Mr. President,?Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th?Congress:

參議長，眾議長先生，第77屆的國會議員們:

(注:Mr. President這里指The President?of the Senate 參議院議長 參議院議長一職由美利堅合眾國副總統(tǒng)vice president擔任。時任副總統(tǒng)的是Henry Agard Wallace

Mr. Speaker這里指The Speaker?of the U.S.?House of Representatives?眾議院院長)

I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union.??I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

在這個合眾國歷史上前所未有的時刻，我向你們，新國會的議員演講。我用”前所未有”這個詞，是因為美國的安全從未受到像今天這樣嚴重的外部威脅。

Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs.??And, fortunately, only one of these -- the four-year war between the States -- ever threatened our national unity.??Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

自從我們的政府在1789年憲法的簽署下永久成立，我們歷史上大多數(shù)的危機時期都緣于內(nèi)部事務(wù)。而且幸運的，只有其中的一個——四年內(nèi)戰(zhàn)——曾威脅到我們國家的統(tǒng)一。今天，感謝上帝，分布在四十八個州的一億三千萬美國人已經(jīng)忘記了我們國家統(tǒng)一中的南北分歧。

(注:points of the compass羅盤方位，這里借指羅盤的南北，即美國內(nèi)戰(zhàn)中南北兩方的沖突)

It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents.??We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce.??But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

確實，1914年之前，美國經(jīng)常被其他大洲的事務(wù)所牽涉。為在地中海和太平洋維護美國的權(quán)利，為了和平商業(yè)的原則，我們甚至曾兩次與歐洲國家陷入戰(zhàn)爭，還參與了在西印度許多未正式宣戰(zhàn)的沖突。但絕未有一次對我們國家的安全或持續(xù)的獨立產(chǎn)生嚴重威脅。

What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past.?Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.

我想傳達的是這樣的歷史真相，即合眾國作為一個國家，一直以來都維持著反對—明確，母庸置疑的反對——對任何將我們鎖在古長城之后，排除于進步文明行列之外的企圖。今天，想想我們的孩子，還有我們孩子的孩子，我們反對對我們和美洲的任何其他地區(qū)的強制孤立。

That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution.??While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

這么多年以來，我們的決心已被證實，例如，在早些年代，法國大革命接著的四分之一個世紀的戰(zhàn)爭之中。盡管由于法國據(jù)有西印度和路易斯安那的立足之地，拿破侖的戰(zhàn)爭的確威脅到了美國的利益，盡管我們參與了維護我們和平貿(mào)易權(quán)力的1812年戰(zhàn)爭。然而，顯而易見的，無論是法國還是大不列顛，抑或任何其他國家，都沒有統(tǒng)治整個世界的打算。

And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.

同樣的，從1815年到1914年——整整99年——在歐洲或亞洲，沒有任何一場戰(zhàn)爭，對我們或其他美洲國家的未來構(gòu)成了真正的威脅。

Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere.?And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

除了在墨西哥的馬克西米利安插曲，沒有任何外國勢力尋求在這個半球建立自己的勢力。而且在大西洋的英國艦隊一直以來都屬于友好勢力；現(xiàn)在仍是。

（注:馬克西米利安插曲，即馬克西米利安墨西哥稱帝的事件。馬克西米利安，全名費迪南德·馬克西米利安·約瑟夫，奧地利大公，”墨西哥皇帝”。墨西哥內(nèi)戰(zhàn)期間，反對華雷斯自由主義政府的墨西哥保守派和尋求擴張帝國勢力的法國皇帝拿破侖三世之間策劃了馬克西米利在墨西哥安的稱帝，并取得一定成功。但在支持他的法國軍隊在內(nèi)戰(zhàn)結(jié)束的美國的要求下撤走后，他的政權(quán)也迅速瓦解，馬克西米利安也在克雷塔羅郊外的一座山上被處決。)

(馬克西米利安插曲，即馬克西米利安墨西哥稱帝的事件。馬克西米利安，全名費迪南德·馬克西米利安·約瑟夫，奧地利大公，”墨西哥皇帝”（1832年7月6日生于奧地利維也納，1867年6月19日死于墨西哥克雷塔羅）。他是弗朗西斯·約瑟夫皇帝的弟弟，曾在奧地利海軍中擔任少將，曾擔任倫巴第-威尼西亞王國（維也納會議后建立的由奧地利控制的王國）的總督。1863年，誤認為是墨西哥人民把他選為皇帝，登上了墨西哥的皇位；事實上，這個提議是墨西哥保守派和法國皇帝拿破侖三世之間的策劃，前者希望推翻貝尼托·華雷斯的自由主義政府，后者則希望從墨西哥索債并在那里實現(xiàn)帝國雄心。在法國軍隊承諾支持之下，馬克西米利安與他的妻子卡洛塔（比利時國王利奧波德一世的女兒）一起駛向墨西哥。馬克西米利安于1864年6月10日加冕為皇帝，他試圖推行家長式的懷柔政策，將自己視為印第安農(nóng)民的保護者。他支持華雷斯的全面改革（這招致了地主們的不滿），并決心廢除農(nóng)奴制，他拒絕歸還華雷斯沒收的大量教會財產(chǎn)，從而與羅馬天主教教派對立。然而，國庫空虛，他不得不用自己作為貴族的收入來支付日常開支。


到了1865年4月，法國軍隊成功地鞏固了馬克西米利安的地位，將華雷斯幾乎趕到了北部的德克薩斯州。但就在這個月，美國內(nèi)戰(zhàn)結(jié)束，美國要求法國軍隊從墨西哥撤出，理由是他們的活動違反了門羅主義?？逅巴鶜W洲，向拿破侖三世和教皇皮烏斯九世尋求援助，但她的努力毫無結(jié)果，她的情緒徹底崩潰了。法國軍隊于1867年3月撤出，華雷斯和他的軍隊回到了墨西哥城。馬克西米利安拒絕退位，認為他不能拋棄 "他的人民"做這樣不光榮地的事。墨西哥保守派的支持者建議他成為帝國軍隊的最高指揮官。在克雷塔羅，馬克西米利安的小部隊被包圍，斷糧，在最后被出賣而投降（1867年5月15日）。盡管維克多·雨果、朱塞佩·加里波第和許多歐洲王室首腦都向華雷斯請愿，留馬克西米利安一條活路，但墨西哥總統(tǒng)拒絕放過他，因為在這場最近的擺脫外國統(tǒng)治的獨立斗爭中，已經(jīng)有成千上萬的墨西哥人喪生。1867年6月19日，馬克西米利安在克雷塔羅郊外的一座山上被處決。)

Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future.??But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

即使是在世界大戰(zhàn)爆發(fā)的1914年，能威脅到美洲本土未來的危險依然很小。但時過境遷，正如我們所記得的，美國人民開始意識到民主國家的接連垮臺對我們的民主所意味的。

We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles.?We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction.?We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

我們不必過分強調(diào)凡爾賽和約的缺陷。我們也不必因民主國家未能處理戰(zhàn)后重建問題而喋喋不休。

我們應(yīng)該牢記的是，1919年的和平條約遠沒有在慕尼黑會議之前就存在的綏靖式和平那樣不公正，而這種綏靖式和平正是在那暴政的新秩序之下蔓延開來，試圖將暴政傳播到每一個大洲。

但美國人民將堅決如一的反對暴政。

I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small.??And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

我想每個現(xiàn)實主義者都知道，生活在民主之下此刻在世界的每一處受到直接攻擊—或陷入戰(zhàn)火，抑或被那些試圖在尚處和平的國家破壞團結(jié)，挑起不和的人所秘密傳播的惡毒宣傳所詰難。在漫長的16個月里，這一攻勢已經(jīng)完全摧毀了數(shù)量驚人的大小獨立國家的民主生活模式。而且這一攻勢現(xiàn)仍在進行，威脅著那些大大小小的其他國家。

Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the Congress information of the state of the union," I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

因此，作為你們的總統(tǒng)，我正履行著”向國會提供國情咨文”的憲法規(guī)定義務(wù)，盡管令人不悅，但我認為有必要通報的是，我們國家和民主的安全前途不可避免的涉及到我們境外的所發(fā)生的事件。

（注:The State Of The Union?國情咨文 美國政府的施政綱領(lǐng)，主要闡明美國總統(tǒng)每年面臨的國內(nèi)外情況，以及政府將要采取的政策措施。按照美國慣例，每年年初，現(xiàn)任總統(tǒng)都要在國會做年度報告，闡述政府的施政方針，被稱為“國情咨文”。）

Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents.??If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors.??And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere -- yes, many times over.

武裝保衛(wèi)民主的行動正在四大洲英勇的進行。如果這些抵抗失敗，歐洲，亞洲，非洲和澳洲的所有人口和資源都將被征服者占有。我們要知道的是，那四大洲的人口和資源的總和都遠超整個西半球—是的，超過好幾倍。

In times like these it is immature -- and, incidentally, untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

在如今的時代，那些吹噓美國即使不做任何準備，綁著一只手，也能用另一只手和整個世界抗衡的人是不成熟的—而且，順帶著說，也是不真實的。

No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business.??Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors.??Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

任何現(xiàn)實的美國人都不能指望從獨裁者那里得到和平，國際寬容或恢復真正的獨立，或世界裁軍，或言論自由，或宗教自由——甚至是有利益的商貿(mào)。這樣的和平將讓我們和我們的鄰國毫無安全可言。那些愿意放棄基本自由權(quán)力來換取短暫安全的人，不配擁有自由和安全。

As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed.??We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement.??We must especially be?ware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.

我們可能會對我們國家的慈悲心腸而驕傲；但我們不能成為縮頭烏龜。我們必須時刻警惕那些大張旗鼓鼓吹綏靖”主義”的人。我們必須謹防那些小部分自私自利的小人，他們會剪斷美國之鷹的翅膀，只為中飽私囊。

I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.

我最近已經(jīng)指出，如果獨裁國家贏得這場戰(zhàn)爭，現(xiàn)代戰(zhàn)爭將以多快的速度將戰(zhàn)火燒到我們當中，這是我們最終必然會面對的。

There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas.??Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists.??Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

有不少閑言碎語在說，我們能免受來自大洋彼岸的直接的入侵。顯然，只要英國海軍實力尚存，就不存在這樣的危險。即使沒有英國海軍，任何敵對勢力也大概率不會蠢到用登陸部隊橫渡千里大西洋來進攻我們，直到他已經(jīng)獲取了支持這樣行動的戰(zhàn)略基地。

But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe -- particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops.??The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

但我們從歐洲過去幾年的經(jīng)驗中學到了不少——特別是挪威的教訓中，其重要港口在蓄謀已久的變節(jié)和突襲中被占領(lǐng)。入侵這個半球的第一步不會是常規(guī)軍隊的登陸。那些戰(zhàn)略要點將會被秘密特工和受蠱惑者所占領(lǐng)——他們中的相當一部分人已經(jīng)滲入這里和拉美了，只要侵略國保持攻勢，他們，而不是我們，將是選擇他們進攻的世界，地點和方式的一方。

And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger.??That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history.??That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost exclusively -- to meeting this foreign peril.??For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

這就是為什么在今天美洲的所有共和國的未來是這樣岌岌可危。這就是為什么這次傳達到國會的年度咨文在我們國家的歷史上是如此獨特。這就是為什么每一個政府行政部門和國會的成員都面對著如此大的責任，如此大的義務(wù)。當務(wù)之急是，我們的行動和政策應(yīng)主要——幾乎完全——致力于應(yīng)對這樣的境外威脅。因為我們所有的國內(nèi)問題現(xiàn)在都是這一緊急狀況的一部分。

Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small.??And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

正如我們的內(nèi)政國策基于對我們國內(nèi)所有同胞權(quán)利和尊嚴的尊重，我們的外事國策也基于對所有大小國家權(quán)利和尊嚴的尊重。而最終道義必勝。

?

Our national policy is this:

我們的國策是這樣：

First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

首先，在深刻表達公眾意愿并避免黨派偏見之下，我們致力于全面國防。

Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere.?By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

第二，在深刻表達公眾意愿并避免黨派偏見之下，我們致力于全力支持全球各地那些堅定不移抵抗侵略，從而使戰(zhàn)爭遠離我們半球的人民。借此支持，我們表明我們對民主事業(yè)必將取勝的決心，并且強化我們國家的防御和安全問題。

Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers.?We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.

第三，在深刻表達公眾意愿并避免黨派偏見之下，我們致力于這樣的主張，即道德原則和對我們自身安全的考慮將永不會允許我們默許受侵略者支配，綏靖者贊成的和平。我們都知道持久的和平絕不能以犧牲他人自由為代價取得。

In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy.?No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate.??And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

在近來的全國大選中，兩大政黨之間對于這一國策方面而言并沒有本質(zhì)區(qū)別。在美國選民面前，這一立場并沒有過爭議。今天，萬分明顯的是，全國各地的美國公民在認識到這一明確危險后，都會要求并支持迅速且完全的行動。

Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons.?Goals of speed have been set.?In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time.?In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays.?And in some cases -- and, I am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

因此，當務(wù)之急是立即有力的推進我們軍備制造的生產(chǎn)增長。工業(yè)和勞工的領(lǐng)袖們已經(jīng)對我們的號召做出回應(yīng)。產(chǎn)速的目標已經(jīng)定下。有些目標將提前達成，有些目標我們將按期完成，另一些目標將有稍許但不嚴重的延期。但有些目標—我遺憾的講，一些十分重要的目標—我們都將為計劃完成之緩慢而關(guān)切。

The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year.?Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day.?And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.

然而，陸軍和海軍在過去一年里已取得了實質(zhì)性的進步。實踐的經(jīng)驗在不斷改進并加速我們的生產(chǎn)方式。而今天的最好成績對明天來說仍不夠好。

I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made.?The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism.?They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made.??None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

我并不滿意于到目前為止取得的進展。此項目的負責人是在訓練，能力和愛國主義等方面的最佳代表。他們也不滿于目前取得的進展。直至任務(wù)完成之前，我們中的任何一人都不會感到滿意。

No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

無論初始目標設(shè)定的或太高或太低，我們的目的都是要求達到最快最好的結(jié)果。

To give you two illustrations:

為你們舉兩個例子:

We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

我們在生產(chǎn)完整飛機的任務(wù)上誤期。我們夜以繼日的工作以解決數(shù)不勝數(shù)的問題并趕上進度。

We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

我們提前完成了建造戰(zhàn)艦的任務(wù)，但我們?nèi)栽诠ぷ?，以至于更超前?/p>

To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task.?And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

將這個國家從和平時期生產(chǎn)民用器具的基準轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)閼?zhàn)爭時期生產(chǎn)戰(zhàn)時器械的基準絕非易事。最困難之處在于計劃之初，那時新的工具，新的廠房設(shè)備，新的生產(chǎn)線，新的造船臺都必須首先在實際的產(chǎn)物開始穩(wěn)定且迅速流出之前建造完成。

The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program.??However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

當然，國會必須時刻保證對計劃進展的了解。然而，正如國會自己也很容易意識到的是，有某些信息，系關(guān)我們自己和我們所支持的國家的安全，這些信息必須被保密。

New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety.?I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

新環(huán)境始終對我們的安全提出新要求。我要求國會大量增加新的撥款和授權(quán)，以進行我們已開始的工作。

I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations.?Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves.?They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

我還要求本屆國會提供許可和充足資金來生產(chǎn)額外的軍火和各種戰(zhàn)爭物資，支援那些正和侵略國交戰(zhàn)的國家。我們要充當他們以及我們自身的軍火庫，以最有效，最直接發(fā)揮我們的作用。他們不需要人力，只需要價值數(shù)十億美元的用于防御的武器。

The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash.??We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

當付款期限將至，他們可能將沒有能力用現(xiàn)金全款支付。但我們不能，也不會，和他們說他們必須投降，僅僅因為他們目前無力支付他們必要的武器。

I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars.?I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program.?And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

我不建議為他們提供用來購買這些武器的貸款——要以美元償還的貸款。我建議讓這些國家能夠繼續(xù)在美國獲取戰(zhàn)爭物資，使他們的訂單符合我們的計劃。如果時機已到，幾乎他們所有的物資，都將對我們的防御有所貢獻。

Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

采取軍事專家和海軍權(quán)威的建議，并考慮我國的最佳防御方案，我們將可以自由的決定我們應(yīng)該留在國內(nèi)多少軍備，支援我們國外的盟友多少裝備，這些國家的決心和英勇抗爭，為我們提供了充足時間，來為我們的防御做好準備。

For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

我們送往國外的物資將在戰(zhàn)事結(jié)束后的一段合理的時間，以相似的物資被償還，或者我們也可以選擇我們所需，他們所產(chǎn)的其他的許多種貨品。

Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom.?We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world.?We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns.?That is our purpose and our pledge."

讓我們對民主國家說:“我們美國人極其關(guān)注你們捍衛(wèi)自由的戰(zhàn)爭。我們正投入我們的能量。我們的資源，我們的組織力來給予你們恢復并維持一個自由世界的力量。我們會將數(shù)量不斷增長的艦船，飛機，坦克，槍支送往你們。這就是我們的目的，也是我們的承諾?！?/p>

In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression.?Such aid -- Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

為實現(xiàn)這一目的，我們絕不會被獨裁者的威脅嚇倒，他們會將我們對那些敢于抵抗他們侵略的民主國家的援助，視為是違反國際法或戰(zhàn)爭行為。這樣的援助——這樣的援助并不是戰(zhàn)爭行為，即使獨裁者單方面宣布它是。

And when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

當獨裁者——如果他們這樣做——準備向我們發(fā)動戰(zhàn)爭，他們絕不會等我方采取戰(zhàn)爭行為才發(fā)動戰(zhàn)爭。

They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war.?Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression.?The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt.?No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet.?The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.

他們沒有等挪威，比利時或是荷蘭明確采取戰(zhàn)爭行為才進攻他們。他們唯一的興趣就是一種新的單方面的國際法，這種國際法在遵守上缺乏相互關(guān)系，因而成為一種他們壓迫他人的工具。我們美國未來幾代的幸福，就可能取決于我們能讓我們的援助有多有效，多及時。沒有人能講出我們可能即將面臨的緊急情況的確切描述。當國家的命運受到威脅時，它絕不能束手束腳。

Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as serious as war itself -- demands.?Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.

是的，我們必須做好準備，我們所有人都要準備，為緊急情況——幾乎與戰(zhàn)爭一樣緊急——的需求做出犧牲。無論什么會阻礙任何一種防御準備工作的速率和效率，都必須給國家需求讓步。

A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups.?A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.

一個自由國家有權(quán)期待所有群體的充分合作。一個自由國家有權(quán)期望商業(yè)，勞工，農(nóng)業(yè)的領(lǐng)袖起帶頭作用，不是在其他群體里，而是在他們自己的群體里。

The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

對付在我們之間的那些少數(shù)懶漢和麻煩鬼的最好方式莫過于用愛國主義的事例羞辱他們，如果不起作用，那就用政府的最高權(quán)威來拯救政府。

As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone.?Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending.?The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.

正如人不能只依靠面包而活，人也不能只靠武器戰(zhàn)斗。那些保衛(wèi)我們的人和那些在他們身后建立防御的人必須擁有耐力和勇氣，這來自于對他們所捍衛(wèi)的生活方式的堅定不移的信念。我們所呼吁的有力舉措不能以無視所有值得為之奮斗的事物為基礎(chǔ)。

The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America.??Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

國家對于那些已經(jīng)完成，讓美國人民意識到美國民主生活的維持對他們個人利益的意義的事獲得了極大的滿足和十分的力量。這些事使我們的人民更堅韌，恢復了他們的信仰，加強了他們對我們準備保護的制度的忠誠。

Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world.?For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

當然現(xiàn)在我們并不應(yīng)該停止思考社會和經(jīng)濟問題，這些問題是社會變革的根本原因，而社會變革正是當今世界的首要因素。因為一個健康且強大的民主制度的基礎(chǔ)并沒有什么秘密可言。

The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple.?They are:

我們?nèi)嗣袼诖恼魏徒?jīng)濟制度的基本主體很簡單，他們是:

Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

年輕人和其他群體的機會均等。

Jobs for those who can work.

能勞動之人能得到工作。

Security for those who need it.

所需安全之人能得到安全。

The ending of special privilege for the few.

終結(jié)少數(shù)人所享有的特權(quán)。

The preservation of civil liberties for all.

保護所有人享有公民自由。

The enjoyment -- The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

享受——享受科技進步成果所帶來的更廣泛的，不斷上漲的生活標準。

These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world.?The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.

這些簡單，基本的事在我們所在的混亂且難以置信的復雜的現(xiàn)代世界絕不能被忽視。我們經(jīng)濟和政治體制的內(nèi)在持久的力量正是取決于這些期望被履行的程度。

Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement.?As examples:

很多和我們社會經(jīng)濟相關(guān)的問題都需要立即改善。如:

We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

我們應(yīng)該讓更多的公民受到養(yǎng)老保險和失業(yè)保險的保障。

We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

我們應(yīng)該擴寬受到充足的醫(yī)療保障的機會。

We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

我們應(yīng)該制定一個更好的就業(yè)體系，讓那些應(yīng)得或需要工作的人能得到工作。

I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call.?A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes.?In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today.?No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

我已經(jīng)號召過人們做出個人犧牲，我也確信幾乎所有美國人都愿意回應(yīng)這一號召。這種犧牲的一部分意味著支付更高的稅。在預算上，我建議將這新增的稅款的更多部分分配給偉大的防御計劃。任何人都不應(yīng)該試圖，或被允許從這一計劃獲利，我們也應(yīng)該始終以按能力納稅的原則，來指導我們的立法。

If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

如果國會能堅持這些原則，那些優(yōu)先考慮愛國主義而不是一己私利的選民，就會給予你他們的掌聲。

In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

在我們尋求安全保障的未來，我們期望一個建立在四項基本人類自由的世界。

?

The first is freedom of?speech?and expression -- everywhere in the world.

首先的是言論及表達自由——在世界各地都應(yīng)如此。

The second is freedom of every person to?worship?God in his own way -- everywhere in the world.

第二是每個人以自己的方式敬奉神明的自由(宗教自由)——在世界各地都應(yīng)如此。

The third is freedom from?want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.

第三是免受貧困的自由，這在世界角度上意味著經(jīng)濟理解，這將保障每個國家都能為其國民提供健康的和平時期生活——在世界各地都應(yīng)如此。

The fourth is freedom from?fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.

第四是免受恐懼的自由，這在世界角度意味著世界范圍的軍備裁減，以這樣徹底的方式，直至沒有國家可以對其鄰國構(gòu)成武裝入侵威脅——世界各地都應(yīng)如此。

That is no vision of a distant millennium.?It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation.?That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

這并非遠在千年以后的幻想。這是我們現(xiàn)在這一代人能夠達到的世界明確基礎(chǔ)。這一世界正是那些獨裁者企圖用武力建立的所謂”新秩序”的暴政的最對立面。

To that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order.?A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

我們以一個更偉大的概念反對新秩序——道德秩序。一個良好的社會能無畏的面對世界統(tǒng)治和外國革命之流。

Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch.?The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

自從我們美國的歷史開始，我們就一直處于一種變革，一種不斷地，和平的革命，一種穩(wěn)定的，無聲的革命，自適應(yīng)于不斷變化的外部條件的革命，而從沒有什么集中營和石灰溝。我們尋求的世界秩序是自由國家相互合作，共同在一個友好的，文明的社會奮斗。

This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God.?Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere.?Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them.?Our strength is our unity of purpose.

這個國家已經(jīng)將自己的命運交予其數(shù)百萬的自由的人民的手中，腦中和心中，將其對自由的信仰置于上帝的指導之下。自由意味著在任何地方人權(quán)的至高無上。我們將支持給與那些通過抗爭來爭取那些權(quán)力并捍衛(wèi)那些權(quán)力的人。我們的力量來自我們對目標的團結(jié)一致。

To that high concept there can be no end save victory.

對此崇高理想，我們必勝。