1937年1月20日，富蘭克林·羅斯福正式在華盛頓特區(qū)連任美國總統。

對內方面，羅斯?？偨y任內繼續(xù)實施新政改革，他于1937年對美國法院進行了改組，并整頓了民主黨，削弱了新政的反對者，許多批評者將羅斯福稱為“獨裁者”，但羅斯福不予理會，繼續(xù)推動美國實現復興；1937年，日本對中國發(fā)動全面入侵，羅斯福開始在國內呼吁民眾反對侵略國，試圖打破美國國內的孤立主義情緒，但卻遭到了大規(guī)模反對，只得作罷；1938年，羅斯福通過了《擴充海軍法》，以應對日本不斷壯大的軍事威脅；1939年，歐洲爆發(fā)戰(zhàn)事，嗅到危機的羅斯?？偨y決定重整美國的軍備，他提拔了馬歇爾作為美國陸軍參謀長，全權負責此事；1940年，羅斯福決心復興美國的軍用工廠，全力準備可能到來的戰(zhàn)爭。

對外方面，1936年，美英法續(xù)簽了《倫敦海軍條約》，上次簽署該條約的五國中，日本和意大利已然拒絕續(xù)簽該條約；1937年，日本制造盧溝橋事變，以此為借口對中國發(fā)動了全面入侵，嚴重威脅到了美國的在華利益和亞太利益，美國于戰(zhàn)爭爆發(fā)后，火速轉移本國在華資產；1937年12月，美國海軍炮艇“帕奈號”在護送美國商船轉移物資和公民時，遭到了日軍戰(zhàn)機襲擊，導致美軍“帕奈號”炮艇沉沒，前來支援的英軍艦艇也遭到了日軍襲擊，引發(fā)了英美和日本之間的外交風波，最終日本聲稱帕奈號事件為誤傷，對英美進行道歉，并全額賠償該事件對兩國造成的損失，雙方達成和解；帕奈號事件幾天后，日軍在中國南京制造了慘絕人寰的大屠殺，該消息很快引起了整個國際社會軒然大波，許多國家對日本的暴行進行了譴責；1938年，美國宣布對日本進行“道義禁運”，從此中止向日本出售多數可直接用于戰(zhàn)爭的商品，包括飛機、飛機部件、引擎、炸彈等等；同年，美國同拉美國家發(fā)表了《利馬宣言》，各國宣布團結一致，共同反對外部勢力入侵美洲；同年，德國先是吞并了奧地利，又向捷克斯洛伐克索取蘇臺德地區(qū)，引起巨大危機，英法與德意劍拔弩張，羅斯福致信希特勒，呼吁和平解決問題，最終英法向德意妥協，簽訂了《慕尼黑協定》，將蘇臺德歸屬于德國，換取德國“永不擴張”的承諾；1939年，德國違反《慕尼黑協定》，入侵捷克斯洛伐克，在國際社會引起巨大反響，羅斯?？偨y沖破國內孤立主義情緒，直接以美國總統的名義向德國元首希特勒和意大利元首墨索里尼發(fā)送警告信，并在信中列舉了31國名單，要求兩國元首承諾永不侵略名單上的國家，德意元首不以為然，希特勒甚至公開在一次演講中背誦31國名單來嘲諷羅斯?？偨y；1939年9月，德國入侵了波蘭，英法隨即對德國宣戰(zhàn)，第二次世界大戰(zhàn)爆發(fā)，羅斯福宣布美國在二戰(zhàn)中保持中立；隨后，羅斯福總統推動修改了《中立法案》，允許以“先購自運”的方式向交戰(zhàn)國出售武器，由于英法掌握制海權，這一修訂實際對同盟國有利；1940年，德國橫掃歐洲，法國淪陷，英國危在旦夕，英國首相丘吉爾請求羅斯?？偨y向英國出售軍艦，而羅斯福以“驅逐艦換基地”的方案，以50艘驅逐艦換得英國在大西洋上的基地；在不列顛空戰(zhàn)中，美國還向英國派遣了志愿飛行中隊，援助英國抵抗德國的入侵，美國在戰(zhàn)爭爆發(fā)以來的種種舉動引起了德國的強烈不滿，但德國仍舊拒絕與美國爆發(fā)正面沖突；1940年9月，日本入侵法屬中南半島，維希法國政府迫于納粹德國的壓力，被迫接受了日本占領中南半島的事實，然而日本對東南亞的擴張很快引起了美國、英國和荷屬東印度的高度警惕，三國遂聯合對日本實施禁運，美國中止向日本出口一切石油和廢鐵，導致美日關系急劇惡化，如若日本無法解決石油鋼鐵的問題，便無力進行持久戰(zhàn)爭，其對中國發(fā)動的侵略戰(zhàn)爭必定以失敗告終；1940年年底，羅斯?？偨y宣布，美國要成為“民主國家的兵工廠”。

1941年1月，羅斯?？偨y的第二個任期結束。

Let us never forget that government is ourselves and not an alien power over us. The ultimate rulers of our democracy are not a President and Senators and Congressmen and Government officials but the voters of this country. ——?Franklin D. Roosevelt

不要忘記政府就是我們自身，政府不是統治我們的外部力量。我們民主國家至高無上的統治者不是總統和議員，也不是國會和政府，而是這個國家里給他們投票的廣大人民。 —— 富蘭克林·D·羅斯福

When four years ago we met to inaugurate a President, the Republic, single-minded in anxiety, stood in spirit here. We dedicated ourselves to the fulfillment of a vision--to speed the time when there would be for all the people that security and peace essential to the pursuit of happiness. We of the Republic pledged ourselves to drive from the temple of our ancient faith those who had profaned it; to end by action, tireless and unafraid, the stagnation and despair of that day. We did those first things first.

四年前，我們匯聚于總統就職典禮，當時我們的共和國心急如焚，迫切地期待拯救。我們致力于實現一個偉大理想——加速為全體人民帶來安定與和平，保障他們追求幸福的權利。我們共和國的子民曾發(fā)誓，要把褻瀆我們悠久信念之人驅逐出共和國圣殿；并不辭辛勞、無所畏懼地以實際行動粉碎當時的經濟蕭條與絕望心境。而我們第一步，便解決了這些當務之急。

Our covenant with ourselves did not stop there. Instinctively we recognized a deeper need--the need to find through government the instrument of our united purpose to solve for the individual the ever-rising problems of a complex civilization. Repeated attempts at their solution without the aid of government had left us baffled and bewildered. For, without that aid, we had been unable to create those moral controls over the services of science which are necessary to make science a useful servant instead of a ruthless master of mankind. To do this we knew that we must find practical controls over blind economic forces and blindly selfish men.

我們的誓言并未止步于此。我們本能地意識到了更深層次的需求——通過政府實現我們的共同目標，并幫助每個人解決我們復雜文明不斷產生的問題。此前我們嘗試脫離政府的幫助來獨自解決這些問題，但卻屢屢碰壁，一籌莫展。因為缺少了政府的幫助，我們就無法對科學的利用加以道德限制；如果希望科學成為造福于人類的仆從，而不是掌控人類的無情統治者，那么這些道德限制必不可少。為此，我們必須盲目的經濟活動與自私自利之人加以實際管控。

We of the Republic sensed the truth that democratic government has innate capacity to protect its people against disasters once considered inevitable, to solve problems once considered unsolvable. We would not admit that we could not find a way to master economic epidemics just as, after centuries of fatalistic suffering, we had found a way to master epidemics of disease. We refused to leave the problems of our common welfare to be solved by the winds of chance and the hurricanes of disaster.

我們共和國的子民認識到了真理：民主政府天生就有能力保護人民，可以阻止曾一度被認為無法避免的災難發(fā)生，可以解決掉曾一度被認為不可能解決的問題。我們不會承認，人類找不到控制這場經濟疫病的方法，就如同過去的幾千年里，我們曾聽天由命地被瘟疫摧殘，最后仍找到了控制瘟疫的方法一樣。我們絕不相信，美國的共同繁榮事業(yè)，不由我們只由天。

In this we Americans were discovering no wholly new truth; we were writing a new chapter in our book of self-government.

在這方面，我們美國人并不是發(fā)現了什么全新的真理；我們只是為美國的民主史冊，寫下了新一頁篇章。

This year marks the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the?Constitutional Convention?which made us a nation. At that Convention our forefathers found the way out of the chaos which followed the Revolutionary War; they created a strong government with powers of united action sufficient then and now to solve problems utterly beyond individual or local solution. A century and a half ago they established the Federal Government in order to promote the general welfare and secure the blessings of liberty to the American people.

今年是制憲會議召開的第150周年，是制憲會議讓我們成為了一個國家。制憲會議上，我們的祖輩走出了獨立戰(zhàn)爭之后的混亂；他們設立了一個強大的政府，有能力團結全國力量采取行動，能夠處理掉個人或地區(qū)根本無法解決的問題。150年前，祖輩們成立了聯邦政府，以促進美國人民的共同福祉，并捍衛(wèi)美國人民的自由。

Today we invoke those same powers of government to achieve the same objectives.

今天，我們同樣要運用政府的力來實現同樣的目標。

Four years of new experience have not belied our historic instinct. They hold out the clear hope that government within communities, government within the separate States, and government of the United States can do the things the times require, without yielding its democracy. Our tasks in the last four years did not force democracy to take a holiday.

這4年來，我們得到了許多新經驗，但這不能覆蓋我們的歷史傳統。人民明確要求，各州各地政府和美國聯邦政府要在不放棄民主制度的前提下，完成我們的時代任務。我們過去4年的任務，也并未迫使民主制度“休假”。

Nearly all of us recognize that as intricacies of human relationships increase, so power to govern them also must increase--power to stop evil; power to do good. The essential democracy of our Nation and the safety of our people depend not upon the absence of power, but upon lodging it with those whom the people can change or continue at stated intervals through an honest and free system of elections.?The?Constitution of 1787?did not make our democracy impotent.

我們幾乎一致認識到，隨著人類關系日益復雜，支配這一關系的權力必須也有所增強——使用這一權力懲惡揚善。要捍衛(wèi)我國的基本民主制度和廣大人民安全，需要的并不是瓦解權力，而是讓人民可以通過自由真實的選舉制度，將權力交給自己信任的人，并定期決定延長或收回這些權力。1787年憲法沒有導致我們的民主制度軟弱無力。

In fact, in these last four years, we have made the exercise of all power more democratic; for we have begun to bring private autocratic powers into their proper subordination to the public's government. The legend that they were invincible--above and beyond the processes of a democracy--has been shattered. They have been challenged and beaten.

實際上，在過去4年中，我們對一切權力的行使都更加民主；因為我們已經開始將個人獨斷的權力屈從于人民政府。獨斷權力不可戰(zhàn)勝——能夠凌駕于民主制度之上，逍遙于民主制度法外的神話已經被粉碎。獨斷權力受到了我們的挑戰(zhàn)，而且被我們打敗。

Our progress out of the depression is obvious. But that is not all that you and I mean by the new order of things. Our pledge was not merely to do a patchwork job with secondhand materials. By using the new materials of social justice we have undertaken to erect on the old foundations a more enduring structure for the better use of future generations.

我們?yōu)閿[脫大蕭條的工作，取得了有目共睹的進展。但這還遠并非你我所展望的新秩序全貌。我們的誓約，可不是簡單地用舊材料對社會進行小修小補。而是利用我們打造的社會公正這一新材料，在社會舊結構上打造一個更加堅固的、更能惠及我們子孫后代的結構。

In that purpose we have been helped by achievements of mind and spirit. Old truths have been relearned; untruths have been unlearned. We have always known that heedless self-interest was bad morals; we know now that it is bad economics. Out of the collapse of a prosperity whose builders boasted their practicality has come the conviction that in the long run economic morality pays. We are beginning to wipe out the line that divides the practical from the ideal; and in so doing we are fashioning an instrument of unimagined power for the establishment of a morally better world.

為此，我們借助了思想和精神上取得的成就。我們重溫古老的真理，拋棄虛假的謬誤。我們一直都知道，肆無忌憚的利己主義是不道德的；現在我們還知道了，這種利己主義還不利于經濟發(fā)展。經濟繁榮的建設者曾經吹噓這一盛世符合實際，但隨著繁榮的破滅，人們愈加堅信，從長遠來看，經濟道德能夠造福人類。我們正在跨越理想與現實之間的鴻溝；這樣一來，我們就為建立一個更加道德的世界，制造了一件力大無比的工具。

This new understanding undermines the old admiration of worldly success as such. We are beginning to abandon our tolerance of the abuse of power by those who betray for profit the elementary decencies of life.

這一嶄新認知加持下，我們打破了過去以追名逐利為榮的傳統觀念。我們開始不再容忍濫用職權之徒，為利益而拋棄基本生活準則之輩。

In this process evil things formerly accepted will not be so easily condoned. Hard-headedness will not so easily excuse hardheartedness. We are moving toward an era of good feeling. But we realize that there can be no era of good feeling save among men of good will.

在這一過程中，我們不會繼續(xù)縱容曾經默許的歪風邪氣。理智頭腦不會再原諒鐵石心腸。我們正在共同邁向一個善良友好的時代。但是我們要知道，只有善良友好的人多了，才能出現善良友好的時代。

For these reasons I am justified in believing that the greatest change we have witnessed has been the change in the moral climate of America.

因此，我有理由相信，我們見證的最大不同，便是美國人道德氛圍的改變。

Among men of good will, science and democracy together offer an ever-richer life and ever-larger satisfaction to the individual. With this change in our moral climate and our rediscovered ability to improve our economic order, we have set our feet upon the road of enduring progress.

在善良的人之間，科學和民主會讓每個人的生活日益富有滿足。隨著美國道德氛圍的改善，加之我們再次掌握了重塑經濟秩序的能力，我們已然踏上長期進步之路。

Shall we pause now and turn our back upon the road that lies ahead? Shall we call this the promised land? Or, shall we continue on our way? For "each age is a dream that is dying, or one that is coming to birth."

我們現在要停下來，同與這一前進的道路背道而馳嗎？我們現在已經心滿意足，覺得美國已經可以稱為“應許之地”了嗎？或者，我們是不是應該繼續(xù)前進？因為“每一個時代都是一場夢，或在破滅，或在新生”。

Many voices are heard as we face a great decision. Comfort says, "Tarry a while." Opportunism says, "This is a good spot." Timidity asks, "How difficult is the road ahead?"

每次我們面臨重大抉擇時，總會聽說許多聲音。安于現狀者說，“再休息一會兒吧?！蓖稒C鉆營者說，“機不可失，失不再來?！蹦懶∏优痴邌枺扒胺降穆肥遣皇呛芷D難？”

True, we have come far from the days of stagnation and despair. Vitality has been preserved. Courage and confidence have been restored. Mental and moral horizons have been extended.

是的，我們的確已經走出了那個蕭條絕望的時代。我們維持了活力?；謴土擞職馀c信心。我們的精神和道德都提升了一個境界。

But our present gains were won under the pressure of more than ordinary circumstances. Advance became imperative under the goad of fear and suffering. The times were on the side of progress.

但是，我們當前的成就是在超乎尋常的高壓下取得的。是在受恐懼和痛苦鞭打時，所做出的迫不得已的前進。那一時代推動著我們向前。

To hold to progress today, however, is more difficult. Dulled conscience, irresponsibility, and ruthless self-interest already reappear. Such symptoms of prosperity may become portents of disaster! Prosperity already tests the persistence of our progressive purpose.

但現在，想要繼續(xù)保持這種進步速度就要困難多了。麻木不仁、逃避責任和冷酷無情的利己主義已經卷土重來。隨著繁榮再現，這些癥狀也再次一同涌現，預示著可能到來的災難！現在的繁榮，已經開始考驗我們是否具有持久進步的決心了。

Let us ask again: Have we reached the goal of our vision of that fourth day of March 1933? Have we found our happy valley?

我們再次擬心自問：我們已經達到自己在1933年3月4日那天展望的宏大目標了嗎？我們已經找到幸福之谷了嗎？

I see a great nation, upon a great continent, blessed with a great wealth of natural resources. Its hundred and thirty million people are at peace among themselves; they are making their country a good neighbor among the nations. I see a United States which can demonstrate that, under democratic methods of government, national wealth can be translated into a spreading volume of human comforts hitherto unknown, and the lowest standard of living can be raised far above the level of mere subsistence.

我看到一個偉大的國家，地處一片遼闊的大陸，天賜豐富的自然資源。該國的1.3億子民和諧共處；并努力將該國打造為他國的睦鄰。我看到了我們的合眾國，她證明了民主制度治下，國家財富可用以與日俱進、前所未有地造福人民生活，使得我國人民的最低生活水平也不至于僅能茍活。

But here is the challenge to our democracy: In this nation I see tens of millions of its citizens--a substantial part of its whole population--who at this very moment are denied the greater part of what the very lowest standards of today call the necessities of life.

但我們的民主制度也面臨著挑戰(zhàn)：在我國，我看到了數千萬公民——我國人口的一大部分——此刻得不到最低生活標準所應有的多數生活必需品。

I see millions of families trying to live on incomes so meager that the pall of family disaster hangs over them day by day.

我看到了數百萬家庭僅以微薄的收入糊口度日，每日生活在家庭災難的陰影之下。

I see millions whose daily lives in city and on farm continue under conditions labeled indecent by a so-called polite society half a century ago.

我看到數百萬城鄉(xiāng)居民，他們的生活狀態(tài)，用半個世紀前所謂“上流社會”的話說，猶如牲畜一般。

I see millions denied education, recreation, and the opportunity to better their lot and the lot of their children.

我看到數百萬人民無法享有教育和娛樂，毫無為自己和子女逆天改命的機會。

I see millions lacking the means to buy the products of farm and factory and by their poverty denying work and productiveness to many other millions.

我看到數百萬人民無力購買農產品和工業(yè)品，而他們的貧困又進而導致其他成百上千萬人無法投入工作和生產。

I see one-third of a nation ill-housed, ill-clad, ill-nourished.

我看到我國有三分之一的人，身居陋室，衣不蔽體，食不果腹。

It is not in despair that I paint you that picture. I paint it for you in hope--because the Nation, seeing and understanding the injustice in it, proposes to paint it out. We are determined to make every American citizen the subject of his country's interest and concern; and we will never regard any faithful law-abiding group within our borders as superfluous. The test of our progress is not whether we add more to the abundance of those who have much; it is whether we provide enough for those who have too little.

我向大家描述這一景象，并非是深陷絕望。反而是滿懷希望——因為全國都看到了并意識到了這種不公正的景象，才會著手消除這一情況。我們決心讓每一位美國公民都得到國家的利惠和關切；我們絕不會將美國境內任何愛國守法的團體視為多余。經驗我們是否進步的標準，不是看我們是否為富人錦上添花；而是看我們能否為無產者豐衣足食。

If I know aught of the spirit and purpose of our Nation, we will not listen to Comfort, Opportunism, and Timidity. We will carry on.

如果我對美國的精神和目標的理解無誤的話，那美國人民一定不會聽信安于現狀者、投機鉆營者和膽小怯懦者的阻撓。我們要繼續(xù)前進。

Overwhelmingly, we of the Republic are men and women of good will; men and women who have more than warm hearts of dedication; men and women who have cool heads and willing hands of practical purpose as well. They will insist that every agency of popular government use effective instruments to carry out their will.

我們共和國的絕大多數男女都是善良的人；他們不僅擁有樂于奉獻的赤子之心；還擁有實現國家目標所需的勤勞雙手和冷靜頭腦。美國人民會要求我們民主政府的所有部門機構去執(zhí)行他們的意愿。只有全體人民選舉出

Government is competent when all who compose it work as trustees for the whole people. It can make constant progress when it keeps abreast of all the facts. It can obtain justified support and legitimate criticism when the people receive true information of all that government does.

只有受到全體人民寄信的所有政府官員都投入工作，政府才稱得上稱職。政府只有時刻掌握實際情況，才能不斷前進。只有全體人民可以得知政府作為的真實信心，政府才能真正得到人民的支持和適當的批評。

If I know aught of the will of our people, they will demand that these conditions of effective government shall be created and maintained. They will demand a nation uncorrupted by cancers of injustice and, therefore, strong among the nations in its example of the will to peace.

如果我對美國人民的意愿理解無誤的話，那么在建成了高效政府后，人民還會要求維系住建成該政府的一切條件。人民要求政府建設一個革除不公弊病的國家，而且要在捍衛(wèi)和平方面為世界各國樹立起堅強的榜樣。

Today we reconsecrate our country to long-cherished ideals in a suddenly changed civilization. In every land there are always at work forces that drive men apart and forces that draw men together. In our personal ambitions we are individualists. But in our seeking for economic and political progress as a nation, we all go up, or else we all go down, as one people.

今天，在這個風云驟變的文明世界上，我們國家將再一次獻身長久追求的理想。世界各地歷來存在著一種使人或分或合的力量。就我們的個人抱負來論，我們是個人主義者。但是，在我們作為一個國家，追求經濟和政治進步時，我們是一個民族整體，我們同進共退。

To maintain a democracy of effort requires a vast amount of patience in dealing with differing methods, a vast amount of humility. But out of the confusion of many voices rises an understanding of dominant public need. Then political leadership can voice common ideals, and aid in their realization.

要維持民主的力量，就需要極大的耐心和不俗的氣度來解決模式分歧。但是我們可以從不同聲音中，了解到最廣大人民的需求。進而，政治領導人便可規(guī)劃出人民的共同理想，并將其付諸實踐。

In taking again the oath of office as President of the United States, I assume the solemn obligation of leading the American people forward along the road over which they have chosen to advance.

再次宣誓就任美國總統之際，我會承擔起領導美國人民，向人民選定的道路上不斷前進的職責。

While this duty rests upon me I shall do my utmost to speak their purpose and to do their will, seeking Divine guidance to help us each and every one to give light to them that sit in darkness and to guide our feet into the way of peace.

任職總統期間，我會竭盡所能為人民發(fā)聲、按照人民的意愿做事，并尋求上帝的引導，幫助我們將光明帶給身陷黑暗之人，沿著和平之路不斷前進

聲明：本人僅按照原文翻譯內容，演講內容不代表本人觀點。此專欄僅供歷史和英語交流學習使用，任何讀者皆可引用本人的譯本。

希望來學習英語的觀眾明白：我覺得這些專欄的主要精華在于英語原文，而并非我的譯本，我的譯本很大程度上只是供來學習歷史的觀眾使用的。本人的英語水平一般，翻譯得并不會多么精彩，只能在你看不懂時來幫助你了解這些演講內容最基本的意思，而且翻譯時難免會出現差錯，切勿直接完全以我的譯本為標準。如發(fā)現有翻譯錯誤或者歧義內容，歡迎指正。

希望來學習歷史的觀眾明白：任何歷史人物都有一定的局限性，隨著時代發(fā)展，很多觀點看法可能已經不再適用今天的世界，西方的觀點也不一定適用于我們。通過了解這些演講，僅可給我們提供一個更全面了解過去和世界的渠道。我們可以從優(yōu)秀的歷史、當代人物身上學到很多，但是請保持獨立思考，理性看待演講內容，切勿全信或將其奉為真理。?