Author(s): John Haldon, Neil Roberts, Adam Izdebski, Dominik Fleitmann, Michael McCormick, Marica Cassis, Owen Doonan, Warren Eastwood, Hugh Elton, Sabine Ladst?tter, Sturt Manning, James Newhard, Kathleen Nicoll, Ioannes Telelis and Elena Xoplaki
Published by: The MIT Press

翻譯：神尾智代??

Gathering the dat

收集數(shù)據(jù)

A close look at palynological data from a series of sites across the western half of Anatolia is highly informative. Pollen from flora representing both human activities (from cereals and nut trees, for example, or the weeds and grasses favored for grazing livestock) and the natural vegetation that replaces crops or expands to occupy formerly tilled land are suggestive of particular agricultural patterns. A first conclusion is that Anatolia's arable and pastoral land, even the marginal areas, was, with regional variations according to local conditions, put to relatively intensive use during the sixth and seventh centuries. Both the palynological record and the archaeological evidence indicate that much of the region was densely inhabited and characterized by mixed farming.

????????? 仔細(xì)觀察來自安納托利亞西半部一系列地點(diǎn)的孢粉學(xué)數(shù)據(jù)會(huì)提供大量信息。 來自代表人類活動(dòng)的植物群花粉（例如來自谷物和堅(jiān)果樹，或用于放牧牲畜的雜草和草）和取代作物或擴(kuò)大占據(jù)以前耕地的自然植被，都暗示了特定的農(nóng)業(yè)模式。 第一個(gè)結(jié)論是，安納托利亞的耕地和牧區(qū)，甚至是邊緣地區(qū)，在六、七世紀(jì)期間，因地方情況而有所差異，得到了相對(duì)密集的利用。 孢粉學(xué)記錄和考古證據(jù)表明，該地區(qū)的大部分地區(qū)人口稠密，以混合農(nóng)業(yè)為特征。

Beginning in the seventh century, however, this intensive and relatively homogenous exploitation of land receded, at different rates, across the southern Balkans and much of Asia Minor with the entire BOP agricultural régime. In its place, many locations underwent a sequence of progressive expansion of natural vegetation increasingly prominent indications of post-arable growth, followed by scrub, and either wild grasses and steppic vegetation or woodland re-growth. Other locations show evidence of continued anthropogenic land use but with a much more limited range of crops that varied according to specific local conditions. Cereal production and livestock raising began to dominate, and the cultivation of vines and olives to decrease dramatically in many areas.

????????? 然而，從 7 世紀(jì)開始，這種對(duì)土地的密集和相對(duì)同質(zhì)化的開發(fā)以不同的速度在巴爾干南部和小亞細(xì)亞的大部分地區(qū)以及整個(gè) BOP 農(nóng)業(yè)制度消退。 取而代之的是，許多地方經(jīng)歷了一系列自然植被逐漸擴(kuò)張的過程，越來越突出的后耕地生長(zhǎng)跡象，其次是灌木叢，野草和草原植被或林地重新生長(zhǎng)。 其他地點(diǎn)顯示出持續(xù)人為土地利用的證據(jù)，但根據(jù)當(dāng)?shù)靥囟l件而變化的作物范圍更為有限。 谷物生產(chǎn)和牲畜飼養(yǎng)開始占主導(dǎo)地位，許多地區(qū)的葡萄樹和橄欖種植急劇減少。

Palynological investigation shows considerably less pollen from fruit trees of all types for this period. Parts of inland Bithynia in northwest Anatolia, close to Constantinople, however, appear to defy this trend to some extent, showing signs that the BOP suite of cultivars continued unbroken, albeit with an overall reduction in the volume of production. By contrast, the evidence suggests that the coastal regions of Bithynia increased their reliance on pastoral farming at the expense of cereal and fruit production, possibly testifying to the frequent sea-borne attacks there during the second half of the seventh and early eighth centuries, which made such cultivation risky. The survival of traditional agriculture in inland areas, away from the threatened coastal areas, may reflect market demand from Constantinople.

????????? 孢粉學(xué)調(diào)查顯示，這一時(shí)期所有類型果樹的花粉明顯減少。然而，靠近君士坦丁堡的安納托利亞西北部?jī)?nèi)陸比提尼亞的部分地區(qū)似乎在一定程度上違背了這一趨勢(shì)，表明品種的 BOP 套件繼續(xù)不間斷，盡管產(chǎn)量總體下降。相比之下，有證據(jù)表明，比提尼亞沿海地區(qū)以犧牲谷物和水果生產(chǎn)為代價(jià)，增加了對(duì)畜牧業(yè)的依賴，這可能證明了 7 世紀(jì)下半葉和 8 世紀(jì)初那里頻繁的海上襲擊，使這樣的培養(yǎng)有風(fēng)險(xiǎn)。遠(yuǎn)離受威脅的沿海地區(qū)的內(nèi)陸地區(qū)傳統(tǒng)農(nóng)業(yè)的生存可能反映了君士坦丁堡的市場(chǎng)需求。

As a whole, Anatolia in this period evinces a much-simplified agro-pastoral regime and a reduced level of activity. The wholesale retreat from many of the marginal areas that had formerly been farmed and the often-dramatic reduction in farming elsewhere might be indicative of a reduced rural population in some areas as well - certainly in the Konya plain region, where a hitherto dense settlement relying on extensive seasonal irrigation vanished in the later seventh/ early eighth century. A similar pattern is evident in the material remains at ?adir H?yük (in the basin of the Kanak Su, Yozgat province), where the wealthy settlement of the late antique period was replaced by a smaller habitation. Although the dates are still difficult to assess, these changes appear to have been roughly contemporary with those in the broader region. Similar developments appear to have occurred in Cappadocia, Bithynia, and eastern Paphlagonia. Although the evidence for these developments is patchy, and many more sample sites are necessary to ensure comprehensive coverage (particularly in the lowland sites where many cities were located), the overall picture appears to fit well with the textual and the archaeological evidence about the collapse of established urban and agricultural customs, the downward demographic trend, and the general militarization of the Empire's provincial society.

????????? 總體而言，這一時(shí)期的安納托利亞體現(xiàn)了一個(gè)大大簡(jiǎn)化的農(nóng)牧體制和減少的活動(dòng)水平。許多以前種植的邊緣地區(qū)的大規(guī)模撤退以及其他地方的農(nóng)業(yè)經(jīng)常急劇減少可能表明某些地區(qū)的農(nóng)村人口也在減少——尤其是在科尼亞平原地區(qū)，那里迄今為止密集的定居點(diǎn)依賴于廣泛的季節(jié)性灌溉在七世紀(jì)后期/八世紀(jì)初期消失了。在 ?adir H?yük（位于約茲加特省 Kanak Su 盆地）的材料遺跡中，類似的模式很明顯，在那里，古代晚期的富裕定居點(diǎn)被一個(gè)較小的居住區(qū)所取代。盡管日期仍然難以評(píng)估，但這些變化似乎與更廣泛地區(qū)的變化大致同時(shí)發(fā)生?？ㄅ炼辔鱽?、比提尼亞和帕夫拉戈尼亞東部似乎也出現(xiàn)了類似的發(fā)展。盡管這些發(fā)展的證據(jù)不完整，并且需要更多的樣本站點(diǎn)以確保全面覆蓋（特別是在許多城市所在的低地站點(diǎn)），但總體情況似乎與關(guān)于崩潰的文字和考古證據(jù)非常吻合已建立的城市和農(nóng)業(yè)習(xí)俗、人口下降趨勢(shì)以及帝國(guó)省級(jí)社會(huì)的普遍軍事化。

In some regions, after 100 to 250 years, a further shift is evident in the pollen, indicating greater entrenchment of this simplified regime; an expansion of large-scale pastoral farming; and a reappearance, in some contexts, of cultivars, mainly cereals, but also traces of vines, olives, and fruits. This slight return coincides with the political and economic recovery of the Empire during the later ninth and tenth centuries, as well as with the end of a drier (and cooler) period that had lasted from the eighth into the tenth century (see Figure 4).

????????? 在一些地區(qū)，經(jīng)過 100 到 250 年，花粉的進(jìn)一步變化明顯，表明這種簡(jiǎn)化制度的根深蒂固； 擴(kuò)大規(guī)?；男竽翗I(yè)； 在某些情況下，重新出現(xiàn)栽培品種，主要是谷物，但也有葡萄藤、橄欖和水果的痕跡。 這種輕微的回歸恰逢 9 世紀(jì)后期和 10 世紀(jì)帝國(guó)的政治和經(jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)蘇，以及從 8 世紀(jì)持續(xù)到 10 世紀(jì)的干燥（和涼爽）時(shí)期的結(jié)束（見圖 4） .

By way of illustration, the palynological data from Nar G?lü - which included the Roman and Byzantine center of Nazianzos, laying just to the north of the current Melendiz Ovasi (Bishop's Meadow) - indicates a significant agrarian recovery during the second half of the tenth century C.E., presenting a new configuration in the region's rural economy. The area now placed greater emphasis on cereal production and livestock herding, as opposed to the orchards and gardens of the bop before its abrupt termination in the region between, roughly, 670 and 690.

????????? 舉例來說，來自 Nar G?lü 的孢粉學(xué)數(shù)據(jù)——包括位于現(xiàn)在的 Melendiz Ovasi（主教草甸）以北的納齊安索斯的羅馬和拜占庭中心——表明十世紀(jì)下半葉農(nóng)業(yè)的顯著恢復(fù)，這呈現(xiàn)出該地區(qū)農(nóng)村經(jīng)濟(jì)的新格局。該地區(qū)現(xiàn)在更加重視谷物生產(chǎn)和牲畜放牧，而不是在大約 670 到 690 年之間突然終止之前的果園和花園。

?In the 960s, just to the south of Nar G?lii, was a productive and wealthy imperial estate (called Drizion in the Byzantine sources). Contemporary sources imply that it had only recently become safe from hostile attack, after years of warfare and conflict. It may well be the activities of such imperial estates, in expanding or re-establishing cereal production, among other crops, that the pollen data for the period from 950 onward reflect. But we also know that a number of Anatolian aristocratic landlords began to invest in expanding their estates around this time, coinciding with the height of imperial political and military power and expansion and widespread growth of the agrarian economy in the Byzantine world. Was the degree of this improvement in the economic, political, and military fortunes of the Empire - more specifically，its social elite in Asia Minor - aided by an amelioration in the climate regime?

????????? 在 960 年代，就在 Nar G?lii 的南部，是一個(gè)富有成效且富有的帝國(guó)莊園（在拜占庭文獻(xiàn)中稱為 Drizion）。當(dāng)代消息來源暗示，經(jīng)過多年的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)和沖突，它最近才免受敵對(duì)襲擊。950 年以后的花粉數(shù)據(jù)很可能反映了這些皇家莊園在擴(kuò)大或重建谷物生產(chǎn)以及其他作物方面的活動(dòng)。但我們也知道，一些安納托利亞貴族地主大約在這個(gè)時(shí)期開始投資擴(kuò)大他們的莊園，恰逢拜占庭世界帝國(guó)政治和軍事力量的鼎盛時(shí)期以及農(nóng)業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)的擴(kuò)張和廣泛增長(zhǎng)。帝國(guó)的經(jīng)濟(jì)、政治和軍事財(cái)富——更具體地說，是小亞細(xì)亞的社會(huì)精英——的這種改善程度是否得益于氣候制度的改善？

A persuasive universal explanation for these developments is still elusive. Most, but not all, of the shifts inferred from the palaeoecological record can be demonstrated to coincide neatly with known political events, such as the Arab-Islamic invasions from the late seventh century. Moreover, not all of the "climate change" events fit perfectly with other types of events. The substantial regional variation across Anatolia (as indicated by the palaeoclimatic data), which we have already discussed, is rarely given sufficient attention. It is particularly relevant in this context, especially with respect to the contrast between central Anatolia and the western areas and their very different climate regimes and sometimes trajectories (see, for example, Figure 2a). Anatolia's apparent climatic instability suggests that environmental shifts may have contributed significantly to changes in the vegetation reflected in the pollen data from the fifth and sixth centuries into the seventh and eighth centuries. But because many pollen deposits, as well as climatic changes, are amenable to only approximate dating, their exact relationship remains obscure at most sites.

????????? 對(duì)這些發(fā)展的有說服力的普遍解釋仍然難以捉摸。大多數(shù)（但不是全部）從古生態(tài)記錄推斷的變化都可以證明與已知的政治事件完全一致，例如 7 世紀(jì)后期的阿拉伯 - 伊斯蘭入侵。此外，并非所有“氣候變化”事件都與其他類型的事件完美契合。我們已經(jīng)討論過的整個(gè)安納托利亞的巨大區(qū)域差異（如古氣候數(shù)據(jù)所示）很少得到足夠的關(guān)注。在這方面尤其重要，尤其是在安納托利亞中部和西部地區(qū)之間的對(duì)比以及它們非常不同的氣候狀況和有時(shí)的軌跡方面（例如，參見圖 2a）。安納托利亞明顯的氣候不穩(wěn)定性表明，環(huán)境變化可能對(duì)從 5 世紀(jì)和 6 世紀(jì)到 7 世紀(jì)和 8 世紀(jì)的花粉數(shù)據(jù)中反映的植被變化做出了重大貢獻(xiàn)。但是由于許多花粉沉積以及氣候變化只能進(jìn)行近似測(cè)年，因此它們的確切關(guān)系在大多數(shù)地點(diǎn)仍然不清楚。

As already noted, in some areas, such as around Lake Beysehir on the western edge of the plateau, or around Sagalassos in Pisidia, the change in vegetation patterns occurred across the period from the first half of the sixth century into the mid-seventh century, but with a high level of local variation within a small area. At the coastal sites in Lycia, in the Bereket Valley south of Sagalassos, and on the southern Aegean littoral, the end of the BOP appears even earlier; in Bithynia, Paphlagonia, and Pontus, the seventh century marks the key transition, although the traditional suite of cultivars may have survived into the eighth century in certain localities. In parts of Cappadocia, however, the 670s certainly denote an end to BOP-type agriculture but not any clearly identifiable shift in climate. At Lake Nar, some 30 km south-west of Derinkuyu, the bop ended precipitously within the period 664 to 678 C.E., dateable by annually laminated high-resolution sediments from the lake. Here a decided increase in tree pollen and a decrease in anthropogenic indicators (for example, Olea, cereal pollen types) is noticeable, and analysis of the pollen concentrations indicates a substantial, and abrupt, increase in tree cover and/or density.

?????????? 如前所述，在某些地區(qū)，例如高原西部邊緣的 Beysehir 湖周圍或 Pisidia 的 Sagalassos 周圍，植被模式的變化發(fā)生在從 6 世紀(jì)上半葉到 7 世紀(jì)中葉的整個(gè)時(shí)期，但在小區(qū)域內(nèi)具有高度的局部變異。在 Lycia 的沿海地區(qū)、Sagalassos 以南的 Bereket 山谷和愛琴海南部沿海地區(qū)，BOP的末端出現(xiàn)得更早；在 Bithynia、Paphlagonia 和 Pontus，7 世紀(jì)標(biāo)志著關(guān)鍵的轉(zhuǎn)變，盡管傳統(tǒng)的栽培品種在某些地方可能已經(jīng)存活到 8 世紀(jì)。然而，在卡帕多西亞的部分地區(qū)，670 年代肯定意味著 BOP 型農(nóng)業(yè)的終結(jié)，但并沒有任何明顯可識(shí)別的氣候變化。在德林庫(kù)尤西南約 30 公里處的納爾湖，波峰在公元 664 至 678 年間突然結(jié)束，可通過該湖每年層疊的高分辨率沉積物確定年代。在這里，樹木花粉的明顯增加和人為指標(biāo)（例如，油橄欖、谷物花粉類型）的減少是顯而易見的，花粉濃度分析表明樹木覆蓋率和/或密度顯著且突然增加。

A sustained increase in pine-pollen percentages is typical of many other western Anatolian pollen diagrams that record the end of the BOP, by all accounts signifying an expansion of pine forests across the Taurus and Pontic Mountain chains, though probably at some distance from Nar. The sustained increase in deciduous oak pollen, however, most likely reflects expanding oak woodland areas and/or an increase in tree density more locally within Cappadocia.

????????? 松花粉百分比的持續(xù)增加是許多其他記錄BOP結(jié)束的安納托利亞西部花粉圖的典型特征，所有人都認(rèn)為這意味著松林在金牛座和龐蒂克山脈上的擴(kuò)張，盡管可能距離納爾有一段距離。 然而，落葉橡樹花粉的持續(xù)增加很可能反映了橡樹林地面積的擴(kuò)大和/或卡帕多西亞當(dāng)?shù)貥淠久芏鹊脑黾印?/span>

Significantly, pollen percentages for grasses associated with steppe vegetation also declined in this period, possibly implying that woody vegetation began to cover some of the areas previously dedicated to livestock grazing. At Nar Lake highly resolved palaeoclimatic data show a distinct change in conditions - from humid to more arid - but only from 750 C. Importantly, the pollen and the independent climate proxies, such as oxygen isotopes, come from the same sediment cores, thus precluding the possibility of miscorrelation. In this particular example, it has been possible to demonstrate a reasonably persuasive association between anthropogenic activity - intensive Arab raiding that devastated the landscape during the years in question - and the picture derived from the environmental data. No simple correlation exists between societal collapse and any adverse climatic changes in the Nar Lake record during the seventh and eighth centuries. The re-occupation of Cappadocia between 850 and 950 C.E., however, coincided with an amelioration of the climate toward wetter conditions, suggesting that an increasingly propitious agro-climatic environment may have encouraged the re-establishment of the middle Byzantine rural economy. So far, however, Nar Lake presents the only case study in which this degree of cross-disciplinary interpretation has been possible (see Table 3).

????????? 值得注意的是，與草原植被相關(guān)的草的花粉百分比在此期間也有所下降，這可能意味著木本植被開始覆蓋一些以前專門用于放牧的地區(qū)。在納爾湖，高分辨率的古氣候數(shù)據(jù)顯示條件的明顯變化——從潮濕到更干旱——但僅從750年開始。重要的是，花粉和獨(dú)立的氣候代理，如氧同位素，來自相同的沉積物核心，因此排除了不相關(guān)的可能性。在這個(gè)特定的例子中，已經(jīng)有可能證明人為活動(dòng)（在相關(guān)年份對(duì)景觀造成破壞的密集阿拉伯襲擊）與從環(huán)境數(shù)據(jù)得出的圖片之間存在合理的說服力。在7世紀(jì)和8世紀(jì)，納爾湖記錄中的社會(huì)崩潰與任何不利的氣候變化之間不存在簡(jiǎn)單的相關(guān)性。然而，公元850 年至950年卡帕多西亞的重新占領(lǐng)恰逢氣候向濕潤(rùn)條件的改善，這表明日益有利的農(nóng)業(yè)氣候環(huán)境可能促進(jìn)了拜占庭中部農(nóng)村經(jīng)濟(jì)的重建。然而，到目前為止，Nar Lake 提出了唯一一個(gè)可以進(jìn)行這種程度的跨學(xué)科解釋的案例研究（見表 3）。

Archaeological site surveys provide an alternative data set for changes in rural population. A number of the recent field surveys in Anatolia have begun to yield settlement data within systematic sampling programs. The majority of them are multi-period field programs, though the Sagalassos regional survey in Pisidia, for one, was initially prompted by interest in a particular archaeological period - the Hellenistic-Roman-Byzantine. Identification of siteoccupation periods is primarily based on analysis of potsherds collected in the field, the typology of which allows attribution to broad archaeological phases lasting several centuries (for instance, the late Roman). Periods of site abandonment, which are represented by the absence of evidence, are, by definition, harder to define and identify.

????????? 考古遺址調(diào)查為農(nóng)村人口的變化提供了另一種數(shù)據(jù)集。 最近在安納托利亞進(jìn)行的一些實(shí)地調(diào)查已經(jīng)開始在系統(tǒng)抽樣計(jì)劃中產(chǎn)生定居點(diǎn)數(shù)據(jù)。 其中大多數(shù)是多時(shí)期的實(shí)地項(xiàng)目，盡管在 Pisidia 的 Sagalassos 區(qū)域調(diào)查首先是出于對(duì)特定考古時(shí)期的興趣——希臘化-羅馬-拜占庭時(shí)期。 遺址占用時(shí)期的確定主要基于對(duì)現(xiàn)場(chǎng)收集的陶片的分析，其類型允許歸因于持續(xù)幾個(gè)世紀(jì)的廣泛考古階段（例如，晚期羅馬）。 以缺乏證據(jù)為代表的場(chǎng)地廢棄時(shí)期，根據(jù)定義，更難定義和識(shí)別。

Despite the unavoidably broad dating for many archaeological periods, some of the Anatolian site surveys manage to shed light on changing rural settlement patterns between 200 C and 1000 C.E., as we can illustrate with results from the Sinop and Balboura Regional Archaeological Surveys. The Sinop survey demonstrates a remarkable rise in settlement density from the fourth century along the east-facing coast to the south of the main port. This coast was known in antiquity as the most favorable along the Black Sea for the production of olives. Strabo, the first-century B.C.E. geographer, who was a native of the region and almost certainly an eyewitness, described it as thickly planted with olive groves. Furthermore, olive pits have been recovered from locally produced late Roman amphorae raised from the Sinop harbor area. Environmental evidence is still under analysis, but there is a dramatic drop in settlement density in the Demirci valley, 15 km south of Sinop, from forty-five recorded archaeological sites to a mere eight Middle-Late Byzantine sites; and in the Kirkge?itcayi valley, from forty-six Late Roman sites to just four Middle-Late Byzantine sites. Based on the datable material finds, this decrease in the number of identifiable settlements appears to correspond with the seventh century, consistent with the cool/wet climatic conditions associated with the end of the bop.

????????? 盡管許多考古時(shí)期的年代都不可避免地廣泛，但一些安納托利亞遺址調(diào)查設(shè)法揭示了公元 200 年至公元 1000 年間農(nóng)村聚落模式的變化，正如我們可以用錫諾普和巴爾布拉地區(qū)考古調(diào)查的結(jié)果來說明的那樣。錫諾普調(diào)查表明，從四世紀(jì)起，沿東向海岸到主要港口以南的定居密度顯著增加。這個(gè)海岸在古代被稱為黑海沿岸最適合生產(chǎn)橄欖的海岸。斯特拉博，公元前一世紀(jì)地理學(xué)家是該地區(qū)的本地人，幾乎可以肯定是目擊者，他將其描述為種植了茂密的橄欖樹。此外，從錫諾普港地區(qū)當(dāng)?shù)厣a(chǎn)的晚期羅馬雙耳瓶中回收了橄欖核。環(huán)境證據(jù)仍在分析中，但錫諾普以南 15 公里處的德米爾奇山谷的定居密度急劇下降，從有記錄的 45 個(gè)考古遺址減少到僅 8 個(gè)中晚期拜占庭遺址；在 Kirkge?itcayi 山谷，從 46 個(gè)晚期羅馬遺址到僅 4 個(gè)中晚期拜占庭遺址。根據(jù)數(shù)據(jù)材料的發(fā)現(xiàn)，可識(shí)別定居點(diǎn)數(shù)量的減少似乎與 7 世紀(jì)相對(duì)應(yīng)，與與波普結(jié)束相關(guān)的涼爽/潮濕氣候條件一致。

A crop like olives, always marginal in the Black Sea, would be highly sensitive to this climatic shift. The radical reduction in rural settlement in the Sinop hinterland could be explained by the collapse of a near-monopoly on olive exports in the Black Sea linked to climate "deterioration." Olive cultivation would also have been sensitive to temperature conditions, especially in spring, and the severe winters that became increasingly common from the sixth century onward (see appendix 1) made olive trees at or above 1,000 masl (meters above sea level) increasingly vulnerable to frost damage. A postclassical decline in olive cultivation is evident both archaeologically and in pollen diagrams (see Figure 5), at least in part due to climatic adversity.

????????? 像橄欖這樣的作物在黑海總是處于邊緣地位，對(duì)這種氣候變化非常敏感。 錫諾普腹地農(nóng)村定居點(diǎn)的急劇減少可以用與氣候“惡化”相關(guān)的黑海橄欖出口近乎壟斷的崩潰來解釋。 橄欖種植也對(duì)溫度條件很敏感，尤其是在春季，而從 6 世紀(jì)開始越來越普遍的嚴(yán)冬（見附錄 1）使得海拔 1,000 masl（海平面以上）的橄欖樹越來越容易受到 凍害。 在考古學(xué)和花粉圖（見圖 5）中，橄欖種植的后古典衰退很明顯，至少部分是由于氣候逆境。

A similar case involving the potential influence of climate on the economic history of the countryside is manifest in the results of the archaeological survey around the classical city of Balboura in northern Lycia (southwestern Anatolia), almost all of its territory above 1,200 masI. As in the Sinop region, the rural settlement of the main Roman period continued into late antiquity. The total number of potsherds from this remote highland area rose in the fifth century, reaching a peak two centuries later, just when the economic system of the Eastern Roman Empire was failing. Yet after another 100 years, the entire area seems to have been abandoned; no substantial ceramic finds date later than the eighth century C.E. (see Figure 5). Interestingly, even for this final century, there is enough evidence to suggest that the city of Balboura had continuous access to the wider networks of commercial exchange, creating no impression of gradual economic decline.

????????? 一個(gè)類似的案例涉及氣候?qū)r(nóng)村經(jīng)濟(jì)史的潛在影響，這體現(xiàn)在圍繞呂西亞北部（安納托利亞西南部）古典城市巴爾博拉的考古調(diào)查結(jié)果中，該城市幾乎所有的領(lǐng)土都在 1,200 masI 以上。 與錫諾普地區(qū)一樣，主要羅馬時(shí)期的農(nóng)村定居點(diǎn)一直延續(xù)到古代晚期。 這個(gè)偏遠(yuǎn)高地地區(qū)的陶片總數(shù)在公元五世紀(jì)上升，兩個(gè)世紀(jì)后達(dá)到頂峰，就在東羅馬帝國(guó)的經(jīng)濟(jì)體系崩潰之時(shí)。 然而又過了 100 年，整個(gè)地區(qū)似乎都被廢棄了； 沒有發(fā)現(xiàn)可追溯到公元 8 世紀(jì)之后的實(shí)質(zhì)性陶瓷（見圖 5）。 有趣的是，即使在最后一個(gè)世紀(jì)，也有足夠的證據(jù)表明巴爾博拉市可以持續(xù)進(jìn)入更廣泛的商業(yè)交流網(wǎng)絡(luò)，沒有造成經(jīng)濟(jì)逐漸衰退的印象。

Although the depopulation of the area cannot be easily linked to any specifically identifiable political or military factor, location, with respect to both climatic and strategic circumstances, appears to have been the key to its eighth-century abandonment. As the micro-climate of this highland became drier and colder during the course of the eighth century, agriculture in such a relatively marginal area became impractical and cost-ineffective, especially with such crops as olive trees and vines, which are sensitive to spring frost. Such a marginal agrarian economy was also highly vulnerable to the sort of disruption that hostile military activity caused, even if only occasionally. Given the many other more attractive territories in southwestern Anatolia that had become underpopulated by this time as a result of warfare and other calamities, researchers surmise, plausibly enough, that the population simply migrated to more favorable districts.

????????? 盡管該地區(qū)的人口減少不能輕易與任何具體的政治或軍事因素聯(lián)系起來，但從氣候和戰(zhàn)略環(huán)境來看，地理位置似乎是其 8 世紀(jì)被遺棄的關(guān)鍵。 八世紀(jì)以來，隨著這片高原的微氣候變得更加干燥和寒冷，在這樣一個(gè)相對(duì)邊緣地區(qū)的農(nóng)業(yè)變得不切實(shí)際且成本效益低，尤其是橄欖樹和葡萄藤等對(duì)春季霜凍敏感的作物 . 這種邊緣化的農(nóng)業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)也極易受到敵對(duì)軍事活動(dòng)造成的破壞，即使只是偶爾。 鑒于安納托利亞西南部的許多其他更具吸引力的地區(qū)由于戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)和其他災(zāi)難而在此時(shí)變得人口稀少，研究人員推測(cè)，很有可能，人口只是遷移到更有利的地區(qū)。

The combined pollen and stable-isotope record from G?lhisar G?lü - near the classical city of Kibyra, which lies adjacent to Balboura, but at a slightly lower elevation (930 masI) - lacks the detailed sampling resolution and precise dating control of the Nar Lake record; only long-term (multicentennial) trends can be recognized in it (see Figure 5). It is a perfect example of the limitations inherent in low-resolution data regarding the kind of shorter-term events or extremes that the Nar data are able to capture. Nevertheless, by using a multi-proxy approach from the same core sequence, it can be demonstrated that because the onset of drier and probably colder climatic conditions did not begin before the end of the bop (dated in this case to sometime between 600 and 735 C.E.), it cannot have caused the end of the BOP.

????????? 來自 G?lhisar G?lü 的花粉和穩(wěn)定同位素組合記錄 - 靠近經(jīng)典城市 Kibyra，該市毗鄰 Balboura，但海拔略低（930 masI） - 缺乏納爾湖記錄的詳細(xì)采樣分辨率和精確年代控制 ; 其中只能識(shí)別長(zhǎng)期（百年）趨勢(shì)（見圖 5）。 這是關(guān)于 Nar 數(shù)據(jù)能夠捕獲的短期事件或極端事件類型的低分辨率數(shù)據(jù)固有局限性的一個(gè)完美示例。 然而，通過使用來自同一核心序列的多代理方法，可以證明，因?yàn)楦稍锖涂赡芨涞臍夂驐l件的開始并未在 bop 結(jié)束之前開始（在這種情況下，日期為 600 到 735 年），它不可能導(dǎo)致 BOP 的結(jié)束。

The trend toward a drier climate between 660 and 960 C.E. is likely, however, to have deterred Balboura's population from continuing its commitment to a place with an increasingly marginal agrarian economy, and although location was a key factor, the additional threat of Arab invasion may have been an added disincentive. The local community might have persisted if faced with only one of these dangers, but the resilience of Balboura and other upland cities would have been severely tested with both of them in place. The pollen evidence in Balboura, unlike that in Cappadocia, shows that this area of southwest Anatolia did not see a return to crop production in medieval times, in spite of archaeological evidence for re-occupation. The new economy was likely based on nomadic pastoralism rather than year-round settlement; crops such as olive trees played no part in it.

????????? 然而，公元 660 年至 960 年間氣候干燥的趨勢(shì)很可能阻止了巴爾博拉的人口繼續(xù)其對(duì)農(nóng)業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)日益邊緣化的地方的承諾，盡管地理位置是一個(gè)關(guān)鍵因素，但阿拉伯入侵的額外威脅可能 一直是一個(gè)額外的抑制因素。 如果只面臨其中一種危險(xiǎn)，當(dāng)?shù)厣鐓^(qū)可能會(huì)堅(jiān)持下去，但是如果兩者都到位，巴爾博拉和其他高地城市的復(fù)原力就會(huì)受到嚴(yán)峻考驗(yàn)。 巴爾博拉的花粉證據(jù)與卡帕多西亞的不同，表明安納托利亞西南部的這一地區(qū)在中世紀(jì)時(shí)期并未恢復(fù)作物生產(chǎn)，盡管有考古證據(jù)表明重新有人居住。 新經(jīng)濟(jì)很可能基于游牧業(yè)而不是全年定居； 橄欖樹等作物在其中沒有發(fā)揮作用。

All of the pollen and archaeological data collected thus far indicate a degree of interregional variation, suggesting that the end of the established patterns of land use depended on specific local factors. When placed in the broader context of the eastern Mediterranean basin, we might suspect that the plague of Justinian also played a demographic role, however randomly differential its impact was according to area, population, and settlement density or such natural environmental factors as the dust- veil event of the late 530s. The cooler and less stable climatic conditions in Anatolia after the sixth century C.E. must have rendered some agricultural activities more marginal than before, possibly accounting for the development of a less vulnerable, simpler, and safer mode of agrarian economy.

????????? 迄今為止收集的所有花粉和考古數(shù)據(jù)都表明存在一定程度的區(qū)域間差異，這表明既定的土地利用模式的結(jié)束取決于特定的當(dāng)?shù)匾蛩亍?/span> 當(dāng)放在地中海東部盆地的更廣泛背景下時(shí)，我們可能會(huì)懷疑查士丁尼瘟疫也發(fā)揮了人口作用，但其影響是根據(jù)面積、人口和定居密度或諸如塵土之類的自然環(huán)境因素隨機(jī)區(qū)分的。 530 年代末的面紗事件。 公元 6 世紀(jì)之后安納托利亞較冷且不太穩(wěn)定的氣候條件一定使一些農(nóng)業(yè)活動(dòng)比以前更加邊緣化，這可能是導(dǎo)致發(fā)展較不脆弱、更簡(jiǎn)單和更安全的農(nóng)業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)模式的原因。

The regionally specific suite of cultivars and agrarian activities characteristic of the period until the sixth and early seventh centuries managed to survive in some areas - parts of Bithynia, Paphlagonia, and the central plateau - into the eighth century, notwithstanding changes in climatic conditions. In other areas, changes that are evident in the palynological data appear to have occurred at times when no evidence for a shift in the prevailing climate is available; we may make the hardly remarkable assumption that human agency was responsible. The intervention of human agents on the environment in response to a range of social and economic pressures or stimuli - market demand, political conditions, fiscal demands, and so forth - is commonplace.

????????? 盡管氣候條件發(fā)生了變化，但直到 6 世紀(jì)和 7 世紀(jì)初，這一時(shí)期特有的一系列區(qū)域性栽培品種和農(nóng)業(yè)活動(dòng)仍設(shè)法在某些地區(qū)——比提尼亞、帕夫拉戈尼亞和中部高原的部分地區(qū)——存活到了 8 世紀(jì)。 在其他地區(qū)，孢粉學(xué)數(shù)據(jù)中明顯的變化似乎發(fā)生在沒有證據(jù)表明主要?dú)夂虬l(fā)生變化的時(shí)候； 我們可能會(huì)做出一個(gè)幾乎不顯著的假設(shè)，即人類機(jī)構(gòu)是負(fù)責(zé)的。 為應(yīng)對(duì)一系列社會(huì)和經(jīng)濟(jì)壓力或刺激——市場(chǎng)需求、政治條件、財(cái)政需求等——人類代理人對(duì)環(huán)境的干預(yù)是司空見慣的。

In the case of the seventh-century eastern Roman world, important and largely overlooked historical data suggest that farmers reacted to perceived environmental changes by introducing new crops and that the state reacted to the loss of the eastern provinces and the serious threat posed by the Arab-Islamic attacks by instituting a new tax policy, by organizing the military, and by controlling resources. We surmise that the adverse environmental conditions of this period contributed, at least in part, to the persistence, rather than the demise, of a political system - a point deserving of its own detailed argument elsewhere.

????????? 就 7 世紀(jì)的東羅馬世界而言，重要但在很大程度上被忽視的歷史數(shù)據(jù)表明，農(nóng)民通過引進(jìn)新作物來應(yīng)對(duì)感知到的環(huán)境變化，國(guó)家對(duì)東部省份的喪失和阿拉伯人構(gòu)成的嚴(yán)重威脅做出反應(yīng)。 - 通過制定新的稅收政策、組織軍隊(duì)和控制資源來發(fā)動(dòng)伊斯蘭襲擊。 我們推測(cè)，這一時(shí)期不利的環(huán)境條件至少在一定程度上促成了政治制度的持續(xù)存在，而不是消亡——這一點(diǎn)值得在別處進(jìn)行詳細(xì)論證。

This article compares and synthesizes evidence from multiple disciplinary traditions - the documentary sources of historians, the material culture of archaeologists, the pollen of palynologists, and the stalagmite chemistry of earth scientists. We have focused on western and central Anatolia during the millennium-long transition from the classical to the medieval world. Maintaining spatial congruence ensures a working scale on which climatic and societal changes were broadly homogenous, permitting analysis of the complex causal relationships between human activity, environmental change, and the transformation of social, economic, and political structures. Any attempt to examine the Eastern Roman Empire as a whole would amalgamate regions with distinct environmental histories (for instance, Egypt vs. Anatolia). Wider geographical linkages certainly exist, both societal and environmental, but they are less likely to map onto each other.

????????? 本文比較并綜合了來自多個(gè)學(xué)科傳統(tǒng)的證據(jù)——?dú)v史學(xué)家的文獻(xiàn)資料、考古學(xué)家的物質(zhì)文化、孢粉學(xué)家的花粉以及地球科學(xué)家的石筍化學(xué)。 在從古典世界到中世紀(jì)世界的千年過渡期間，我們專注于安納托利亞西部和中部。 保持空間一致性可確保氣候和社會(huì)變化大致相同的工作尺度，從而允許分析人類活動(dòng)、環(huán)境變化以及社會(huì)、經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治結(jié)構(gòu)轉(zhuǎn)變之間的復(fù)雜因果關(guān)系。 任何將東羅馬帝國(guó)作為一個(gè)整體來考察的嘗試都會(huì)將具有不同環(huán)境歷史的地區(qū)合并在一起（例如，埃及與安納托利亞）。 更廣泛的地理聯(lián)系肯定存在，包括社會(huì)和環(huán)境，但它們不太可能相互映射。

Late classical to medieval Anatolia offers a particularly interesting regional "laboratory" for studying the effect of climate on society, as well as the effect of human activity on the environment. At the very least, the Anatolian case challenges a number of longstanding assumptions about such causal connections, particularly with regard to how environmental conditions during the later seventh and eighth centuries C.E. affected the Byzantine Empire's ability to weather the storm of Arab-Islamic incursion 650C to 740C. After the rupture of the eighth and ninth centuries, the subsequent recovery of the Byzantine Empire in the tenth century was followed 1100 C.E. by a sudden downturn in rural agrarian activities, especially on the central Anatolian plateau and around its fringes. This dynamic, observable in the palaeoenvironmental as well as in the archaeological and historical data, reflects a complex interaction of natural factors with anthropogenic ones, including the arrival of the Sel?uk Turks and of Türkmen nomads and their flocks and herds in central and eastern Anatolia, concomitant with the abandonment of cereal production in much of these area.

????????? 古典晚期到中世紀(jì)的安納托利亞提供了一個(gè)特別有趣的區(qū)域“實(shí)驗(yàn)室”，用于研究氣候?qū)ι鐣?huì)的影響以及人類活動(dòng)對(duì)環(huán)境的影響。至少，安納托利亞的案例挑戰(zhàn)了許多關(guān)于這種因果關(guān)系的長(zhǎng)期假設(shè)，特別是關(guān)于公元 7 世紀(jì)后期和 8 世紀(jì)后期的環(huán)境條件如何影響拜占庭帝國(guó)抵御650年740年阿拉伯-伊斯蘭入侵風(fēng)暴的能力。公元 8 世紀(jì)和 9 世紀(jì)破裂后，1100 年拜占庭帝國(guó)在 10 世紀(jì)復(fù)興之后，農(nóng)村農(nóng)業(yè)活動(dòng)突然下降，特別是在安納托利亞高原中部及其邊緣地區(qū)。這種在古環(huán)境以及考古和歷史數(shù)據(jù)中可觀察到的動(dòng)態(tài)反映了自然因素與人為因素的復(fù)雜相互作用，包括塞爾丘克土耳其人和土庫(kù)曼游牧民族及其羊群和牛群到達(dá)安納托利亞中部和東部，伴隨著這些地區(qū)大部分地區(qū)放棄谷物生產(chǎn)。

Regarding the following period, pollen evidence from some locations indicates a recovery during the later twelfth and early thirteenth century, a phenomenon that may well be associated with the gradual re-instatement of cereal production on a large scale as central Anatolia returned to political and economic stability. But the various categories of data do not always suggest the same conclusions, and the dating of climate change is generally imprecise. Moreover, the pollen record does not yet cover all of Anatolia, and many of the pollen datasets currently available can offer only a broad range of timing for changes in vegetation and land use. Such contradictions, inconsistencies, and inadequacies confirm the importance of focusing on a specific region-scale analysis.

????????? 關(guān)于接下來的時(shí)期，來自一些地方的花粉證據(jù)表明，在 12 世紀(jì)后期和 13 世紀(jì)早期出現(xiàn)了復(fù)蘇，這一現(xiàn)象很可能與隨著安納托利亞中部恢復(fù)政治和經(jīng)濟(jì)而大規(guī)模逐步恢復(fù)谷物生產(chǎn)有關(guān)。 穩(wěn)定。 但不同類別的數(shù)據(jù)并不總能得出相同的結(jié)論，氣候變化的年代通常不準(zhǔn)確。 此外，花粉記錄尚未涵蓋整個(gè)安納托利亞，目前可用的許多花粉數(shù)據(jù)集只能提供廣泛的植被和土地利用變化時(shí)間。 這種矛盾、不一致和不足證實(shí)了專注于特定區(qū)域尺度分析的重要性。

This is not to suggest, however, that we can completely ignore the wider geographical perspective, either that of the Eastern Roman Empire or of the extensive area from the Middle East to the Adantic. Indeed, we must always bear in mind the dialectic between events and circumstances throughout the duration of the Empire and transformations in the treatment and condition of the local environment. A comparison between how Byzantine society and the societies that preceded and followed it responded to climatic and environmental challenges can bring significant insight, provided that reliable proxy data are available. For example, recent archaeological work on the the 4.2 ka bp Early Bronze Age "collapse" suggests that communities did not handle the same drought in the same way. The settlement at Tell Leilan appears to have been abandoned, whereas that at Tell Mozan continued. The crucial question in this case, as in the case of Anatolia from the seventh to the ninth-century C.E., is precisely why some communities were more resilient - or less "brittle," to use Wilkinson's term - than others.

????????? 然而，這并不意味著我們可以完全忽略更廣泛的地理視角，無論是東羅馬帝國(guó)的地理視角，還是從中東到阿丹蒂克的廣闊地區(qū)。事實(shí)上，我們必須始終牢記整個(gè)帝國(guó)時(shí)期事件和環(huán)境之間的辯證關(guān)系以及當(dāng)?shù)丨h(huán)境的處理和條件的變化。如果有可靠的代理數(shù)據(jù)可用，比較拜占庭社會(huì)與之前和之后的社會(huì)如何應(yīng)對(duì)氣候和環(huán)境挑戰(zhàn)，可以帶來重要的洞察力。例如，最近關(guān)于 4.2 ka bp 青銅時(shí)代早期“崩潰”的考古工作表明，社區(qū)并沒有以同樣的方式處理同樣的干旱。 Tell Leilan 的定居點(diǎn)似乎已被放棄，而Tell Mozan 的定居點(diǎn)仍在繼續(xù)。這種情況下的關(guān)鍵問題，就像公元 7 世紀(jì)到 9 世紀(jì)的安納托利亞的情況一樣，正是為什么有些社區(qū)比其他社區(qū)更具彈性——或者用威爾金森的術(shù)語(yǔ)來說不那么“脆弱”。

The upshot is that integrated regional and chronological synthesis, in the context of a broader picture, is an excellent platform on which historians, archaeologists, and environmental scientists can work together to interrogate evidence of causal and explanatory relationships for long-term socio-environmental change.

????????? 結(jié)果是，在更廣闊的背景下，綜合區(qū)域和時(shí)間順序的綜合是一個(gè)極好的平臺(tái)，歷史學(xué)家、考古學(xué)家和環(huán)境科學(xué)家可以在這個(gè)平臺(tái)上共同研究長(zhǎng)期社會(huì)環(huán)境變化的因果關(guān)系和解釋關(guān)系的證據(jù)。

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