補充聲明：已經(jīng)找到本文作者，且已經(jīng)得到在本專欄發(fā)布的授權(quán)。

? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? 經(jīng)他允許，也將其B站賬號信息公布?：專業(yè)堡壘在線修復

? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? 他是一位曾在英國留學的朋友，這是他的論文。

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特別聲明：本文是2022年，一位B站粉絲“專業(yè)堡壘修復”發(fā)給我的?？赡苁沁@位朋友已經(jīng)改名了，我一直查不到當時的消息記錄。我印象中，他介紹說這是一位在英國留學的印度博士的論文。更具體的，只有查到當時記錄才行，但我確實查不到了。如果這位粉絲朋友看到，請聯(lián)系哈。這篇文章，只是應數(shù)位朋友的要求而轉(zhuǎn)發(fā)。（更準確信息以補充聲明為準）

B站專欄最長只能4萬字，所以只有分兩次發(fā)出來。

Pluralism, Corporatism and Charisma,

a Comparative Research on the Culture Policy of Kangxi and Akbar

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Content

Introduction3

Pluralism4

Kangxi’s policies5

Akbar’s policies6

Difference and Similarity in Pluralism8

Corporatism10

Kangxi’ Policies11

Akbar’s Policies12

Difference and Similarity in Corporatism14

Charisma16

Akbar’s Policies16

Kangxi’s Policies19

Difference and Similarity in Charisma21

Conclusion22

Bibliography24

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Introduction

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In the history of?the?Mughal and Qing empires, both Akbar and Kangxi?played ?pivotal?roles?in?the transition?from an expansive empire to a settled one. When Akbar succeeded to the throne,?Humayun?had?reclaimed Kabuland Delhi.?The large area?of?the?northern?subcontinent was under the control of the emperor. When Kangxi succeeded to the?throne,?the?Manchu army led by his father?Shuzhi?had?entered?Shanhai?pass?and?occupied?the?central?plains of?China.?The?two empires face the problem of?governing?the?ethnic majority like?Han people and Hindu people. After the military conquest, how to coexist with local people, incorporate them into the political process and obtain their loyalty to the multi-ethnicity empires have become the impending problem for the emperors.?

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Both Kangxi and Akbar are renowned for their benevolence and tolerance. They show distinctive interest in Han and Hindus culture and massively recruit Han and Hindus Elites into their governments. In the Mughal empire, Hindus praised Akbar's name, especially during the harsh rule of Aurangzeb. In the Qing empire, Kangxi received the posthumous title of Ren Huangdi (the emperor of benevolence).?However, they also never lack tough measures to queue the opponents. Besides?the military campaigns like Akbar's conquest of Mewar and Kangxi's suppression of?the three vassals, their?cultural policies never lack disciplining. They frankly criticize some doctrines of Hinduism and?Confucianism, andscrutinize?Han and Hindu?elites?meticulously.?This dual character reflects their?understanding on?the relationship between the plural culture of diverse groups and the universal authority of the ruler.?

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Both Kangxi and Akbar aimed to create a new order in the empire. In this order, the traditional ruling classes of Manchu and Central Asian people are contained. The new participants of Han people and?Hindus?people are promoted. In this balance between the old and new groups, the emperors obtain a transcendental position above all groups, protecting the equal rights of groups, involving them to serve the empire, and judging all their disputes by his universal authority.

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Two opinions can be found in photographic debates?about?these two emperors' cultural policies.?The?scholorson one side,?such as Mark C. Elliott and Evelyn Rawski focusing on Qing empire, and?Iqtidar?Alam?Khan?and?S.Inayet. A. Zaidi?focusing on Mughal empire,?aruge?that the emperors' policies?of tolerance?are mainly instrumental.?The emperor’s suspicions about the loyalty of Han and Hindus are emphasized. The limited acceptance on Han and Hindu culture?serves the final goal of?preserving?Manchu?and?Islam?traditons?and?guarding the interest of the traditional ruling class.

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On the contrary, another side stresses the emperors' sincerity toward Han and Hindus.?The emperors' affinity to Hindus and Han elites is emphasized. Scholars like He?Bingdi?and?Mengsen?focusing on Qing,?and?Richard?Garbe?and?John F. Richards?focusing?on?Mughal,?argue that?the emperors’?final goal is the indigenization of the empire. These two views?provoke?fierce debate in modern India and China. In China, local scholars fiercely attack?the?western scholars who emphasize Inner Asia perspective. In the subcontinent, the images of Akbar?in India and Pakistan?textbooks?also?form a sharp contrast.?

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These two views emphasize one specific group in the empire?respectively.?However, there?may?be another explanation for emperors' policies from the perspective of universal kingship. On the one hand, the ruler must rely on one particular group in a specific period. On the other hand, the ruler always?shifts?his?favor?among different groups and intends to construct an independent authority. This authority is?enhanced?by the emperor's charisma and the divinity of kingship.?

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This essay argues that these two emperors' affinity to Han and Hindu people is sincere, and their interest in multi-culture is beyond utilitarianism concerns. However, it doesn't mean that the emperors swing to either the traditional ruling class or local elites. From their perspective, cultural pluralism is an indispensable part of the universal and charismatic authority of the ruler.?With the corporatism recruitment of local elites, the loyalty to the emperor?replace?the commitment to different groups.?At last, a monotheism kingship is constructed upon plural groups, and the emperors obtain a transcendental position beyond all restrictions. ?

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Pluralism

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Both Kangxi and Akbar are renowned for their?acceptance?of diverse cultures. These two emperors implement policies to introduce plural cultures into the intellectual activities in the court and their private life, showing?enough respect for local customs in public ceremonies, and ensuring?the social status of multicultural groups. Abul?Fazl?records Akbar's interest in learning the knowledge of different religions "One must exercise wide tolerance and knock at the door of inspection…and there will be ample life and fortune."?As for Kangxi, He was devoted to Neo-Confucianism study with Han tutors' guidance. According to the record of Han intellectual?Zhangying, "To seek the truth, (the emperor) takes lectures every day, never suspend in summer and winner."

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There is a historiographical debate on the Motivations for their devotion to plural culture. Some take this devotion as a practical measure to keep the consolidation of the empire. Others regard this interest as a part of their personalities beyond politics.?Both?views reveal a side of their motivation, their enthusiasm?for?plural culture is sincere, and this enthusiasm is related to their ideal ofuniversal kingship.

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Kangxi’s policies

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The most famous intellectual activities in the emperor'sdaily life?is?Rijiang?(daily lecture) Traditional Confucianism study of the emperor is divided into?Rijiang?(daily lecture) and?Jingyan?(classics study) two parts.?Jingyan?is a ceremonial and exhibiting activity attended by the emperor and officials.?Rijiang?is a daily and private lecture participated by only the emperor. For Kangxi, he significantly increases the frequency of private?Rijiang?due to personal interest. 900?Rijiang?were held in the first 15 years of Kangxi's reign.?His diligence is distinctive not only?among?Manchu emperors of the Qing dynasty but also?among?Han?emperors of the Ming dynasty.?

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In his records on Confucianism study, he says that "the legendary ancient kings devote all their time into their careers. I get up before dawn every day and then ask the tutor to start the course, discussing Confucianism doctrines with them. In this first part of the day, I play a role of a scholar."?He even criticizes that?Jingyan?is just a ceremonial display that cannot provide them with enough knowledge. "Jiangyan?teaches a few lines of classics and ends hastily. How can it be really beneficial? Only the persistent and meticulous study in my private room can help me deeply understand classics."?Kangxi regards?Rijiang?as an indispensable part of daily life. Even during the?Sanfan?Rebellion, he still orders?that?Although it is a turbulent time now,?Rijian?has to be carried on during my spare time.

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The importance of daily Confucianism study is also reflected in the education of princes. In the 25th year of Kangxi (1686), he appoints the Han scholar?Tangbin?as the crown prince's tutor.?During the lecture, the tutor enjoys the privilege of sitting in front of the crown prince and being called the prince's "Shifu" (master). The princes must?Dabai?(pay homage) to these tutors before the lecture. At last,?Tangbin?was?entitled?to?"Wenzheng" due to his identity as the emperor's tutor.?This posthumous title is the rarest and highest for Wen (civil) officials.?

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As for ceremonial or public activities, Kangxi restores the Han tradition of worshiping Confucian. The Han ceremony commemorating Confucian by the emperor himself was inherited by Qing emperor Shunzhi but undermined by Kangxi's regent?Aobai. In the 8th year of Kangxi's reign, he attended the ceremony of worshiping Confucian in?Qufu?(The hometown of Confucian), regardless of the adverse opinion of?Aobai. In the 23rd year, he comes to?Qufu?again to worship Confucian. This time, he initiatively applied?the supreme ritual of "thrice kneeling and nine times bowing"?which?was?only used by subjects to worship emperors?before. He also directly applied utensils?that were?exclusive?for?the emperor?in the ceremony, elevating the status of Confucian to the same rank of?the?emperor. Even?Ming?emperors never adapted this ritual to worship Confucian.?Kangxi?declares that "Today I come to pay homage (to Confucian) by myself. I must revere him devotedly. My reverence shall be different from my predecessors. All yellow canopies with bent handles (the emperor's exclusive utensils) shall be left in the temple to demonstrate my respect."

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After the ceremony, Kangxi resumed the policy of enrolling the descendants of Confucian, Mencius, and other famous saints of Confucianism into imperial schools and the bureaucratic system without passing?Keju?exams. In?Jingyan, the?ceremonial?lecture on Confucianism, Kangxi adds the section on worshiping the?Fengxian?temple besides worshiping Confucian.Fengxian?temple preserves the memorial tablets of the royal family's ancestors,?signifing?the divinity of the royal bloodline. The?Fengxian?temple worship before?Jiangyan?indicates that Confucianism has been?promotedto the same status as ancestor worshiping and involved as a part of royal divinity.

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For Akbar,?Ibadatkhana?is renowned for cross-religion debates. It is intensely held on every Thursday. Abul?Fazlgives the reason for establishing?Ibadatkhana?in?Akbarnama, the interest in diverse knowledge. "although he (god) blessed him with gaining possession of the wonders of the world, the opening of the doors of knowledge, and lofty perception, yet that suppliant to the Deity increased his supplications, and the thirst for inquiry augmented."?In Abul?Fazl's?description,?this?interest?is elevated to the pursuit on truth.?Ibadatkhana?is a "feast of truth," where "every religion, whether Hindu or Muslim, be brought out in the open… and surrender (themselves) to the rule of law."?Diverse sorts of knowledge overtly compete with each other to approach the final truth.

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Akbar's enthusiasm is reflected in the time he spent in?Ibadatkhana. The discussion could continue for the whole night and up to the next day.?The emperor shows high respect to the participating scholars. He blesses everyone with gifts, cash, and other wares?and ensures all opinions can be equally treated without prejudice and coercion. This freedom of debate caused the lament of?Badauni, a famous orthodox historian in?Akbar's court, "emboldened the Shi'i Ulama and lowered the morale of the Sunni theologians."

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Ibadatkhana?is not merely a debate between different religions. The emperor wants this interaction?to?foster a tradition of self-reflection. In this self-reflection, every religion can admit its limitation and accept the existence of others. Abul?Fazl?argues that " the just and truth-perceiving ones of each sect emerged from haughtiness and conceit and began their search anew."?He emphasizes that the search for truth is a process of using rationality rather than insisting on biased doctrines. In?Sulh-i?kull, universal peace of pluralism is upon mutual understanding and respect. It refers to a contractual obligation that demands both sides to recognize each other's rights and achieve the promise.?Ibadatkhanaprovides this framework to accommodate interaction and compromise. In?Akbarnama, the superiority of reason('aql) to doctrinal text (taqlid). Those who adhere to orthodox sayings are like "counterfeit currency veneered with gold."?Ibadatkhana?creates the indiscriminate atmosphere for this continuous dialectic pursuit of the truth against arbitrary judgment. The emperor plays a relatively neutral role in presiding?over?Ik. He focuses on comparing different ideas and absorbing their advantages rather than directly denying any of them.

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Akbar also demonstrates his tolerance of different cultures?on ceremonial or public occasions. In 1579, Akbar abolished?Jiziya, the discriminatory tax on non-Muslims.?Traditionally,?Jiziya?marks the boundary between Muslims and non-Muslims. The Non-Muslims pay extra taxes in exchange for the tolerance of Muslim authority.?Non-Muslims?are excluded from the military force, so they have to provide financial support for the armed Muslims. This division in the right to join the army reinforces the supremacy of Muslims in cultural identity. They are recognized as the ruling class holding the privilege of fighting for the empire. Accordingly, non-Muslims are humble suppliers who can only pay for Muslim protection. Besides?Jiziya,?the tax upon religious assemblies and pilgrimages is canceled, and the custom of forcibly converting Hindu captives to Islam is also forbidden.?The reformation aims to dismantle the boundary between Muslim and non-Muslim subjects, emphasizing the equal rights of all groups in religious and cultural affairs.

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On public occasions,?the emperor permits the renovation of Hinduism temples and donates money to them. He follows the customs of Hinduism in their festivals and significant events. The emperor celebrates Diwali with his Hindu subjects. He stands on a large scale, using himself as a counterweight to weigh plenty of silver and gold. After this ceremony, the treasure will be delivered to the poor.?A series of policies,?such as prohibiting cattle slaughter and forbidding meat selling on specific days,were implemented and inherited by his son Jahangir. Just like?Ni'amatullah, the author of Parikh-Khan?Jahani?in Jahangir's court, argues, "a few thousand Muslims from Central Asia could never survive if they force tens of millions of Hindus into a choice between conversion and death."?The emperor accepts that this empire is mainly inhabited by Hindus,?and it isn't feasible to convert all of them to Islam.?These?measures?of tolerance?effectively alleviates the tension between the empire and its Hindu subjects.

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Difference and Similarity in Pluralism

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The differences between the respective approaches of Akbar and Kangxi are also apparent. Akbar’s?Ibadatkhana?is famous for the interaction of different ideas. It was never restricted to any one religion. Adherents of Hinduism, Sunnism, Shiism, and various Sufi brotherhoods all participated to defend their own traditions. The Sunni ulema always played a vital role in these debates. Even if Akbar disagreed with the opinions of the ulema on some problems, he never excludes them from the?Ibadatkhana. On the problem of monogamy, for example, although the emperor was dissatisfied with?Badauni?and the orthodox ulema's insistence on monogamy, he still allowed the debate to continue. In this case, Abul?Fazl?and?Badauni?reached a compromise to justify the emperor's marriages to more than one Rajput princess.

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Compared with the?Ibadatkhana, Kangxi’s?Rijiang?was mainly conducted within a single intellectual framework, namely, that of Neo-Confucianism.?Rijiang?took the form of a lecture rather than open debate. The Han scholars who gave the lecture were nominally the tutors of the emperor. In theory, they had exclusive control of guiding the emperor. Though the most famous tutors in?Rijiangwere all Neo-Confucianism scholars, there was a division between those adhering to Song Dynasty Neo-Confucianism (which emphasizes the role of external authority in disciplining the people), and those adhering to Ming dynasty Neo-Confucianism, (which emphasizes internal reflection and self-determination). This division among Han scholars is not as significant as the division between the traditions of Hinduism and Islam, or even between Sunni and?Shii?Islam. The two persuasions of Neo-Confucianism did not regard each other as heresies and any conflict between them was hardly fierce. Kangxi, unlike Akbar, did not organize confrontational debates between these different groups of scholars. Moreover, as he remarked to his first tutor, Xiong Cilv, "The only truth for the ruler is Confucianism. Except for Confucianism, all other Buddhism and polytheism shall be abandoned.?So?justice and prosperity will continue for generations."?The influence of Shamanism and Buddhism was mainly confined to rituals and offering sacrifices. In the intellectual realm, Neo-Confucianism was dominant, having the status of official doctrine.?

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There was also a difference between the two in ceremonial displays and social policies. In the case of Kangxi, Confucianism played an influential role in sovereign rituals. The public worship of Confucianism was reinforced by the existence of other official ceremonies. For Akbar, there is no record of him worshipping Hindu gods as a devotee. Rather, earlier in life he is recorded as worshipping Chishti Sufi saints and later establishing Din-i?illahi. Though he was open to influence stemming from Hindu traditions this was never unconditional.?

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This difference in approach may be related to the difference between the?Rijiang?lecture and the?Ibadatkhana?debate, which is partly linked to the distinction between?Shamanismand?Islam in their theorization and systematization. Compared with the sophisticated Islamic theological system preached by Persian scholars, the Shaman tradition is devoid of a theoretical system. In Shamanism, offering sacrifices to the gods is the most crucial practice. There is no scripture or other complex rituals. Accordingly, Shaman priests were never situated within an elaborate organization. Unlike the ulema in Mughal India, they could never intervene in political affairs by issuing religious decrees. After Huang Taiji (emperor?Tiancong) united the eight banners, Shaman priests were more strictly controlled. Informal foretelling was prohibited.The activities of Shaman were restricted to specific royal rituals.?Thus?it was difficult for Shamanism to compete with Confucianism in academic debates and public events.

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On social policies, Akbar actively implemented policies to alleviate if not remove his Hindu subjects’ feelings of humiliation on account of their religious traditions. In contrast, Kangxi did not cancel the notorious "coercively shaving hair" policy initiated by Duo Ergun, the regent of Kangxi's father. For the Han people, who regarded hair as a gift given by their parents, this policy was a shameful affront and a symbol of Manchu oppression.?In his discourse with the Manchu courtier?Dahata, Kangxi said, "The scholarship of the Han people is much better than Manchu?people. How cannot I know?it…?I see many Manchu people abandon our tradition of horsemanship and archery. However, can our empire be sustained if the Manchu people forsake these traditional skills and become Han people?"?Kangxi was worried that if the social boundaries were blurred or eradicated, Manchu people might lose their virtues and get assimilated by the Han people. This explains his reluctance to annul discriminatory policies.?

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After all, by Kangxi’s reign, the Manchus had dominated China for merely for forty years. The Manchu people did not exist as independent communities in most areas of China. Only a few thousands of Manchu people were dispatched to inhabit individual provinces.?In contrast, Islam had existed in North India for centuries by Abkar’s reign. Muslims were thus more deeply embedded?into the society of the Subcontinent. In?Akbarnama, Abdul?Fazllists Islamic figures who journeyed to India, from early central Asian conquerors and?Sufi travellers to Babur and Humayun as founders of a new?dynastry, thereby stressing that the Subcontinent had long been a constituent part of the Islamic world.?The cultural influence of Islam and Hinduism matched each other in strength. The traditional ruling class of the Mughal Empire, dominated by?Turanian?and Persian elites, were thus unlikely to lose their distinctive identity through interaction with the various traditions of the Hindus. This dynamic allowed Akbar to be more confident in giving his Hindu subjects more cultural autonomy.?

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However,?alongside such pragmatic concerns, both Kangxi and Akbar were sincere in accepting Confucian and Hindu culture, respectively. Their devotion to plurality was on display not only on public occasions but also on private occasions. The historical record demonstrates that their curiosity about new knowledge exceeded their predecessors and their successors. Both of them were innovators intellectually and ideologically. It is implausible to?intrepret?their interests in such matters merely in terms of an instrumental desire to maintain social stability within their empires. In favour of a more capacious interpretation is that?the?Ibadatkhana?was not continued by subsequent Mughal emperors. Similarly, although the?Rijiang?was preserved as a part of the court routine, the frequency of its lectures diminished considerably in the reign of later Qing emperors.?

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Corporatism

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Besides the passive tolerance of multicultural groups, the emperors initiatively incorporate these groups into the institution.?For Akbar,?his?Navaratnas?include?Rajputslike Man Singh I and other Hindus like?Todar?Mal and Birbal. For Kangxi, with the slogan of?"Manchu and Han people are united?as?a whole."?His Han tutors like Xiong?Cilv, Tang bin,?and Li?Guangdi?are all prompted to high positions in the government. On the one hand, this incorporation ensures their loyalty by creating a tight bond. On the other hand, it allows the emperor to balance traditional elites by intruding on new groups.?

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The historiography debate on this theme is if these two emperors regard this incorporation as an instrument of appeasement.?Many?scholars insist on their practical motivation in recruiting Han elites and emphasize?theirsuspicion of the loyalty of Han and Hindu elites.?Othersregard their policies as?an?sincere?attempt to?restore the influence of Han and Hindu elites in the government, focusing on the massive-scale?enrollment?and deep engagement with these elites.?

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Kangxi’ Policies

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There are two significant policies incorporating?the?Han?people into the government. One is?Boxue?hongci?ke(exam for great scholars), a supplementary exam for Han elites to?enroll?them into the bureaucratic system. Nominally, it is an extra part of the?Keju?exam. However, its participants are strictly limited?to?renowned Han elites who haven't cooperated?with?the?Qing?dynasty. Kangxi asks high-rank officials to recommend and invite these elites. He received them by himself in Beijing, demonstrating his sincerity and respect. "Those excellent scholars, whether retired or not, shall be connected and recommended by the officials in the capital whose ranks are above the third pin and all provincial governors. I will preside over the exam and?enroll?them by myself."

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The participants were invited with the highest respect and treated with a courteous reception during their trip to Beijing.?In Beijing,?all participants directly attend the?Dianshi?(palace exam). Normally,?Dianshi,?presided by the emperor himself,?is the final and ceremonial section of?the?exam. Before?Dianshi, participants must experience fierce competition in?Xiangshi?(county exam) and?Huishi?(provincial exam). However, these exhausting competitions are all omitted in?Boxuehongru?ke. It is more likely a ritual to reward these intellectuals rather than an exam?for testing?them.?

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Finally, about one-third of participants in the exam?wererewarded with high positions in the government. Even for those who?were?too old to work in the government or still reluctant to cooperate with the Dynast, Kangxi sentthem back home with?honorable?titles.?This attitude moved so many intellectuals who used to regard themselves as the adherents of?the?Ming dynasty. The most famous one is Huang?Zongxi, who is famous for his argument?that,?"The state?is the host. The emperor is merely a guest."?Although he refused?to participate?in?the exam,?he praised?the exam as "a distinguished gathering of all intellectuals to celebrate the peak of civilization."

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Accompanied by this?enrollment, a department?wasestablished to compile the history of the Ming dynasty. Most of those participating in the?Boxue?hongci?ke?exam?were?commissioned to compile Ming history. It is a Chinese tradition that the new dynasty is responsible for arranging the historical record of the previous one. This project?was?supported by all Han intellectuals?because they regarded?this compiling as a measure to preserve the memory of Ming Dynasty and influence the official judgment on?some controversial problems in history, such as how to evaluate those Ming generals?surrendering to the Qing dynasty.?Even Huang?Zongxiwho is still reluctant to work Qing court, dispatched his?favorite?student to join it.?

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This?arrangement satisfies both two sides.?The emperor enhances his authority in history?by?compiling and alleviating?the hostility of Han elites?through?this project. This collaboration indicates that Han elites recognized Qing as the legitimate successor of the Ming dynasty. Embarking on this project also demonstrates that the old age has officially ended,?and?the Tian Ming (the divine right commissioned by god) has been transferred to the Ding dynasty.?Kangxi's instruction says, "The age of Ming is so close that may cause prejudice and?rumor. It is crucial to compile Ming history, giving an impartial and eternal judgment (of history)."?In order to stop the?rumor?of reviving Ming dynasty?and construct an official narrative of power transition, Ming history must be compiled as quickly as possible.

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Another event is the establishment of?Nanshufang?(the south study). It is a small study located in the south corner of the forbidden city. At first, it?was?a place for the emperor to write poems and practice calligraphy.?Hanintellectuals could cater to the emperor's hobbies better than Manchu in these cultural activities.?So compared with the imperial court, this private study was mainly occupied by?Han?courtiers.?To balance the influence of the grand council, Kangxi gradually turned?Nanshufanginto an institution?of decision-making. Kangxi's praise for a courtier Gao?shiqi?illustrated?this transition."?You draft many of my secret instructions and compile the documents I read. It is indeed a commendable feat."Nanshufang?becomes the?secretarial?office of the emperor. Those Han officials in?Nanshufang?were?not endowed with notable rank titles. However, they graspedthe essential power which used to be monopolized by the grand council.

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In contrast, due to Kangxi's reformation of?the grand council, many low-rank?Menchu?aristocrats were enrolled in the grand council,?and the eight princes of eight banners lost their permanent memberships in the council.?Most of its functions in decision-making?areshifted to?Nanshufang.?

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Akbar’s Policies

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For Akbar, his incorporation of Hinduism elites mainly depends on the marriage and?Mansabdar?system.? In 1562 when, the conflict between Raja?Bharmal, the ruler of Amer, and Sharif-I'd-din, the governor of Mewat escalated.?Bharmal?directly resorted?to the emperor?in order to preserve his realm. At last,?Bharmal?met with Akbar and proposed the marriage of Akbar and his daughter Mariam-uz-Zamani.

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Strategically, this marriage ensures the security of the pilgrim route and satisfies?the?Ulema?class.Moreover, it sends a strong signal to all Rajput chiefs. Amber is not a strong realm in Rajasthan. However, by building a close relationship with the emperor,?Bharmal?is immediately promoted to the high-rank?mansabdar?of 5000 Calvary units. This benefit from the emperor attracted other Rajput rulers, such as?Surjan?Hada, the leader of?Hada, to build the alliance with Akbar.

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With the help of marriages, Akbar builded?a close relationship with Rajputs in family and political affairs.?In political affairs, the incorporation of Rajputs provides Akbar with reliable military forces. After a series of?Turian?and Uzbek rebellions in the 1560s, the emperor entailed?a trustable group to support his career. Rajputs' fate?was?tightly bonded to the emperor's?favor?as the outsiders of?the?Mughal?court. Raja?Bharmal's?family?provideed?a series of?reliable?generals, such as Mariam-is-Zamani's brother,?Bhagwan?Das, and his son Man Singh I. Bhagwan Das conducted?the conquest of Kashmir. In Kabul, Man Singh I played?an essential role in the war against Akbar's?step-brother, Hashim, who?was?constantly supported by rebellious Uzbek nobles and dissenting Ulema.?After these military operations, they?were?appointed as the governors of Lahore and Kabul.

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Akbar incorporated?all aristocrats into?the?Mansapudarsystem.?Prominent Rajputs nobles like Raja?Bhar?Mal and his successor?Bhagwan?Das?Kachawaha?wereendowed with the status of 5000?Mansabdar, which?wasno less than that endowed to any?Turani?and Persian nobles.?Mansapudar?is also a cultural innovation. Under this system, all differences between ethnicity and religion are undermined. Aristocrats are divided only by their difference in?a?financial and military capacity. The traditional?superiorities?of?various?aristocrats?is?dissolved in a new homogeneous identity of the?emperor's?servant.?

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In family life, Akbar tolerates and deeply?engageed?in Rajput's traditions. Rajput women preserve their traditions in court. The emperor also practiced?these traditions in his life. The grand mufti and historian,?Badauni?recorded?these details from an orthodox Islamic perspective. "Jeweled?strings tied on his?(Akbar) wrists, by Brahmans, by way of a blessing,"?"current custom also to wear the rakhi on the wrist, which means an amulet formed out of twisted linen rags."?Rajput wives l influenced?the emperor's attitude?toward?the court lifestyle. Shaving off bears?became a common practice to flatter the emperor. He also accepted?the advice on not eating garlic and starts to keep fasts regularly. From the perspective of?Badauni, the emperor always conformedto the?requests of those sinister women. However, it?reflected?Akbar's sincerity in engaging with Hinduism tradition and constructing an intimate relationship with his Rajput wives.

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The emperor's bond with Rajput is also shown in family visits. This is an overlapping field between political and private affairs. The emperor's official visit indicates his recognition of Rajput's status in the aristocratic system and royal family. The frequency of visits shows the emperor's?favor. Abul?Fazl?comments that?"(Their) mansions received celestial glory by the radiance of his?Majest?advent...the nobles stood ready to sacrifice life for his?Majest."?Only Zain Khan?Koka,?Birbar, and?BhagwanDas received Akbar's visits more than four times.?As the emperor's?favorite?intellectual and reliable ally, thestatuses of Birbal and?Bhagwan?Das?were?highly improved by Akbar's frequent visits. For Man Singh, Akbar endowed?the title?Mirja?Farzand?(son) to demonstrate the tight family bond. Daily affairs also enhanced?this closeness. When there?was?a death in a Rajput family, Akbar visited?and condoled?in person. Correspondingly, when Akbar's mother, Hamida Begum,died, several Rajput chiefs shaved their heads.?In the marriage of Jahangir and Man bai, the emperor even carried?her daughter-in-law's palanquin to show respect for her family.?

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Difference and Similarity in Corporatism

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There is a difference in this corporatism. First, for Kangxi, the incorporation of Han elites is accomplished in a rigid bureaucratic system. Although Han elites are highly respected, their roles in the government were bureaucrats rather than aristocrats. In?Nanshufang, the Han courtiers don't have formal titles in the government. Namely, they are just the intellectual playmates of the emperor. Unlike Manchu princes who possess diverse titles of nobility,?The?courtiers in Nan?shufang?are uniformly called?Xingzou?(walking).?This humble title implies that they are errands of the emperor, and their position depends on the emperor's?favor.?

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In the?Boxue?hongci?ke?exam, Han elites are incorporated?into?the?Wen (civil)?system?with?ceremonial treatment. However,?there was no independent vassal state of?Hanprinces anymore?after the rebellion of three vassals.?Their autonomy in recruiting military force is completely canceled. Although Akbar strictly controls the size and succession of?Rajputs'?mansabs, he still depends on Rajput generals?to recruit?soldiers?and command the army in?the war against prince Hashim.?In contrast,?Kangxi emphasizes the absolute control of Manchu people on the military force. No Han general could get a prominent position like Man Sing in Akbar's army.

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Rajputs enjoyed?an equal relationship with the emperor. They hold noble titles, and they are not only courtiers but also relatives of the emperor,?sharing a strong personal bond with him. The frequent royal visits demonstrate this closeness and even brotherhood. Their position in the court is enhanced by the persistent blood relationship with the royal family for generations. Akbar's chief consort Mariam-us-Zamani is the mother of Jahangir, and Jahangir still marries Shah Begum, who is also from Raja?Bharmal's?family.?This continuous and deep engagement is rare in Kangxi's relationship with Han elites. Although Manchu kept a long tradition of marrying Mongol aristocrats, they were vigilant about marriage with Han people. It is a custom that the son of a Han concubine can't succeed in the thrown. The chief consorts in high Qing all come from Manchu and Mongol families.?

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Royal visit to the Han family is also rare during the reign of Kangxi. The salt revenue collector?Caoyin?is famous for Kangxi's residing in his house 7 times during the cruise.?However, it is not a special visit to show respect to Han elites.?Caoyin, as a?Baoyi?servant of Kangxi, just provides his house as a hotel for the emperor's travel.?Baoyi?is a hereditary group of servants completely attached to high-rank Manchu nobles in the eight-banner system. Kangxi's visits demonstrate his trust in?Caoyin.?Still,?this trust is built on a rigid hierarchy of the master and his servant rancher than the equality between the emperor and his noble companion. There is no record that Kangxi ever visits Han elites' houses in Beijing. In contrast, he always visits the houses of Manchu aristocrats and hunts with Mongol princes.?

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The discrepancy in military power partly causes?this difference?in?Rajput and Han elites' positions in cultural policies. In the causes of?Rajput and other Hindu princes, Akbar could never destroy their military forces. Even after a successful military conquest, Akbar is always prone to preserve the local ruler, allowing them to recruit an army for the emperor.?This independence causes a relatively equal relationship. However, in the case of Han elites, the elimination of three?Han?vassal states signed the end of Han aristocracy. Han elites lost their independence. Before?the?rebellion?of three vassals, there were some instances of marriages between princes?of three vassals?and Manchu princesses to show equality. However, after Kangxi completely crushed these vassal states. These royal marriages with Han elites never happen anymore.

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Both Kangxi and Akbar?fulfill?the?emperor's?goal of promoting new groups to undermine the old ones. For Kangxi, his regent?Aobai?represents the overinfluence of Manchu nobles. They imposed?a series of discriminatory policies on Han officials, stipulating that the status of Han officials?were?always inferior to his Manchu colleagues. They intervened?in?Kangxi's appointment of his successor, arguing that the succession of the throne shall be decided by all leaders of eight banners together in the grand?council.?These events provided?enough motivation for the emperor to incorporate Han elites into the government.?Han elites?also entailed?a?reliable protector?to?counter?those Manchu nobles.

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Akbar faced?a similar condition to Kangxi. The old aristocratic group, which provided?pivotal support during the establishment of the empire, had?become increasingly uncontrollable. During the 1570s, a series of rebellions?were?launched by the?Turani?aristocrats. Ulema class also?intervened?the?state affairs, threatening to withdraw their endorsement of the kingship. Akbar had?to seek a new alliance to balance these influential groups.?The?marriage between?Rajput?princess and?was?a precious opportunity.?

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These two emperors keep their suspicion of these new participants?in some specific affairs. However, just like their suspicion of the traditional noble groups, suspicion is kept upon every group. They commission the most crucial tasks to the Han and Rajputs. There is no evidence that their distrust of Han and Rajputs on specific affairs is more "virtual" and "essential" than their distrust of Manchu people and?Turian?on other affairs.?The engagement with Hindus and Han elites in the government is so deep that it can hardly be defined as an instrumental method. It is loyalty rather than?thebackground that decides the emperor's inclination. For the emperor, the?loyalty to the?universal kingship and is the?final ambition?that?is beyond the diversity of ethnicity and religion.

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Charisma?

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Passive acceptance of pluralism and incorporation of corporatism is not the final goal of Kangxi and Akbar.?By tolerating different groups, their right?of existence?is recognized, and the basic peace in the empire is guaranteed.?By incorporating them into daily affairs, a community of interest?is formed in which plural groups?balance?each other.?Finally, by?constructing personal charisma, the balance of power supports a universal kingship beyond ethnicity and religion. The transcendental authority of the emperor dissolves all differences. The recognition of the emperor himself, replacing the recognition of diverse groups, becomes the source of legitimacy and stability.

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Akbar’s Policies

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For Akbar, universalism is embodied in his new religion Din-i?llah. Before the establishment of Din-i?llahi, Akbar demonstrates his interest in studying diverse religions and creating new ideas beyond them. In?Ibadatkhana, he criticizes both Islamic?and Hinduism customs freely.?He firmly opposes the sacrifice of Hindu widows and suspects Hindu polytheism tendency. His discontent with Orthodox Islam is more famous. In?Ibadatkhana, the emperor inclined to the Christian missionary during their debate with Islamic Ulema.?The?infallibility decreeendows the Mughal emperor with absolute authority in religious affairs beyond the orthodox authority of the Khalifa title occupied by the Ottoman sultan.?It signs the combination of religious and secular authorities and the development of universalism kingship.?In the later period of Akbar's reign,?Ibadatkhana?plural debate is not held frequently anymore. He is devoted to finding his universalism religion Din-i?llahi, which transcends the prejudices of all religions.

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There is a debate on if Din-i?llahi?is a "Religion" against orthodox Islam. On the one hand, Akbar shows his suspicion of orthodox Islam. He declares that Koran is a human compilation and suspects the credibility of Mohammed's prophets.From the perspective of traditional Ulema, the?view of coexistence?in Din-i?llahicontradicts the exclusive supremacy of Islam. This supremacy?requests the relentless struggle against other religions. Safavid shah's comment illustrates this orthodox idea. He calls Akbar?"drinker from many sources."

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On the other hand, Din-i?llahi?inherits many Sufi elements. Chishti order is regarded as the source of these Sufi elements. Compared with Orthodox Sunni, Chishti takes a more transcendental and neutral stance in various political and religious struggles and focuses more?on self-reflection.?From Akbar's perspective, magnifying this Chishti transcendence and neutrality is not a deviation from Islam and god. It is the single and true way to access god regardless of the trivial difference in ritual and practice. Even in his old age, Akbar still regards transcribing?Kuran?as a virtue.

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Akbar?endeavors?to create a universalism tradition that can include Islam as a part of it. Din-i?llahi?is designed to transcend the narrow exclusiveness of every religion, avert meaningless bloodshed and attain final universalism. In the letter to Safavid Shah, Akbar introduces his ideal of?Suhl-I?kull, "it must be considered that the universal divine mercy attaches itself to every community/nation and supreme exertions must be made to bring oneself into ever vernal flower-garden of Suhl-I?kull."?It indicates that Din-i?llahi?is not a new sort of exclusive religion to compete with Islam or Hinduism. Just as Akbar says, "you should let them worship god in whatever manner they feel because we believe in?Sulh-i-Kull. It demonstrates the recognition of diversity in?religious practices.?All religions are different paths leading to a common god. The emperor recognizes their functions in partly revealing the truth. God creates visible differences,?whereas the?reality is the same. He uses the metaphor that?"One heart-ensnaring Beauty lights thousands of curtains (pardah)"?to specify that all religions are the shadows of one god, sharing the diverse beauty and virtue of god.

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This?protection on all religions?consolidates the status of the emperor as the pivotal guarantor of universal peace, dissolving all prejudices and quelling all struggles of exclusiveness. The emperor legitimately monopolizes the authority of the judge and?guard?of the order. Abul?Fazluse?the concept of a perfect man (insan?I?kamil) to describe Akbar, who equally ensures subjects' welfare.He emphasizes the pivotal role of the emperor in a well-ordered administration. In?Akbarnama, Abul?Fazlemphasizes that the task of protecting universal peace cannot be finished automatically. Only under the guidance of the perfect man can the idea of Suhl-I?kull?be fulfilled. It endows functional importance on kingship.?

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Moreover,?besides the protection?on?diversity, there is also a strong monotheism tendency in Din-i?llahi.?This monotheism turns the passive tolerance?and protection?into a potent and?commanding?kingship. Akbar sometimes directly criticized?that the diversity of religion obstructs the way toward a single god. The idols of Hinduism and the rituals of Islam are equally detrimental due to creating unnecessary contention. In Ain-I-Akbari. Abul?Fazl?argues that as ideas develop, two false things are created, Din and?Duniya. (Religion and Temporal world). The one god shall create a truth of one unity.?All religious divisions?must be overcome. This insistence on unity is also reflected in his view on religious practice. Various physical actions in different religions are regarded as limiting human knowledge. The god is formless. Only the lack of wakefulness generates those visible forms in practice. These forms cannot illustrate the true feature of god. Abul?Falz?takes Rajput General?Todar?Mal as a negative example, calling him a "blind follower and narrow-mindedness stance on abandoning Hinduism idols.

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The emperor is a potent leader with divinity. He not only keeps the universal peace but also reforms the world initiatively. Abul?Fazl?characterizes sovereignty as the divinity light (farr-I?izadi).?Under this divinity light,?Theruler shall dispense justice and prosperity to the world, regardless of religious and ethnic divisions. This administration is considered the best way to worship the god. The emperor has a direct connection to the god without the interference of any other authority. With the support of divinity,?Akbar obtains leadership in spiritual affairs and organizes his ? Din-i?llahi?disciple group.?

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Akbar never intends to implement an official policy of massive conversion to Din-i?llahi.?However, the political influence of Din in constructing Akbar's personal charisma is profound. The emperor does not?aver to obtain an exalted?position in the eyes of?his?subjects.?Sufi elements are obvious, including the strict regulations on personal lifestyles, the close connection with the group's spiritual leader, and the clear monotheism stance in its theology. The disciples worship him as a master in both political and daily affairs. New disciples will receive a turban embedded with a portrait of Akbar. They prostrate in front of the emperor, alleging to abandon some of four precious things in life.?At last, the emperor enthusiastically hugs them, reinforcing this personal bondage with physical contact.?

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According to Abul?Fazl, "if people upon whom the star of good fortune has shone are in attendance at private assemblies… they may perform the prostration of gratitude (to the emperor).?Similarly, the emperor permits prostration to him.?In contrast, it is?not merely personal worship of the emperor but a sacred ritual under the star of good fortune. The emperor's personal authority is fused with divine and spiritual authority.?

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Kangxi’s Policies

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In the case of Kangxi,?he determined?that?the construction of this universalism?was?based on his division between the real and fake?Daoxue?and the unity of?Daotong?and?Zhitong. By reforming non-Confucianism ideas radically, Kangxi undermined?the dominance of the Han people in intellectual affairs and?setted?the emperor's universal supremacy of both tutor and ruler.?

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