ell.

? Agrees with the original.

?????????????????? Domingos Rodrigues de Figueiredo.

[Marginal note] Was not sent to the Kingdom.

?

? Nurette entrusted with 6 Chistts Royal eightt.

?

? The 7th September [1637] . Our Mandareene returned to Cantan, there beeing 6 Chists of Ryall of eightt entrusted unto him, which hee carried away in his owne boate with other goodes. Butt before his Departure hee perswaded to sende uppe all the Treasure they could and allmost all commodities vendible here.

? The 8th ditto [September 1637]. Mr Robinson Departed allsoe in the great vessell that broughtt Downe the Sugar 1 .Hee carried with him Much incense and all the Puchuc 2 in the Fleete. There was sentt with him when hee went last 14 Chists of Ryall of eightt conteyning each 2U000 Ryall [of] eight. There came Downe in the said vessell aboutt lUooo quintalls of Sugar att Royal 3 per quintall and uppon 50 quintalls off Greene ginger att aboutt 7 Ryall per quintall.

?

1:From the Continuation of the China Voyage (Marine Records, Vol. LXIII.) we leam that Robinson was accompanied by one of Nathaniel Mountney's servants and a sailor (Simon Grey), and that when they arrived " within 4 leagues of the Citty, he was, by the commaund of Hittow and some others of the Portugalls bribed frends, with his 2 compamons and all the Incense, thrust abourd a Joncke of the Kings, the money, cloth, and all other fyne goods being Carryed upp to the towne and delivered into the hands of the cheife Manderyns."

2:putchuck, putchock (Dakhani Hindustani, pachak), is still a Far Eastern trade term for Costus root, used for medicine and incense. The Cantonese word is muk-heung, wooden fragrance. " Putchuck or Costus Dulcis should have a Violet Smell, be large and bright " (Lockyer, Trade in India, p. 130). " Costus Dulcis. Take the fairest heavy Roots, of a grey Colour without, and redish within, of a fine strong Smell and arromatic Taste " (Stevens, Guide to East India Trade, p. 138).

?Treachery intended and prosecuted against us.

?

? Sonday the loth of September [1637]. It pleased god to Deliver us From a treacherous and Daungerous plotte intended against us and putt in execution to have Destroyed us all by Fire (when wee least Mistrusted [suspected] and thoughtt our selves Most secure and happy off our good hopes and beegining off trade). The Manner was thus, as my selffe saw For the Most parte ; the rest by relation of the generallity.

?

? The Manner of it : Five greatt Juncks with fire worcks sentt to Destroy us.

?

? Aboutt 2 of the Clocke in the Morning, The shippes beeing New [lately careened], went with the tide of Ebbe. The little Anne riding headmost, shee espied certaine great Juncks under saile standing thwart their hause 1. They hailed them, had no answear, were in doubtt to shoote [at] them thincking they might have bin vessells laden For our Fleete, Soe left them passe. It seemes The Junckes espying the Anne to bee butt a smalle vessell, steared to come Foule of the Catherine who no sooner espied them butt shotte att them, giving therby warning to the rest of our Fleete. Att thatt very instant were 2 of the said Junckes all in Flaming Fire Chained on to the other, and a little after thatt another, all 3 Driving thwart our hauses, allthough butt slowly, it beeing butt yong Ebbe, as before is said. Itt beeing Not now tyme to looke on, The Dragon shee cutt both her Cables ; others cutt allsoe ; others left slippe ; and soe wee all stood uppon our sailes (a sea phrase as much to say as under saile) to avoid the Daunger. Itt was gods will thatt whatt with their standing off to the Catherine, whatt with the tide off ebbe thatt sett off the pointe and whatt with a little gale off winde that blew off the shoare (and some helpe [from] our boates), they all Drave withoutt [past] us. The Fire was vehementt. Balles of wylde fire 2, Rocketts and Firearrowes Flew thicke as they passed by us, Butt God bee praised, not one of us all was toutched.

??One of the Junkes Drave on the other shoar right thwart of us ; the other 2 with the streame were carried about the point of the Hand and soe outt of sightt. Another of these Junckes, it seemes, fired accidentally before shee came Near and Drave ashoare 2 or 3 Miles ahead off us and was there Consumed. Allthough these were paste, yett wee Feared and expected More, untill Daylightt. Great and sodaine was the amazement and affrightt att such a tyme of the Nightt (it beeing a Darke moone) to see such a Fearffull Daunger redy to Destroy us. The Fire was very high and violentt and the brightness therof soe great in that Darcke nightt thatt the hills reflected lightt. The Confuzed Noise was Noe lesse, as well of the Marriners on the one side crying and calling to their Fellowes aboutt the shippes, worcking with their heedlesse hasty runinge on the Deckes, as allsoe of the Crackling of the burnt Bamboes, whizzing of the rocketts etts., Fireworckes Frome the Fiered Flaming Junckes ; the latter of the two, allthough not soe loud, yett More Fearffull and the occasion off the other. All this lasted First and last aboutt 2 houres. By thatt tyme the Junckes were consumed and wee through Gods providence Freed From thatt great daunger and quieted. For which his holy Name bee praised. Now beegan wee to Mistrust the Deahng of Nurrette and to Fear the saffety off our Merchantts att Cantan.

?

注:

1:Across the bows.

2:Greek (or wild) fire, a combustible composition for setting fire to an enemy's ships, works, etc., so called from being first used by the Greeks of Constantinople.

?

?

? A Chinois, one of the Juncke conducteurs taken, alive.

?

? The 10th September [1637].Day beeing come, some were sent to round the [Tiger] Hand to see if wee could take any of the Chinois thatt conducted the Fire Juncks, conceaving they Mightt have swamme ashoare there.For after their Firing, by their owne hghtt Many were seene to leape overboard into the water. Only one man they tooke swymming, who by Diving thoughtt neverthelesse to escape, till att length they pitched a pike into him and brought him uppe on the point thereof. Hee had 7 or 8 greatt wounds in his backe, belly, armes, etts., and one quite through the Middle of the body. By relation of the Surgeons, something hee said, butt For wantt of an interpreter could not bee understood. All the rest gotte ashoare by swymming, allthough they had boates to attend them, butt the Force of the Fire, with the Daunger and sodainenesse of the action, gave them not leisure to make use of them.

?A Fifft fire Juncke found aground on the backside of the Hand : How Fitted.

?

? Wee Found nobody on the [Tiger] Hand butt our owne selves, butt on the backside there was come aground one of the said greatt Fire Juncks untoutched. Yett Aboard they went and Found her extraordinarily well Fitted and prepared to Doe Mischeiffe (beeing driven ashoare and Forsaken). No question butt all the rest were suteable. This beeing full off Dry wood, sticks, heath, hey, etts., thicke interlaid with long smalle bagges of gunpowder and other combustible stuffe, allsoe Cases and Chists of Fire-arrowes Dispersed here and there in aboundance, beeing soe laid thatt they Mightt strike into shoppes [? shippes], hulles. Masts, sailes, etts., and to hang on shroudes, tackling, etts., having fastned to them smalle peeces of crooked wire to hitche and hang on any thing they should meet withall. Moreover, sundry boomes on each side with 2 or 3 grapenells att each with Iron Chaines ; others allsoe thatt hung Downe in the water to catch hold of Cables, etts. ground takle, soe thatt if they had butt come to toutch a shippe, it were allmost impossible butt they would catch and hold Fast.

?

? Fired by us.

?

? Having taken away her grapnells and Chaines aforesaid, they sett fire of her, which burnt awhile soe furiously that it consumed the grasse on the side of the hill as farre as a man could Fling a stone ; soe thatt had they come within as they came withoutt us, they had endaungered us and att least Driven us outt. Butt god bee thancked they Missed their purpose.

? On this passage allsoe I Doe somwhatt enlarge, beecause it is the first fire Daunger that I ever yett have seene my selfi in.

? One of our boates beeing on the other side of the Hand was pursued by 3 or 4 smalle Junckes full off Men. Among the rest our people said they saw a Portugall who weaved his sword and hatt att them. Itt is presuposed thatt they Joine with the Chinois and have instigated them against us not to permitt us to trade For reasons aforementioned. God knoweth.

?

? Other accounts of the attempt to destroy the English fleet.

?

? (a) Weddell's Account (O.C. 1662).

?

? In the Interim the Portingalls had wrought with the Mandereene of Casa Blanca to Joyne with the 2 other pettie Mandereens to procure 7 fire Junkes to putt upon us in the darke of the nighte whilest wee were busie in shiftinge the Sunne, which they putt in execution the night after that. The Portingalls had brought us a protest from the Generall &ca. of Macao, to which wee gave a slight Answere and dispeeded them away, wee beinge nowe some 3 leagues paste the Castle where wee intended to lode.

? The loth September, about 3 in the morninge they Came in upon us with 5 fier Junkes, and wee haveinge a good watch, espied them and fired a peece of ordinance which, as soone as they sawe they were discovered, they fired their trayne and lefte them. Our boates towed them Cleer of us, and soe by Gods assistance we escaped that damage. The 4th Junke was a verie greate one and well provided for that stratagem, but it pleased God shee Could not weather the [Tiger] Hand, and in the morninge was found a ground. Wee manned our boates and sent them at both endes of the land and went aboard and broughte away many Cheynes, grapnells, fire arrowes and other materialls, and sett her on fire ; and thus were 4 of the 7 Junkes Consumed.

? The newes went flyeinge up to Cantan the next day that the English shippes were burnte, and such newes was Caried to Mr Nathaniell Mountney and his brother (Mr Robinson and Simon Grey being stopped in the midway to Cantan and their Junke Seized on, beinge the same which Came downe with the goods). Upon this newes they were much amazed, but when the truth was knowne that the damadge fell on the Chinas side, the Chineses beganne to excuse themselves and said it was the Portingalls worke and not theirs. But we had taken up a Chincho [Fuhkienese] who was swiminge to the shoare (he haveinge fired the first Junke) by our boates, whoe with halfe pikes had pearced through his armes and thighes, and was brought aboard halfe dead. Our Chirurgions Cured his wounds (he beinge kept in Irons), whoe told us whoe had sett him on worke. Moreover, hee said there was 3 more readie and 100 small fisher boates to second them if they missed.

?

? (b) Account from the Continuation of the China Voyage (Marine Records, Vol. LXIII).

?

? Seven Jonckes with fire, being provided att the cost and Fittinge of the treacherous Portugalls, and extraordinaryly furnished [with] chaynes, hookes, grapnailes, &c., about 2 in the morninge came drivinge towards the Shipps, but beinge in good tyme discovered, were by much industry and with noe less difficulty put by their attempte, and in sight of their Consorts burnte downe to the water, fowre of them being fired by our people and the rest by themselves. Some of the men beinge taken and detayned in our Shipps, did afterwards att Maccaw avouch to the faces of divers Portugalls comeinge abourd, that they were the verry men that had done this ; and had hyred the Chinesses and certaine fugitive Cafres [kafir, negro slave] and others, to bringe on these fyer Vessells, whilest they in the meane tyme awaited att hand to murther and destroy our people iff they should be forced to take to the water ; and this inserted by Captain Weddell and his Councell into their Protest, which att their arrivall att Maccow delivered over to the Captain and Gennerall of the Citty*.

?

注:From the three accounts of this incident, one gathers that the Chinese took advantage of the tide turning at about 2 a.m. on a dark night to try and burn the anchored British fleet at the turn of the tide by means of fire-ships, hoping to catch them while they were swinging athwart the river. But the fleet escaped by cutting their cables, hoisting sail and sending out boats to tow the fire-ships out of their course.

? Tayffoo.

?

? This Hand of Tayffoo [Tiger Island] or cloven hill is aboutt 51 Miles From enseada De Don Juan [Taipa Anchorage] Lying N [blank] From itt, lying in 23 degrees 5 Minutes North latitude and 7 degrees 15 Minutes East longitude From Pulo Tymaone aforespoken offe.、


? ?Our Departure Tayffoo and arrivall att Fumaone againe.

?

? The 11th September Anno 1637. In regard more fireshippes were expected and thatt our Riding here was soe Distastfull to the Chinois and soe full of Daunger to our selves, Therefore to give content unto the First and to Free ourselves From the latter. As allsoe our Merchantts and companies estate Deteyned att Cantan , wee quitted the place and came againe downe unto our old rode of Fumaone a little beneath the Fort*.

?

注:Weddell says (O.C. 1662) that on receipt of the news of a proposed second attack by fireships, "wee gott aboard such Caske and other things as wee had on shoare, and went belowe the Castle into our olde birth where there was more roome."

?

? 2 skulling Junckes taken : Restored againe untoutched.

?

? The 12th [September 1637]. With our boates wee tooke 2 men of warre Junckes, suspecting there had bin Portugalls aboard, butt all the people gotte ashoare, and wee broughtt away the vessells, beeing scullers.

? The 13th [September 1637]. Wee restored the said Junckes againe unto the Mandareenes untoutched, the better to gett our Merchantts Freed From aloft, who Now wee beegan to feare wear in some trouble, having Not heard From them these 8 Daies.


? ?Reports of future Daungers plotting against us by Fire, Warre, poysoning, etts.


? ?By Francisco, a Portugall slave, run from them to the Chinois and From them againe unto our handes, wee understood, according to his owne relation (the truth wee know nott, butt as hee said was the generall report of all sorts of people both aboard their Fleete as allsoe on shoare), viz. Thatt there were 15 Portugalls att Cantan Negotiating against us and thatt all our Disturbances was wroughtt by their procurementt, who offer large summes and New Customs on all goodes [that] should come unto Macao From India, Mannilla, Japan or any place elce unto the Chinois to Debarre us from trade. Thatt there were 7 monstrous Junckes and aboutt 100 smalle boates preparing, to bee better fitted and enordred then the former, to fire us, Only new wanting Chaines and grapnells, which were making. Allsoe thatt a fleete of Chincheos were expected to come, a resolute Desperate people of one of the China Provinces [Fuhkien], with great shippes, Ordnaunce, etts., to bee furnished with powder, munition, etts. From the Portugalls, as were the Fireshippes aforesaid. Thatt wee should take head of any thing thatt should bee broughtt to eate or Drincke From the shoare, as bread, Racke ['arak, spirits], Fruite, etts., For it would come poisoned. That all the Mandereenes were combyned against us, viz., of Lantao, Casabranca*? by Macao, etts. This hee said was vulgar voice, as aforementioned.

? The 14th [September 1637]. Wee came a league or two lower Downe, The Easter[l]y Monsoone beeing come, the windes having blowne beetweene the North and the East these 4 or 5 Daies somwhatt sharpe in the Morninges.

?

注:By Lantao, Mundy means Wantong Forts and not the island of Lantau in the estuary of the Canton River. See ante, note on p. 177. Casa Branca is the Portuguese name for the city of Ch'ien-shan on the north of the inner harbour of Macao. It was the residence of the Mandarin who decided disputes between the Portuguese and Chinese.

? Our Resolution for Macao.

?

? The 17th Ditto. It was generally Concluded to Depart unto Macao, there to deliver a protest to the Portugalls and require satisfaction For the losse off our voyage, allsoe our Merchantts From Cantan and our Companies Meanes there Deteyned, knowing all to bee Don by their procurement and instigation.

?

? A[l]tred and another determined offe.

?

? The 18th [September 1637]. Thatt resolution alltred. And then our best course was held to Doe all the spoile wee could unto the Chinois, thatt complaint Mightt come to the higher powers, and thatt they mightt understand the reason of it as beeing For the Detention off our Merchantts and companies estate in their hands.

?

? Putt in execution. Five Junckes and a small towne burned : pillage taken.

?

? Soe thatt evening late some of our boates well manned and provided were sentt away ; and before Day they burned 5 smalle Junckes, wherof 2 were fitted with Fireworcks to have Don the like to us. They allsoe sett Fire of a smalle towne, tooke one man and aboutt 30 hogges and pigges, and soe came away.


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