本文摘自The travels of Peter Mundy in Europe and Asia, 1608-1667 第三卷，第一部分，第二十五章與第二十六章，原標題分別為Our departure from Macao and Arrivall att Fumahone, Taifoo, etts., places at the mouth of Cantan river, with our daunger and troubles there undergon, etts. occurrences, viz.與From the tyme of our departure Tayfoo untill our arrivall att Macao againe in china, and whatt traffique wee obtained there of the portugalls at last, etts. passages in the interim, viz.下為正文，作刪減

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? Our Departure from our old rode.

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? The 29th July 1637 2. The Day abovesaid wee came forth of our old rode 3? having remayned there Nere one Month. The Sunne came aground and soe stayed till Next tide. The Friers, Churchmen, etts., sent us from towne [Macao] very good ripe grapes and ripe Figges such as wee have in Europe. Here were allsoe very [real] peares ?. Now att our going away came some Portugalls aboard to buy wine, etts., and sold some muske at 45 Ryalls of eightt the Cattee, which is Near 20 oz. English ?

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注:

1略

2:In the MS. Mundy has written, " August the 29th 1637, I say = July."

3:Taipa Anchorage.

4:The Chinese pear, Pyrus sinensis（梨子）.

5：The Portuguese were evidently taking advantage of the English. The price of musk quoted in " Notes of goods vendible and purchasable in Macao " c. 1660 （Factory Records, Miscellaneous, vol. 24, p. 96a) is " 30 & 35 ryalls 8/8 per cattee." See Relation XXIII., p. 137, where Mundy gives the katt of Achin as 30 ? ? ? oz. or nearly 2 lbs.

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? A Fleete of great China Juncks.

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? The 30th [July 1637]. Wee removed and rode over against the east side of Macao, there being a fleete of 10 saile of China Junckes (greatt vessells) hovering aboutt us and many More an [at] Anchor under the land. Their intents wee knew nott. However, wee provided For them by reason of the advice wee had, as of the rumour thatt they should goe aboutt to fire us ; other hurt from them wee feared nott, were they 10 tymes as many.

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? The Chinois Desire us to anchor and to goe noe farther : we proceed onwards.

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? August 1637. The First of this Month wee came some 2 or 3 leagues Farther 1 , when there came unto us certaine vessells, unto whom wee sent the [Dragon's] barge and brought From them an officer with an interpreter, who desired us to anchor there aboutts and to proceed no farther untill order should com from Cantan, whither they would send present [immediate] advice of our Comming and Desire. Howsoever, thatt nightt wee wayed and came farther Northward into the Bay towards the Mouth of the River of Cantan 2 . These 2 Dales wee saw a greatt number off fisher boates etts. vessells, soe thatt it May bee verified here whatt is reported of some parts of China, thatt there are more people on the water then on the land 3 For whatt wee have yett scene are Hands, high, broken, stony, sandy, uneven land, and uninhabited, nott i acre in looo made use off ; butt these are butt the outt lies of Cantan lying about the Rivers Mouth.

? [1st August 1637]. To Day one of our foremast Men Fell off of our foreyard (which was then acrosse) on the Forecastle, Flatt on his belly. It deprived him of his sences awhile, butt hee recovered againe.

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注：

1：Three leagues up the river would take the fleet to a point off the Nine Islands.

2：This would take the fleet to Chuen-pi Point（即沙角）.

3：" Ce qu'il y a de particulier, c'est qu'aupres des grandes Villes, surtout dans les Provinces meridionales, on voit des especes de Villes flotantes ; c'est une multitude prodigieuse de barques rangees des deux cotez de la riviere, oii logent une infinite de families qui n'ont point d'autres maisons. Ainsi I'eau est presque aussi peuplee que la terre ferme." Du Halde, Description de I'Empire de la Chine, ed. 1735, II. 8. See also Mendoza, ed. Staunton, I. 150. This is still the first thing to be remarked on approaching Canton.

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? Another fleete of Junckes, by whome wee are againe Desired to go no Farther.

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? [4th August 1637]. From the First currantt to this Day, the 4th, wee gotte butt little [farther] by reason of straunge curranntts and little wyndes. There came to us heare another Fleete of greatt China Juncks, The kings Men of Warre, aboutt 40 saile, straunge vessells and as straungely Fitted, as in Folio 139, letter A . These Desired us to Anchor, which wee did, and kept especiall good watche thatt Nightt, not knowing as yett how to trust them.

? The 6th [August 1637]. Came a Messenger with an enterpreter From the Mandareene of the Fleete, Desiring us to proceed no Farther towards Cantan, butt to turne aside into a place called Lantau *? hard by us, where wee should have provisiones, and thatt they would allsoe endeavour wee should have admittance of trade, and thatt they had suncke certaine vessells in our waye, soe they said. Wee answeared thatt wee wished them no hurt, but Desired their Freindshippe and goodwill to have Merchandize For our Mony and then wee would Depart, and thatt wee only would goe a little farther uppe towards the Rivers Mouth to serve our shippes, and thatt there wee would stay their answear, beeing they had said they had written aboutt us

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注：That is, they were told to go to Lantao (Wantong Forts) where the Anne had previously anchored.

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? Further particulars of the interview with the Mandarins （Continuation of the China Voyage, Marine Records, Vol. LXIII.).

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? 6th August 1637. Arryved all before the forementioned desolate Castle [on Chuen-pi Point], and beinge nowe furnished with some slender Interpreters, wee soone had speech with dyvers Manderyns in the Kings Junckes, To whome wee discovered the cause of our comeinge, vizt., to entertayne peace and amitie with them, to trafhque freely, as the Portugalls did, and to be forthwith supplyd for our monies with provisions for our Shipps. All which they promised to sollicite with Haitau (the lord treasurer), Champin 1 (the Admirall of the forces both by sea and land), And the rest of the prime men then resident in Cantan. For att that tyme both Chadjan 2, the supervisor gennerall, and Toutan [Tu-t'ung] or Quan Mone [K'wan-Mun], the Vice roy 3, were both absent farr of ; and in the meane tyme they desired our Expectation for 6 dales, which wee granted, and in the interim wee rode with our white Ensignes on the Poope.

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注：

1：Hai-tao, Tsung-ping（即海道與總兵；此指海道鄭覲光與總兵陳謙）

2：Cantonese, Cham-jan（即參將，此指參將黎延慶）, Assistant Military Governor.

3：See note ? on p. 179.（K'wan Man (Cantonese K'wan Mun) appears to mean in this case Administrator of the Gate, i.e., the chief custom-house officer, at the two " Chop Houses " at the First Bar (see note 2). This official, however, was looked upon by the old travellers as the Viceroy himself, vide the following quotations. " The Vizroy, that is in every province principall and supreme magistrate in place of the king, they do call him Comon " (Mendoza, ed. Staunton, i. loi). " The Viceroy of the Province, whom they call Tut Ham [Tu-t'ung] or Kiun Muen. He hath power of all the Magistrates and people of the Province " (Semedo, History of China, p. 128). " The President bears the Titles of . . . Kiun Muen . . . with several other names, which all signifie no more than Governour of a Province or Viceroy with us " (Father Magaillans, History of China, p. 241). Hamilton, however (East Indies, II. 220) calls the Viceroy of Canton the " Chontock [Tsung-tuk']."）

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? Weddell's own account of the above incident （O.C. 1662).

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? Twoe dayes after our pinace [the Anne] Came to us, wee plyed it [worked] up to the mouth of the river of Cantan (before named), and in our way wee mett with 40 China men of warr whoe demaunded whether we were bound that way. We answered the messenger, that spake both Portingall and Chinese, that wee came to seeke a trade with those of Cantan. Hee told us wee must ancor there, and awaite the Answere of the Mandereenes at Cantan (which would be 8 dayes ere an answere Could be returned us). I told him I would seeke a place to secure our shippes if a Herycan or Taffoone should Come ; soe wee plied it in, as wind and tyde would give us leave. They keeping us Companie Cried and weaved to us to Come to an ancor, but we made them noe answere but plied [went on with] our businesse, all our shippes beinge readie and fitted to receive them if they had afronted us. This Continewed 3 dayes till wee had gotten to the mouth of the second streight where they had a Castle [Anung-hoi], but when Captain Carter went in with the pinnace 1 there was neither ordinance nor soldiers upon it, and about a minion 2 shott from this Castle wee ancored through their much intreatie, upon promise that in 10 dayes they would procure us free trade with those in Canton, but if wee should offer to goe above the Castle it would give an alarum to the Countrie people which lived upon the Hands round about us and would be ill taken by the Mandereen of Cantan ; soe wee agreed to staye 10 dayes for an Answere from Cantan.

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注：

1：See Relation XXIV. p. 177.

2：Minion, an obsolete term for a small kind of ordnance.

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? Anchored by Fumaon : Badd signes of obteyning trade with the Chineses allsoe.

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? The 8th of August 1637. Wee came to a convenient place and Anchored in 10 or 11 Fathom water by a towne called Fumaone 1 ; reasonable good land on both sides, allthough Hands and inletts ; towne, villages and trees in sundry places ; a greatt Fleete of Juncks riding, som ahead som asterne ; a plattfforme on the starboard side going upp 2, which was supplied with Men and Ordnance, setting Flagges on the walles, making preparation For enemies while wee Ment them no harmed However it comes to passe, whither through the Portugalls bribery, Or whither the Chinois observing an auntient Custom reported of them in not permitting straungers to traffick in their Country, I know nott. Butt they seeme allsoe very unwilling of our Company and much discontented att our comming uppe soe near to the Rivers Mouth of Cantan. For, except one smalle boate which sold us a greatt Fish called in Spanish Corvino 3 and the boate thatt came on Messages From the Mandareenes, Not one boate elce hath come Near us these 10 Daies, allthough wee saw Many hundreds.

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注：

1：This name must represent a village on Anung-hoi Point. I have found no trace of it either in Mundy's spelling or in any other form.（原書作者語）

2：Anung-hoi Fort（亞鞋娘堡）. Compare the following allusions to the forts at the mouth of the Canton River. " When the Gap of the Tigar bears SbEt and the first Tower NNWt, you are Just clear and will have 7 fathoms Water at high Water . . . Anchored in 13 fathom, the Westmost Castle WNWt, the Eastmost NNWt being without the Boak [Boca Tigris]." Log of the Seaford, under date 6th January 1702 （Marine Records, Vol. CXLIX.). " Anchored in 7 fathom, the Piramid [Pagoda Tower] NNW 1 ?? ?W, Boco Tigris SSW? 1 ??? 2W and Castle Island [Wantong Island] SbE 1 ? 2E. Anchored in 6 fathom, Linting SbE Easterly, Boco Tigris NWJN, Castle Island NW, the old Castle on the Eastern Shoar [Anung-hoi] NNW JWest." Log of the Rowland under date 23rd—24th February 1712 (Marine Records, vol. 696c). Compare also Osbeck's Voyage io China and the East Indies, in 1751, ed. 1771, I. 180, " Bocca Tyger ... at its opening, is a narrow river . . . On the right hand side of the entrance was a low castle . . . somewhat further on the left were two castles on two different hills . . . the inner one is higher, so that it may command the other."

3：The writers of the Continuation of the China Voyage [Marine Records, Vol. LXIII.) say that owing to " our perfidious frends, the Portugalls," who " had in all this tyme since the returne of the Pinnace Ann soe beslandered us unto them," the Chinese " became very jealous [suspicious] of our good meaninge, insomuch that in the night tyme they putt 46 peeces of Iron cast ordnance into this Forte lyinge close to the brincke of the river, each peece beinge betwene 6 and 700 weightt and well proportiond." Weddell says (O.C. 1662) that "in the interim," whilst awaiting directions from Canton, " they fell to worke about the Castle and planted by night 44 peeces of ordinance upon it, whilest wee went from towne to towne to buy provisions for our shippes amongst the Chineses, and lett them goe on with their fortifications in their Castle. The ordinance they tooke out of the Junkes and they being all mounted in the Castle, the Junkes went farther up into the river supposinge the Castle sufficient to keepe us from goeinge further into the river."

4：Corvina. Sp. and Port., a conger-eel.

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? The Chinois Fortifie against us, and wee make preparation For Deffence and offence.

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? The 9th August 1637. Wee sent ashoare to the [Anung-hoi] Fort, and receaving some bad answear to our peaceable Demaunds, Wee Fitted our selves as well for offence as Defence, Displaying our bloudy ensignes on our poopes, taking in the white, putting on our wastcloathesi 1 a nd the Kings coullours on our Mayne toppes, taking Downe Saint George 2 which the Chinois perceaving, sent Immediately a Messenger From the said Fort Desiring us to have patience For 6 Daies More, For in thatt tyme they Doubted nott of answear From Cantan, intending that evening to write againe, and withall sent us a white Flagge with which they said wee mightt in peaceable Manner procure provisions From the townes and villages hereaboutts. With this wee were pacified For the tyme.

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注：

1：Waistcloths, the precursors of the later boarding nettings, were canvas coverings for hammocks stowed in the gangways between the quarter-deck and the forecastle. It was customary during a fight to stretch these waistcloths along the low waist of a ship between the forecastle and the poop as a protection against boarding. In Mundy's day waistcloths were made of red kersey listed with canvas.

2：There are four flags mentioned in this passage, (1) The white flag showing that the intruders were peaceful traders, (2) St George's flag (white ensign) showing nationality, (3) the King's Colours (the Royal Arms of the day) which the fleet had special permission to fly (see ante, p. 19), and (4) the " bloudy ensign " or " bloody colours." It will be noticed that the two first were used while trading, and were taken down in favour of the two last while fighting or about to fight. The King's Colours were apparently hoisted to show that Courteen's factors had a right to fight for the Crown, and the " bloudy ensign " as a signal to engage or possibly as a sign of "no quarter." The " bloody ensign " or Flag of Defiance was used in both the last senses from the 13th to the igth century.

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? Wee went ashoare to their villages to buy provision.

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? The 10th August 1637. Wee went ashoare into an Inlett unto a village with our white Flagge, butt att the entraunce wee were Forbid to goe any Farther by one of the Kings small skulling Junckes deciphered in Folio 139, letter B 1 Butt Forward went wee, the people wondring and Flocking aboutt us. Here wee bought some few hennes, egges, etts., our white Flagge serving to little purpose, our white silver beeing all in all.

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注：

1：See Illustration No. 29.

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? Good land and habitation.

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? Here within were many townes, villages, pretty vallies and Creekes in sightt, the higher land much smoother and better then thatt wee saw heretofore, with great store of Pine shrubbes and high trees of the same.

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? Snakes and Dogges Flesh eaten for good Meat in China.

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? Here in the Bazare or Markett among other provisiones there was a snake to bee sold, aboutt 4 or 5 Foote long, alive, his Mouth sowed uppe For biting, accompted good meat, and Dogges Flesh allsoe, by report estimated a principall Dishe.

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? A Pagode or China Church.

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? Wee went to a Pagode of theirs, a reasonable handsome building and well tyled. On the cheife place of the Altar sate an Image of a Woman of More then Ordinary biggnesse, having on her head an ornament somewhat Resembling an Imperiall Crowne. Nextt withoutt her, off from the Altar, stood 2 greatt statues of Mandareenes with Fannes in their hands, withoutt them 2 other Images of Mandareene, and outermost of all 2 evill Favoured ugly Feindlyke Figures. Of each of these there stood of each side one like a guard a good space [? between] the 2 ranckes. Before the altar their burned a lampe and there stood Divers Frames, like greatt standing Cuppes of 4 or 5 Foote high, whereon they burne incense, pevettsS etts., perfumes, with many small Candles sticking in sundry places. There hung a bell within the said pagode of aboutt 4 or 5C hundredwaght, off Cast Iron (or perhapps som other Mixture with itt), on which they strike on the outt side with a little woodden Clubbe ; it resembled our Europe bells, but not soe broad brymmed.

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? Chaa, what it is.

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? The people there gave us a certaine Drinke called Chaa, which is only water with a kind of herbe boyled in itt. It must bee Drancke warme and is accompted wholesome.Aboutt Noone wee came aboard againe and tried to another towne on our larboard side over against Fumahone, where wee gotte a bullocke and some hens with promise to have much More in the Morning.

? The 11th of August [1637]. Wee wentt ashoare to the said towne in our barge, and another boate with an interpreter was sentt to other places. Butt as wee wente forth together and aboutt one same businesse, soe wee retourned aboutt one and the same Tyme and spedde Nere alike, they having broughtt very little and wee Just nothing, For the Mandareene of Lantao [Wantong] who is Governour of all the townes and villages hereaboutts, as allsoe of their Junckes, sent order all aboutt thatt Nothing should bee sould us.

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? Our Interpreters, who they were.

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? The aforesaid interpreter was a Chincheo 1, runaway From the Portugalls att our beeing att Macao, who spake a little bad [incorrect] language. There is another Named Antonio, A Capher Eathiopian Abissin, or Curled head 2, thatt came to and Froe aboutt Messages as interpreter, little better then the other, runawaie allsoe From the Portugalls to the Chinois, it beeing an ordinary Matter For slaves on some Discontent or other to run away From their Masters ; and beeing among the Chinois they are saffe, who make use of their service. In ditto Towne was one very handsome house, part of hewen stone and part of an extraordinary large Fine blewish bricke with pillars, arches, etts. This wee were told was a place where the Mandareenes sitt in Justice att some sett tymes 3.

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注：

1：A native of Fuhkien.

2：Mundy means a negro slave of the Portuguese who had been given a Christian name by them and perhaps become a convert. The rest of the description indicates a Habshi, the Arabic term for an Abyssinian or Ethiopian, applied in common Oriental parlance to any black African. " Capher " is for Ar. kufir, an infidel, a heathen. Thus the whole phrase signifies a negro slave answering to the name of Antonio.

3:Yamen（衙門）, Cantonese Ngainun, an official building. The " fine blewish bricke " are the ordinary burnt bricks of the country, ts'ingchun, which are of a bluish colour.

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? A straunge way off invitation

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? As wee returned toward our boate, some Chinois were going to their Pagode to Doe their superstition and to feast, it beeing the Morrow of the New Moone 1, and invited US along with them by Clapping their Fore Plnger on the one side of their Nose, which as I was told is used sometymes as a familiar way of Invitation to eat, Drincke and bee Merry.

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注：

1：One of the four monthly feasts occurring at the new and full moons on the 8th and 23rd of the month. These feasts are called Kinming s'i-chai, " The four feasts illustriously decreed."

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? A Church built of oyster shells.

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? The walles of the said Pagode were built of extraordinary large and long Oyster shells, appearing handsome to sights In this poore Pagode were no Images, I say statues, only some few Defaced pictures hard to bee discerned.

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? The Manner of the Chinois ceremonies to their Images in their Pagodes.

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? Those thatt invited us were the Father and the sonne, who stood upright before the Altar, making Many bowings to the ground, with kneelings. The Father taketh 2 peeces of wood aboutt a spanne long and 2 Inches broad, bluffe or blunt att both ends, Flatt one the one side and rounding on the other, which hee threw uppe many tymes both together, and according as they Fell and lay (soe I conceave), hee interpreted good or bad lucke to themselves.After, hee takes a Cuppe of wyne (as I Imagine)，holding it first over his head and Muttring some certaine words, spills part therof on the ground ; then takes hee another Cuppe, wherin was the head, liver and guizzard of a henne. Doing therewith as hee Did with the other, powring outt allsoe a little of the broath on the ground. Making as it were an offring of both unto their Saint before they fast it. Soe ended the Ceremony, a Fire beeing kindled and incense burning all the while before the altar. Then broughtt they us some henne cutt in smalle peeces and Fresh porcke Don in like Manner, giving us Choppsticks to eatt our Meat, butt wee knew not how to use them, soe imployed our Fingers.

? Our Drincke was warme Rack ['arak, spirits] outt of a straunge bottle. For on the one side it had a bigge hole wherin they putt kindled coales with a little grate for the ashes to fall Downe in to another place, the licor going round aboutt all within the said bottle. This allsoe serves somtyrnes to warme their Chaa aforementioned, which they allwaies Drinck hotte as the Turckes Doe Coffea, and I thinck used For the same, partly to passe away the tyme, butt Cheiffly For their stomacks sake, it beeing accompted very wholesome.

? Having before mentioned Chopstickes, I will Describe a ordinary Fellow, as boatemen, etts., how hee eateth his meat which is commonly on the ground or Decke. Hee taketh the stickes (which are aboutt a foote longe) beetweene his Fingers and with them hee taketh iippe his Meat, beeing first cut smalle, as saltporcke, Fish, etts., with which they reHsh their Rice (it beeing their common Foode). I say first taking upp a bitt of the Meatte, hee presently applies to his Mouth a smalle porcelane [bowl] with sodden Rice. Hee thrusts, Grammes and stuffes it full of the said Rice with the Chopsticks in exceeding hasty Manner untill it will hold No more. They eat very often and are great Drinckers, Festivall, Frolike and Free as farre as [we] saw. The better sort eat after the same Manner, butt they sitt at tables as we Doe.

? The 11th of Augtcst [1637]. In the afternoone Mr Jno. Mountney, my self and the interpreter went ashoare to the Fort, carrying with us their white Flagge, telling them it was to no purpose. They told us they would send a Chinaman along with us, butt thatt wee had tried allsoe and could not prevaile to gett us provision For our Mony, [and] wee Desired to speake with the Cheife Mandareene. They answeared it could not bee, and thatt wee were yett to stay 4 Daies more for an answear. Soe Mr Mountney, throwing Downe the Flagge, wee came away. They cald to us, butt wee went not backe.

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? Strict watche kept aboard the shippes and wherfore.

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? This reply wee broughtt aboard, wheruppon it was concluded amongst all to stay outt the 4 Daies, beeing it was our agreementt, in the Meane tyme to keepe good watche to preventt Daunger by Fire, which is thatt wee most fear from them, Ausoe to have our shippes, Men and Munition in a readinesse, which hath bin observed ever since wee came in [to the river] with more then Ordinary. For it seemed to us all Thatt their answeares were Nothing butt Delaies, that they mightt in the Meanetyme secure and strengthen themselves. And as I said before, soe now againe, it is either Don by procurement of the Portugalls, who I conceave would rather Freely give to the Chinois the whole valine of our Cargazone then thatt wee should have permission to have Free trade with them, knowing it would bee the overthrow and totall Ruine of Macao ; Or the old tradition and Naturall inclination of these people Not to suffer straungers to inhabitt and trafficke, in their land : Macao it seemes beeing permitted long since by insinuation of the Jesuitts with the King and greatt Men, presenting them with Divers rarities outt of Europe, as allsoe shewing them of our European learning, untill then unknowne to them, thatt priviledge beeing procured with much Difficulty, Diligence and Cost.

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? Our barge shotte att From the Fort : Our shippes come up to it and besett it.

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? The 12th of August [1637]. Our barge beeing sentt to sound the water farther uppe, passed somwhatt Near the Plattfforme [Anung-hoi fort], From whence they were shott att 3 severall tymes, which caused her to come backe to the shippes. Uppon this they resolved to goe uppe and ride abreast of itt. Then outt went againe our Kings coullours, wastcloathes and bloudy ensigne.And the tide of Floud serving, wee came uppe. Anchored Near unto itt [the fort] and beesett it with our 4 shippes. Then From the PlattfEorme they began to Discharge att us allsoe Near a dozen shotte before wee answeared one. By their working wee perceaved whatt good gunners they were and how well they were fitted, For many of their owne shott Dropte downe outt off the Mouth of the peece close under the walle. Others were shotte att random happe hazard quite another way, giving fire to them with wett ventts even as the peeces lay on the round wall, withoutt ayming or traversing them att all. However, one shotte came and Cutt a little of the Dragons Maine Halliards a little abuove Man height, The Admirall then walking on the halff Decke.

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? Wee beegin to batter : The Chinois beegin to fly.

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? Att length wee beegan to Discharge our Ordnance on all hands. First the Admirall [the chief ship, the Dragon], then the rest, with sound of Drummes and trumpetts. Some of our shotte soe lighted [on] and Frighted them thatt within 1 ??? 2 howre there ran outt att the gate Neare a score of them along the strand, and soe gotte beehind a point. Wee conceaving there were some yett remayning within, continued shooting, butt hearing No More From them (For I thincke when they had once Discharged those gunnes of theirs thatt were laden, they had no greatt Minde to charge them againe). Our boates well Manned were sent ashoare ; butt by the tyme they were gotten halffe way, there came Forth off the Fort aboutt a Dozen More, butt None of any quallity thatt wee could perceave.

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? The Fort abandoned : Whatt Booty.

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? Our people beeing landed and Finding the gates open, entred the Fort, tooke Downe the China Flagge, hung it over the wall and theron advaunced our Kings coullours. Then wentt the Commaunders on shoare allsoe. Where they found aboutt 44 smalle Drakes of Near 4 or 5 hundredwaightt each, made by Chinois of Mixed Iron Cast, allsoe some plancks. Other things there were None, excepting potts, pannes, stooles, etts. rubbish. Having Defaced the battlementts and sett fire of the buildings within, wee broughtt away the gunnes (some 4 or 5 excepted which were broken in their throwing Downe over the wall) and some plancks etts. Wee came all aboard againe. I have sett downe the taking of this plattfforme somwhat largely, beecause it was soe orderly Don and the First skirmish thatt I yett ever saw my selfe in by land or Sea, this acte rather shewing the Manner then Deserving the Name of the taking of a Fort, it beeing of No great Daunger, Difficulty or resistance, as aforesaid. However, herein wee shewed our Discontents For their refusing our Freindly proffeers For a peaceable Commerce, And seeing all Faire Meanes will not prevaile, wee thoughtt good to Make triall of the Contrary. In Conclusion, the peace is broken and Now more then [ever] it beehooves us to stand uppon our guard.

? Additional accounts of the skirmish of the 12th August 1637

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? (1). Continuation of the China Voyage {Marine Records, Vol. LXIII.).

?

? After the End of 4 daies, haveinge (as they thought) sufficiently fortified themselves, they treacherously breaking this agreed Truce, discharged divers shott (though without hurte) upon our barge, which passed by them to find out a convenient wateringe place. Herewith the whole fleet beinge justly incensed, did on the sudden displaye their bloody Ensignes, and weighing the Anchors, fell upp with the flood and birthed themselves before the Castle, from whence came many shott before wee began with them, yett not one that touched soe much as hull or rope, until one which cutt the maine halliards of the Dragon. Whereupon, not being able to endure their bravadoes any longer, each Shipp began to play furiously upon them with their broad sides. And after 2 or 3 howres, perceivinge their cowardly fainting, our boates were landed with about 100 men, which sight occasioned them with great distractions instantly to abandon the Castle and Fly. Ours in the meane tyme without lett, Entringe the same and displainge his Majesties CuUours of great Brittaine upon the walls, and haveing the same night putt abourd all their Ordnance and divers planckes which they had reared for barracodoes upon the battlements, they fired their Councell house and dimolished what they could, and so returned to the shipps.

(2). Weddell's own account （O.C. 1662).

?

? The apointed tyme for answere beinge expired, I sent to the walls of the Castle to knowe the Mandereenes minde, but they would not be spoken withall, and thus they served me 3 dayes together. I sent my bardge to sound about the Castle wall to see whether our shipps might Come nearer to it, but Cominge neere the Castle, the Chineses made 3 shott at the barge. One fiewe over her, the other 2 fell shorte at the barges side, and did noe harme at all. Hereupon I Called all the Commaunders and merchants together and demaunded their opinions what were beste to be done in reguard wee found nothinge but delayes and that there was noe hopes of anie trade by faire meanes, wee were all of opinion to laye all our shippes as neere the walls of the Castle as wee Could well Come, and to batter it about their eares. Soe wefe waied presentlie with the flood and with our shipps ancored within musquett shott of the Castle. The Dragon lett fall her ancor within pistoll shott of the walls, and the Castle made 13 shott at us ere wee Could bringe a peece of ordinance to beare iipon them. But as soone as wee brought our shipp to beare upon them, wee kept them from lodinge their gunnes anie more ; soe that in? 1 ??? 2 howres space one of the Companies of soldiers begunn to runne for it, which wee perceivinge, wee manned our boates and landed our men, but none would stay in the Castle to receive us, but all ranne away and lefte the Castle for us to possesse. Our men entered and placed his majesties Cullours upon the walls. In the interim they were all gott up on a hill which overtopped the Castle and threwe greate stones into the same, so that wee were not able to hold it. Soe wee fell to work in gettinge aboard our shippes their ordinance, and dismantled the walls ; and soe quited the Castle, still beinge under the comaund of our ordinance. That night wee had gotten 35 peeces aboard our ship [pes]. This beinge done, the Allarum flew up to Cantan which is a[s] farre distant as London bridge is to Eriff.

?

? A Juncke taken by us.

?

? The 13th [12th p.m.] Ditto [Atigust 1637]. Wee tooke a juncke with our boates and broughtt her aboard. Shee had only in her a few tymbers, planckes, Arcabus a Croc^ Bamboo speares and a little Rice, which was all handed in to the Admirall with some of their people, who in submissive Manner Fell on their knees when they came aboard. I say wee tooke her the 12th Ditto in the afternoone.

?

? A strange conclusion tried.

?

? The 13th [August 1637]. The said Junck was Manned with English with some Chinois to scull her, and sent ahead to intercept others thatt should passe as not Mistrusting 1. Allso the Sunnes Skiffe was sentt ashoare to try if they could buy any Cattle, provision, etts. (which may seeme straunge to surprize and take and to seeke trade and refreshing From the same people at the same tyme) ; butt contrariwise they had some skirmish with the Country people, whereuppon our boates were sent to Succour them ; soe at last all came well off and returned in saffety. To day wee allso took a poore fisherman ; 5 of their Men got away by swyming ; other 2 with the boate were taken and presently [immediately] released againe. Wee allsoe tooke a bigge Juncke laden with salt 2? bound For Cantan ; the Men all Fledd.

? Some of the First Juncks people were in their owne Cockboate 3 sent with a lettre to Cantan, written in China Characters, shewing therin a reason of our thus proceeding with them, and thatt contrariwise our Desire was to have their Freindshipp and Free Comriierce in their Country ; the rest of thatt company should remayne with us till the others returned.

?

注：

1：In modern. English this would run :—The said junk, manned by English with some Chinese to scull her, was sent ahead to meet those coming down the river, so that they might pass her without suspicion (obsolete sense of mistrusting). In the letter of 19th December 1637 {Courteen Papers, Appendix D), the reasons for manning the junk with Englishmen are more distinctly stated. It is also recorded that the captain and his son, " a little Child " were kept on board the English fleet.

2:The writers of the Continuation of the China Voyage {Marine Records, vol. lxiii.) say that the cargoes of salt, timber, &c., were " safely kept from spoile. And afterwards, uppon proffer of peace, freely delivered and surrendred upp againe to the owners."

3：A small ship's boat, especially the small boat towed behind a coasting vessel going up or down river.

Thomas Robinson's skirmish with the country folk （Continuation of the China Voyage, Marine Records, Vol. LXIII.).

?

? All provisions of refreshinge growinge scarce in the Shipps and sicke men much necessitated, Thomas Robinson went on shoare with the barge and a whitt flagg to certaine villages to procure what he might, beinge accompanied only with 7 musketters, and haveinge passed about a Myle upp in the Country, made their his Station in an open porch of one of their Idoll Temples, untill the people had brought in henns, hoggs, etc., for which, whilest the mony was payinge, he descried about 350 Chinesses, armed with swords, bucklers, launces, etc., makeinge towards them ; and beinge approached very neare, they began to rayse a confused shoute after the manner of the Irish hubbubs 1.Wherupon he called to his Company instantly to handle their musketts and to be carefull that they were not cutt off from the passage to the waterside to which they now approched, but were resolutly and undauntedly put to retreate by ours, whoe, discharginge 3 att once and then retyringe whilst the others came upp, held them play [kept them engaged] in a fayre manner without any dammadge (though they lost some), till they had recovered the waterside, where beinge arryved, they found a supply of about 60 small shott sent from the Shipps, invited by the discharginge of their musketts in this occasion. With these, beinge reinforced, they marched upp againe and recovered what they had formerly paid for and were constrained to leave behind. Yett offred they noe violence to people or howses.

?

注：

1：" The Irish hubbub," (hubbaboo), is an old term referring to the ancient Irish expression abu or war-cry. It consisted of confused yelling. Hence " the Irish hubbub " came to mean any savage warcry, tumult or turmoil.

?

? Juncks

?

? Having before in severall places Mentioned Juncks ett[s]. China vessells, I have here sett some sorts of such as I have scene, viz.

[Mundy's description of Illustration No. 29.]：

? A : The Forme of the Admirall Juncke 1 thatt came unto us as wee wente towards Cantan. They have no topsailes, only Mainsaile and Foresaile of Cajanes and Bambooes, made like Mattes, which instead of taking in, they lett Falle in plates one uppon another as lettre B. This had 2 things on their heads of their Mast, somwhatt like toppes ; others had butt one, and Most of them None. The better sort had Falce galleries, all of them Doores in their broadsides. Furnished with Drakes, such smalle gunnes as wee tooke outt of the Castle. They saile very swifft and will lye Nearer the winde then wee can, turne and tacke sodainely, their sailes (whither afore or abaft the Mast) all one like hoyesailes 2, high sided, hard to enter, there beeing Nothin to hold by, weakly plancked and timbred and about [blank] tonnes burthen the bigger sort. These are the Kings Men of Warre hereaboutts in this River and Creeks adjoyning.

?

注：

1：Cantonese, shui-sz-shün, Admiral's ship. Cf. Father Magaillans, History of China, p. 129: "Among the King's Barks, those which are call'd So chuen are employ'd to carry the Mandarins to their several Governments. These are made like our Caravels, but high, and so well Painted . . . thatthey resemble Buildings erected for some publick Solemnity, rather than ordinary Hoy's."

2:That is, square sails in one piece. The hoy was a small vessel, usually rigged as a sloop, but Mundy is describing the ordinary square sail of Oriental river boats.

?

? Skulling Men of Warre.

?

? B : Another sort of Men of warre, having as it were a gallery From stemme to sterne without board, made of Bamboes, wherin men stand to skulle, some 8 or 9 oares of a side and 2 or 3 Men att an oare, which beareth on a pin, and the end of the handle fastned with a string to the vessells side. The blade beeing heaviest, weyeth uppe the handle, which beeing tied, can goe noe Farther as thus :

?

? They skull with great swifftnesse allmoste holding way with our barge. These wee call skulling Juncks, beeing small vessells, their Decks and coverings rounding *

?

注：These vessels would now be classed as kün-shün, government boats.

?

? A vessell under saile.

?

? C : A vessell under saile, one saile lying one way and the other tother, and one before the Mast and the other abaft *.

?

注：Cantonese, wai-pang-shün.

?

? A vessell att Anchor.

?

? D : A vessell at an Anchore with her saile lowered and lying in plates, their Cables generally off Rattanes and Killicks* with great stones For Anchors.

?

注：Killick, a heavy stone used on small vessels (wai-pang-shün) as a substitute for an anchor.

?

? A labouring boate.

?

? E : A poore mans boate by which he getteth his living either by Fishing or transporting or carrying goodes, where hee keepeth house with his Family, soe thatt not only himselffe, but his wiffe with a Child att her backe (which is as good as rocking For it), with the rest of the Children, alle putt hand to the Oare 1 This representts a watcheboate with a Portugall sitting in her, hired ; of these Many aboutt and in Macao 2.

?

注：

1：This represents the family boat, chü-ká-t'eng

2：Mundy seems to have omitted this boat from his drawing. He probably meant to depict a guard-boat or revenue cruiser, chun-shün.

?

? A little long prow.

?

? F : A smalle little low long Narrow shallow prow, which wee saw aboutt Macao. I know not For whatt use, appearing to sightt like a long peece of timber Floating on the water*

?

注：The dragon-boat or skiff of the Canton River, lung-shun. Compare Magaillans, p. 130 : " There are other Vessels call'd L'am chuen, very light and small in Comparison of the other, and which are almost as broad as they are long . . . These are for the use of the Men of learning, and other wealthy Persons and People of Quality."

?

? Manchooas or vessells for recreation etts. service.

?

? G : Manchooas 1 or small vessells of recreation, used by the Portugalls here, as allsoe att Goa, pretty handsome things resembling little Frigatts, Many curiously carved, guilded and painted, with little beake heads.

? The China vessells before mentioned are used here aboutt Macao and the River of Cantan in smooth waters. Other formes there are, greatt and smalle, with high boarded sides, able to endure the Sea in foule wether, as the vessells of the Chincheos etts. ; others thatt trafficke abroad viz., To Japane, Mannilla, Java etts., called Somars? 2.

?

注：

1：Manchua. This term is very interesting, as it is properly the Portuguese name for a large cargo-boat on the West Coast of India, taken from the native generic names for sea-going boats from Gujarat to Cochin—the machhwd, a fishing and also cargo-boat, the manja (Malayalam, manji), a large cargo -boat, the mahdngiri, a large machhwd used for a trading boat. The term mandnia has apparently been transferred to the Far East by the Portuguese to represent the Cantonese term, man-shihi, a sea-going trading vessel. From Mundy's description, the Portuguese also applied the term manchua to a pleasure sailing vessel which they used at Macao.

2：The term " somar, soma, somme," for a vessel in the China Sea, was in general use from the end of the i6th to the middle of the 18th century.

?The Chinois come to parley.

?

? The 15th of August [1637] . Came a petty Mandareene with a flagge of Truce. Hee came from the higher powers to know our grievances, which having told him, hee then promised to Doe his best thatt wee Mightt have our Desires, viz., Free trade, a Commodious place For our shippes and a house on shoare For our selves to inhabitt, in all which, and whatt elce wee could Demaund in reason, hee Doubted nott butt would bee obteyned easily and speedily. Wee on the other side promised full satisfaction and restitution of all hindrances and Dammages past, and to Confirme Freindshippe with them hereafter. Soe hee Departed and wee released the salt Juncke.

?

? Some of our Merchantts with a presentt goe uppe to Cantan.

?

? The 16th Ditto [August 1637]. Came the said Mandareene and Desired thatt 2 mightt bee appointed to goe along with him to Cantan there to putt in our petition 1 , wherein hee would assist us to the uttermost of his power, and would worcke the Portugalls whatt Mischeiffe hee could, by reason, as hee said, they had wrongued and Disgraced him and would have sold him as a slave. Hee now lives with the Cheeompee [Tsungping], a greatt Man in this province, having wiffe and Children at Macao, and had served the Portugall[s] these 6 or 7 yeeres For Jurabasse 2 or interpreter att their Mart att Cantan 3 where they Make an annuall investmentt of 1,500,000 taies [tael], which is Nere to 1,000,000 of Ryall [of] eightt ?. Uppon these his wordes, Mr John Mountney and Mr Thomas Robinson, who had formerly bin part of the way in the pinnace Anne, wentt Now with the said Mandareene in his owne Juncke ? .They carried with them For presentt a Ritche embrodered [ornamented] Cabinett, a bason and Ewer of Silver, etts., Soe thatt Now there appeared some hopes of setling a trade in these parts.

?

注：

1：The Continuation of the China Voyage （op. cit.) says that Noretti returned " the same night With a small Joncke and full authoritie to carry upp such as should be appointed to Canton, there to tender a petition and to conclude farther upon the manner of our future proceedings."

2：Malay juru-balulsa (master of speech), interpreter.

3：Noretti was a Chinese who had been converted to Christianity by the Portuguese and employed by them as an interpreter. In 1636, he relapsed and left their service, and was said to have been guilty of deceit and malpractices.

4：Mundy is here reckoning the tael at 10 mace and the real of eight (Spanish dollar) at about seven mace, as per his table given at the end of Relation XXVI.

5：Weddell says (O.C. 1662) that " one Charles Webb accompanied Robinson and John Mountney, and that they " went not out of the Junke that night."

They returne From thence.

?

? The 19th [August 1637]. Aboutt Midnightt our Merchantts returned From Cantan with the people of the sallt Juncke which wee had Formerly sentt, Ours having had audience and promise to grauntt their reasonable requests, Desiring them to returne to their shippes, where there should bee appointed certaine Mandareens of quallity to treat with us aboutt Capitulationes* of trade. This they said they were told.

?

注：An obsolete term indicating the making of an agreement, terms or treaty.

?

? Further details of the visit to Canton (Continuation of the China Voyage, Marine Records, Vol. LXIII.).

?

? 16th August 1637. John Mounteney and Thomas Robinson passed upp the river, and the next eveninge arryved att the cittye, anchoringe close under the walls in sight of the pallace of Champin, the Admyrall Gennerall.

? 18th August 1637. On the morrow, haveinge procured a petition to be formally drawne by the meanes of the said Noretty (who after shalbe styled our Keby or Broker) 1 , they were called ashoare about 3 in the afternoone and received into the pallace, with many great shott and chambers 2. Passing through a treble guard placed in 3 courts 3, and att length comeinge in sight of the Cheefs there assembled ? they were willed, according to the Cuntry Custome, to Sumba or kneele ? and Thomas Robinson, houldinge the petition att large [unfolded] extended upon his head * delivered it to Noretty to Carry up to Champin. The contents wherof be soe reasonable, as before specified, he presently [immediately] consented unto, and promised his uttmost assistance, blameinge the treacherye of the Portugalls, whom he taxed as Authors, by their slanders, of all the precedent inconveniences ; and indeed he hath ever since continued our fast frend, as by the sequell wilbe evident ?.

?

注：

1：" Keby " obviously represents the Portuguese form " queve " (see the Petition given below), meaning a go-between. The Cantonese form is kan-pan, one who attends, attendant interpreter. The proper Cantonese term for a broker is king-ki, one who understands the business.

2：" With many great shott and chambers " appears to mean, " where were many great and small cannon." " Shot " and "chamber " are both obsolete terms, the former for cannon and firearms generally and the latter for a small piece of ordnance without a carriage, used to fire salutes.

3：According to Weddell (O.C. 1662), the guard numbered 2000 armed men.

4：Weddell says （O.C. 1662） that there were two Mandarins and that the English were halted about "a shippes length from them."

5：See ante, note on p. 88.

6：Weddell, however, says （O.C. 1662) that the petition was " hanginge about their neck " and " was presentlie fetched from them."

7：In the letter of 19th December 1637 （Courteen Papers, Appendix D), it is said that it was agreed that the English should pay " for this present investment 10000 Rs. of 8（8雷亞爾的銀幣，此指西班牙銀元）, to be devided amongst the Mandereens, and if wee setled, then to pay as the Portingalls did which is 30000 yearly."