GREEK PHILOSOPHY AFTER ARISTOTLE
The Hellenistic Era??
后期希臘時(shí)代
When Alexander the Great died in Bablyon in 323 his vast empire was divided up between his senior officers, who founded a number of independent realms.?
當(dāng)亞歷山大大帝于公元前323年在巴比倫去世時(shí),他的龐大帝國(guó)被他的高級(jí)將領(lǐng)們分割,他們建立了許多獨(dú)立的王國(guó)。
The most long lasting of these was the kingdom of Ptolemy and his family in Egypt and Libya, which survived until Antony and Cleopatra were defeated by the Roman Emperor Augustus in 31 bc.?
其中最為持久的是托勒密及其家族在埃及和利比亞的王國(guó),它一直存在到公元前31年,安東尼和克婁巴特拉被羅馬皇帝奧古斯都擊敗為止。
In the centuries between the death of Alexander and the death of Cleopatra the domains of Alexander’s other generals broke up into smaller kingdoms which, one by one, came under the sway of Rome and eventually became provinces of its Empire.?
在亞歷山大死后和克婁巴特拉死后的幾個(gè)世紀(jì)里,亞歷山大的其他將軍們的領(lǐng)土分裂成了更小的王國(guó),它們一個(gè)接一個(gè)地受到羅馬的影響,最終成為其帝國(guó)的省份。
These centuries, in which Greek civilization flourished throughout all the lands around the Eastern Mediterranean, are known to historians as the Hellenistic age.?
在這些世紀(jì)里,希臘文明在整個(gè)東地中海周圍的土地上繁榮發(fā)展,這一時(shí)期被歷史學(xué)家稱為后期希臘時(shí)代。
In this period Greek colonists came into contact with widely different systems of thought.?
在這一時(shí)期,希臘殖民者接觸到了廣泛不同的思想體系。
In Bactria, at the far eastern end of the former Empire, Greek philosophy encountered the religion of Buddha, energetically propagated by the devout Indian king, Asoka; two surviving dialogues tell the story of the conversion to Buddhism of the Greek king, Menander.?
在前帝國(guó)的最東端,巴克特里亞,希臘哲學(xué)遇到了佛教,這是由虔誠(chéng)的印度國(guó)王阿育王積極傳播的;兩部幸存的對(duì)話講述了希臘國(guó)王米南德皈依佛教的故事。
In Persia Greeks encountered the already ancient religion of Zarathustra (whose name they Hellenized as Zoroaster); this saw the world as a battlefield between two powerful divine principles, one good and one evil.?
在波斯,希臘人遇到了已經(jīng)古老的查拉圖斯特拉教(他們將其名字希臘化為瑣羅亞斯德教);這個(gè)宗教將世界視為兩個(gè)強(qiáng)大的神圣原則之間的戰(zhàn)場(chǎng),一個(gè)是善,一個(gè)是惡。
In Palestine they met the Jews, who since their return in 538 from their Babylonian exile had formed a strictly monotheistic community centred on the Temple worship in Jerusalem.?
在巴勒斯坦,他們遇到了猶太人,自從他們于公元前538年從巴比倫流放回來(lái)后,就形成了一個(gè)以耶路撒冷圣殿崇拜為中心的嚴(yán)格一神論的團(tuán)體。
The books of the Maccabees, among the apocrypha in the Bible, tell of their resistance to assimilation by Greek culture under the rule of Antiochus IV of Syria.?
《馬加比書》,作為圣經(jīng)中的偽經(jīng)之一,講述了他們?cè)跀⒗麃喌陌矖l克四世統(tǒng)治下對(duì)希臘文化同化的抵抗。
The first Ptolemies in Egypt built up the new city of Alexandria, whose citizens were drawn from every part of the Greek world.?
埃及的第一批托勒密王建立了新的城市亞歷山大,其市民來(lái)自希臘世界的各個(gè)地方。
They founded a magnificent and well-catalogued library, which became the envy of the world, rivalled only, at a later date, by the library of King Attalus at Pergamum in Asia Minor.?
他們建立了一座宏偉而編目完善的圖書館,成為了世界的羨慕對(duì)象,只有在后來(lái),才有亞細(xì)亞小亞細(xì)亞的帕加馬國(guó)王阿塔盧斯的圖書館與之相匹敵。
It was in Alexandria that the Hebrew Bible was translated into Greek; the version was known as the Septuagint, a word meaning seventy, after the number of scholars said to have collaborated in the translation.?
正是在亞歷山大,希伯來(lái)圣經(jīng)被翻譯成了希臘語(yǔ);這個(gè)版本被稱為《七十士譯本》,這個(gè)詞意為七十,是根據(jù)據(jù)說(shuō)參與翻譯的學(xué)者的數(shù)量而命名的。
A series of brilliant mathematicians and scientists in Alexandria competed with, and in time surpassed, the scholars in the Academy and the Lyceum who, in Athens, carried on the work of their founders Plato and Aristotle.?
一系列杰出的數(shù)學(xué)家和科學(xué)家在亞歷山大與雅典的學(xué)院和演講廳中的學(xué)者競(jìng)爭(zhēng),并最終超越了他們,后者繼承了他們的創(chuàng)始人柏拉圖和亞里士多德的工作。
The best-known philosophers in Athens in the generation after Alexander’s death were members neither of the Academy nor of the Lyceum, but founders of new rival institutions: Epicurus, who established a school known as ‘The Garden’, and Zeno, whose followers were called ‘Stoics’ because he taught in the Stoa or painted portico.?
在亞歷山大死后那一代,雅典最著名的哲學(xué)家既不是學(xué)院也不是演講廳的成員,而是新的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)機(jī)構(gòu)的創(chuàng)始人:伊壁鳩魯,他建立了一個(gè)被稱為“花園”的學(xué)派。芝諾的追隨者被稱為“斯多葛派”,因?yàn)樗谒苟鄟喼然虿世L門廊里教書。
The multiplication of schools in Athens reflected an increasing interest in philosophy as an essential part of the education of the upper classes.?
雅典學(xué)派的增多反映了對(duì)哲學(xué)作為上層階級(jí)教育必不可少的一部分的日益關(guān)注。
Epicurus, born into a family of Athenian expatriates in Samos, set up house in Athens about 306 bc, and lived there until his death in 271.?
伊壁鳩魯出生于薩摩斯島的雅典流亡者家庭,于公元前306年左右在雅典安家,一直住到公元前271年去世。
His followers in the Garden, who included women and slaves, lived on simple fare and kept away from public life.?
伊壁鳩魯,他在“花園”中的追隨者,包括婦女和奴隸,過(guò)著簡(jiǎn)樸的生活,遠(yuǎn)離公共生活。
Epicurus wrote three hundred books, but except for a few letters almost all that he wrote has been lost.?
伊壁鳩魯寫了三百本書,但除了幾封信外,他寫的幾乎所有東西都已經(jīng)失傳了。
Fragments from his treatise On Nature were buried in volcanic ash at Herculaneum when Vesuvius erupted in ad 79; in modern times they have been painstakingly unrolled and deciphered.?
他的《論自然》一書的片段在公元79年維蘇威火山爆發(fā)時(shí)被埋在赫庫(kù)蘭尼姆的火山灰中;在現(xiàn)代,它們經(jīng)過(guò)了艱苦的展開和解讀。
To this day, however, we depend for our knowledge of Epicurus’ teachings principally on a long Latin poem written in the first century bc by his follower Lucretius, entitled On the Nature of Things (De Rerum Natura)?
然而,直到今天,我們對(duì)伊壁鳩魯學(xué)說(shuō)的了解主要依賴于他的追隨者盧克萊修在公元前一世紀(jì)寫的一首長(zhǎng)篇拉丁詩(shī),題為《物性論》(De Rerum Natura)。
The aim of Epicurus’ philosophy is to make happiness possible by removing the fear of death which is its greatest obstacle.?
伊壁鳩魯哲學(xué)的目的是通過(guò)消除對(duì)死亡的恐懼,這是幸福的最大障礙,來(lái)使幸福成為可能。
Because men are afraid of death, they struggle for wealth and power in the hope of postponing it, and throw themselves into frenzied activity so that they can forget its inevitability.?
因?yàn)槿藗兒ε滤劳觯麄優(yōu)榱素?cái)富和權(quán)力而奮斗,希望能推遲死亡,并將自己投入到瘋狂的活動(dòng)中,以便忘記死亡的必然性。
The fear of death is instilled in us by religion, which holds out the prospect of suffering and punishment after death. But this prospect is illusory. The point is eloquently made by Lucretius (in Dryden’s translation): there is no need to fear either death, or survival, or reincarnation.?
對(duì)死亡的恐懼是由宗教灌輸給我們的,宗教讓我們展望死后的痛苦和懲罰。但這種展望是虛幻的。盧克萊修(用德萊頓的譯文)生動(dòng)地闡述了這一點(diǎn):無(wú)需害怕死亡、生存或轉(zhuǎn)世。
What has this bugbear, death, to frighten man,?
If souls can die, as well as bodies can??
如果靈魂也能像身體一樣死去,
死亡這個(gè)可怕的東西有什么可嚇唬人的呢?
For, as before our birth we felt no pain?
因?yàn)椋拖裎覀兂錾皼]有感覺到痛苦?
When Punic arms infested land and main,?
當(dāng)迦太基的軍隊(duì)侵?jǐn)_了陸地和海洋,?
So, when our mortal frame shall be disjoined,?
如此,當(dāng)我們的凡人的軀殼被分離,
The lifeless lump uncoupled from the mind,?
無(wú)生命的塊兒與心靈分開,?
From sense of grief and pain we shall be free?
我們將擺脫悲傷和痛苦的感覺
We shall not feel, because we shall not be.?
我們不會(huì)感覺到,因?yàn)槲覀儾粫?huì)存在。
Though earth in seas, and seas in heaven were lost?
即使大地沉入海中,海洋升入天空?
We should not move, we only should be tossed.?
我們也不會(huì)動(dòng),我們只會(huì)被拋來(lái)拋去。?
Nay, e’en suppose when we have suffered fate,?
The soul could feel in her divided state,?
What’s that to us??
不,即使假設(shè)當(dāng)我們?cè)馐苊\(yùn)的時(shí)候, 靈魂還能在她分裂的狀態(tài)中感覺到, 那又怎么樣?
for we are only we?
While souls and bodies in one frame agree.?
因?yàn)槲覀冎皇俏覀?
只有當(dāng)靈魂和身體在一個(gè)框架中一致時(shí)。
Nay, though our atoms should revolve by chance,?
And matter leap into the former dance;?
不,即使我們的原子應(yīng)該偶然地旋轉(zhuǎn),
而物質(zhì)跳入以前的舞蹈;
Though time our life and motion could restore,?
And make our bodies what they were before,?
What gain to us would all this bustle bring??
即使時(shí)間能恢復(fù)我們的生命和運(yùn)動(dòng),?
并使我們的身體變成以前的樣子,?
這一切喧囂會(huì)給我們帶來(lái)什么好處??
The new-made man would be another thing.?
新造的人將是另一種東西。
It was to cure the fear of death, and in order to show that the terrors held out by religion were only fairy-tales, that Epicurus set out his account of the nature and structure of the world.?
正是為了治愈對(duì)死亡的恐懼,以及為了顯示宗教所描繪的恐怖只是童話故事,伊壁鳩魯才闡述了他對(duì)世界的本質(zhì)和結(jié)構(gòu)的看法。
He took over, with some modifications, the atomism of Democritus.?
他接受了德謨克利特的原子論,并做了一些修改。
Indivisible unchanging units move in void and infinite space; initially they all move downwards at constant and equal speed, but from time to time they swerve and collide with each other.?
不可分割、不變的單位在虛空和無(wú)限的空間中運(yùn)動(dòng);最初它們都以恒定和相等的速度向下運(yùn)動(dòng),但時(shí)不時(shí)地它們會(huì)偏離并相互碰撞。
From their collisions everything in heaven and earth has come into being.?
從它們的碰撞中,天上地下的一切都產(chǎn)生了。
The soul, too, like everything else, consists of atoms, which differ from other atoms only in being smaller and subtler.?
靈魂也是如此,它和其他一切東西一樣,由原子組成,它們與其他原子的不同之處只在于它們更小、更微妙。
At death the atoms of the soul are dispersed, and cease to be capable of sensation because they no longer occupy their appropriate place in a body.?
死亡時(shí),靈魂的原子被分散,因?yàn)樗鼈儾辉僬紦?jù)身體中適當(dāng)?shù)奈恢?,所以失去了感覺能力。
The gods themselves are compounded of atoms, just like humans and animals; but because they live in less turbulent regions they are free from the danger of dissolution.?
神靈本身也是由原子組成的,就像人類和動(dòng)物一樣;但由于他們生活在不太動(dòng)蕩的地區(qū),所以他們不會(huì)有分解的危險(xiǎn)。
Epicurus was no atheist, but he believed that the gods took no interest in the affairs of this world, and lived a life of their own in uninterrupted tranquillity. For this reason, belief in divine providence was superstition, and religious rituals were worthless at best.?
伊壁鳩魯不是無(wú)神論者,但他認(rèn)為神靈對(duì)這個(gè)世界的事務(wù)不感興趣,他們?cè)诓婚g斷的寧?kù)o中過(guò)著自己的生活。因此,相信神的旨意是迷信,宗教儀式充其量也是毫無(wú)價(jià)值的。
Unlike Democritus, Epicurus believed that the senses were reliable sources of information, and he gave an atomistic account of their operation.?
與德謨克利特不同,伊壁鳩魯認(rèn)為感官是可靠的信息來(lái)源,他給出了一個(gè)原子論的解釋來(lái)說(shuō)明它們的運(yùn)作。
Bodies in the world throw off thin films of the atoms of which they are made, which retain their original shape and thus serve as images ( eidola) of their parent bodies.?
世界上的物體拋出由它們所構(gòu)成的原子的薄膜,這些薄膜保持了它們?cè)瓉?lái)的形狀,因此作為它們母體的影像(eidola)。
Sensation occurs when these images make contact with the atoms in the soul. The appearances which reach the soul are never false; they always correspond exactly to their source.?
?當(dāng)這些影像與靈魂中的原子接觸時(shí),就產(chǎn)生了感覺。靈魂感受到的表象從不是虛假的;它們總是完全符合它們的來(lái)源。
If we are misled about reality it is because we have used these genuine appearances as a basis for false judgements.
如果我們對(duì)現(xiàn)實(shí)有所誤解,那是因?yàn)槲覀冇眠@些真實(shí)的表象作為錯(cuò)誤判斷的基礎(chǔ)。
If appearances conflict, as when an oar looks bent when in the water and straight when outside it, the two appearances are to be regarded as honest witnesses between which the mind must give judgement.?
如果表象相互沖突,比如當(dāng)槳在水中看起來(lái)彎曲,在水外看起來(lái)直時(shí),這兩種表象應(yīng)該被視為誠(chéng)實(shí)的目擊者,而頭腦必須在它們之間做出判斷。
If appearances are insufficient to settle the issue between competing theories (e.g. about the real size of the sun) then the mind should suspend judgement and exercise an equal tolerance to all.
如果表象不足以解決競(jìng)爭(zhēng)理論之間的問(wèn)題(例如關(guān)于太陽(yáng)的真實(shí)大?。敲搭^腦應(yīng)該暫停判斷,并對(duì)所有理論保持同等的容忍。
The keystone of Epicurus’ moral philosophy is the doctrine that pleasure is the beginning and end of the happy life.?
伊壁鳩魯?shù)赖抡軐W(xué)的基石是快樂是幸福生活的開始和結(jié)束的教義。
He makes a distinction, however, between pleasures which are the satisfaction of desires, and pleasures which come when all desires have been satisfied.?
然而,他區(qū)分了滿足欲望的快樂和所有欲望都被滿足時(shí)產(chǎn)生的快樂。
The pleasures of satisfying our desires for food and drink and sex are inferior pleasures, because they are bound up with pain: the desire which they satisfy is itself painful, and its satisfaction leads to a renewal of desire.?
滿足我們對(duì)食物、飲料和性的欲望的快樂是低級(jí)的快樂,因?yàn)樗鼈兣c痛苦相連:它們所滿足的欲望本身就是痛苦的,而它們的滿足導(dǎo)致了欲望的再生。
We should aim, therefore, at quiet pleasures such as those of private friendship.?
因此,我們應(yīng)該追求安靜的快樂,比如私人友誼之類的快樂。
Though he was an atomist, Epicurus was not a determinist; he believed humans enjoyed freedom of the will, and he sought to explain it by appealing to the random swerve of the atoms.?
雖然他是一個(gè)原子論者,但伊壁鳩魯不是一個(gè)決定論者;他相信人類享有意志的自由,他試圖通過(guò)訴諸原子的隨機(jī)偏離來(lái)解釋它。
Since we are free we are masters of our own fate: the gods neither impose necessity nor interfere with our choices. We cannot escape death, but if we take a truly philosophical view of it, death is no evil.?
既然我們是自由的,我們就是我們自己命運(yùn)的主人:神靈既不強(qiáng)加必然性,也不干涉我們的選擇。我們無(wú)法逃避死亡,但如果我們用真正的哲學(xué)觀點(diǎn)來(lái)看待它,死亡就不是一種邪惡。
Epicureanism survived for six hundred years after Epicurus’ death; but despite finding incomparable expression in Lucretius’ great poem, it was never as popular as the Stoicism founded by his contemporary Zeno of Citium.?
伊壁鳩魯主義在伊壁鳩魯死后延續(xù)了六百年;但是,盡管它在盧克萊修的偉大詩(shī)歌中找到了無(wú)與倫比的表達(dá),但它從來(lái)沒有像他的同時(shí)代人西提昂的芝諾所創(chuàng)立的斯多葛主義那樣受歡迎。
Zeno came from Cyprus, where, having read a book about Socrates, he acquired a passion for philosophy which led him to emigrate to Athens, at about the same time as Epicurus.?
芝諾來(lái)自塞浦路斯,他讀了一本關(guān)于蘇格拉底的書,從而產(chǎn)生了對(duì)哲學(xué)的熱情,這使他在伊壁鳩魯大約同時(shí)期移居到雅典。
There he was to study under a number of teachers, but on his first arrival he became a pupil of the Cynic Crates, who, he was told, was the nearest contemporary equivalent of Socrates.
在那里,他要跟隨一些老師學(xué)習(xí),但在他剛到達(dá)時(shí),他成了犬儒派的克拉泰斯的學(xué)生,有人告訴他,克拉泰斯是蘇格拉底最接近的同時(shí)代的對(duì)等者。
Cynicism was not a school of philosophy, but a bohemian way of life, based on contempt for material wealth and conventional propriety.?
犬儒主義不是一種哲學(xué)學(xué)派,而是一種波西米亞式的生活方式,基于對(duì)物質(zhì)財(cái)富和傳統(tǒng)禮儀的蔑視。
Its founder had been Diogenes of Sinope, who lived like a dog (‘cynic’ means ‘dog-like’) in a tub for a kennel.?
它的創(chuàng)始人是西諾普的第歐根尼,他像一只狗(“犬儒”意為“像狗一樣”)住在一個(gè)桶里作為狗窩。
When visited by the great Alexander, who asked what favour he could do him, Diogenes replied ‘you could move out of my light’. Zeno’s encounter with Cynicism taught him to give a prominent place in his philosophy to the ideal of self-sufficiency.?
當(dāng)被亞歷山大大帝拜訪時(shí),亞歷山大問(wèn)第歐根尼他能為第歐根尼做什么,第歐根尼回答說(shuō)“你擋住了我的陽(yáng)光,請(qǐng)走開”。芝諾與犬儒主義的相遇教會(huì)了他在他的哲學(xué)中給予自給自足的理想一個(gè)突出地位。
Unlike Diogenes, who loved teasing Plato, and Crates, who liked writing poetic satire, Zeno took systematic philosophy seriously.?
與喜歡戲弄柏拉圖的第歐根尼和喜歡寫詩(shī)歌諷刺的克拉特斯(Crates of Thebes)不同,芝諾認(rèn)真地對(duì)待系統(tǒng)哲學(xué)。
His writings have not survived, and for our knowledge of his teaching we rely on writers from the Roman period, such as Nero’s court philosopher Seneca and the Emperor Marcus Aurelius.?
他的著作沒有保存下來(lái),我們對(duì)他的教導(dǎo)的了解依賴于羅馬時(shí)期的作家,比如尼祿的宮廷哲學(xué)家塞涅卡和皇帝馬可·奧勒留。
We do know that he founded the Stoic tradition of dividing philosophy into three main disciplines, logic, ethics and physics. His followers said that logic was the bones, ethics the flesh, and physics the soul of philosophy.?
我們確實(shí)知道他創(chuàng)立了斯多葛主義的傳統(tǒng),將哲學(xué)分為三個(gè)主要的學(xué)科,邏輯、倫理和物理。他的追隨者說(shuō),邏輯是哲學(xué)的骨骼,倫理是哲學(xué)的肉體,物理是哲學(xué)的靈魂。
Zeno himself was concerned principally with ethics, but he was a close associate of two dialecticians from Megara, Diodorus Cronus and Philo, who had taken over from the Lyceum the task of filling the gaps which Aristotle had left in logic.?
芝諾自己主要關(guān)心倫理,但他與來(lái)自Megara的兩位辯證家第奧多魯·克朗納斯和費(fèi)羅有著密切的聯(lián)系,他們接替了演講廳完成亞里士多德在邏輯方面留下的空白的任務(wù)。
When Zeno died the leadership of the Stoa passed to Cleanthes, a converted boxer who specialized in physics and metaphysics.?
當(dāng)芝諾去世后,斯多亞的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)權(quán)傳給了克里安西斯,一個(gè)在信仰變換領(lǐng)域打拳的人,他專攻物理和形而上學(xué)。
Cleanthes was a devout man who wrote a remarkable hymn to Zeus, whom he addresses in terms which would be appropriate enough for a Jewish or Christian monotheist addressing the Lord God.?
克里安西斯是一個(gè)虔誠(chéng)的人,他寫了一首贊美宙斯的非凡的贊美詩(shī),他用一些對(duì)于猶太人或基督教一神論者來(lái)說(shuō)足夠恰當(dāng)?shù)脑~語(yǔ)來(lái)稱呼宙斯,就像稱呼上帝一樣。
Zeus all powerful,?
Author of Nature, named by many names, all hail.?
宙斯全能,?
自然之源,被多個(gè)名字所稱呼,萬(wàn)歲。?
Thy law rules all; and the world’s voice may cry to thee.?
你的法則統(tǒng)治一切;世界的聲音可以向你呼喊。
For from thee we are born, and alone of living things?
That move on earth are we created in God’s?image.?
因?yàn)槲覀兪菑哪隳抢镎Q生的,而且只有我們這些在地球上運(yùn)動(dòng)的生靈
是按照神的形象創(chuàng)造的。
The hymn was known to St Paul, and quoted by him when preaching in Athens.?
這首贊美詩(shī)為圣保羅所知,并被他在雅典傳道時(shí)引用。
Cleanthes was succeeded by Chrysippus, who was head of the school from 232 to 206.?
克里安西斯的繼任者是克利西波斯,他從公元前232年到公元前206年擔(dān)任學(xué)派的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)。
He took ethics as his own speciality, but he also built up and extended the work of his predecessors, and was the first to present Stoicism as a fully integrated system.?
他以倫理學(xué)為自己的專長(zhǎng),但他也建立并擴(kuò)展了他的前輩們的工作,他是第一個(gè)將斯多葛主義作為一個(gè)完全整合的系統(tǒng)來(lái)呈現(xiàn)的。
Since the works of these three early Stoics have all been lost, it is difficult to determine precisely the contribution each of them made, and their doctrines are best considered together.?
由于這三位早期斯多葛主義者的著作都已經(jīng)失傳,很難準(zhǔn)確地確定他們每個(gè)人所做的貢獻(xiàn),他們的教義最好一起考慮。
The logic of the Stoics differed from that of Aristotle in various ways.?
?斯多葛主義者的邏輯與亞里士多德的邏輯在各方面有所不同。
Aristotle used letters as variables, while they used numbers; a typical sentence-frame in an Aristotelian inference would run ‘every A is B’; a typical sentence-frame in a Stoic inference would be ‘If the first, then the second’.?
作為變量,而他們用數(shù)字;亞里士多德推理中的典型句子框架是“每個(gè)A都是B”;斯多葛推理中的典型句子框架是“如果第一,那么第二”。
The difference between letters and numbers is trivial: what is important is that Aristotle’s variables stand in for terms (subjects and predicates), while the Stoic variables stand in for whole sentences.?
字母和數(shù)字之間的區(qū)別是微不足道的:重要的是,亞里士多德的變量代表了項(xiàng)(主語(yǔ)和謂語(yǔ)),而斯多葛的變量代表了整個(gè)句子。
Aristotle’s syllogistic formalizes what nowadays would be called predicate logic; Stoic logic formalizes what is nowadays called propositional logic.??
亞里士多德的三段論形式化了現(xiàn)在所謂的謂詞邏輯;斯多葛邏輯形式化了現(xiàn)在所謂的命題邏輯。
A typical inference considered by the Stoics is?
If Plato is living, then Plato is breathing?
Plato is living?
Therefore, Plato is breathing.?
斯多葛主義者考慮的一個(gè)典型的推理是?
如果柏拉圖活著,那么柏拉圖就在呼吸?
柏拉圖活著?
因此,柏拉圖在呼吸。
It is an important feature of Stoic logic that the validity of the argument does not depend on the content of the individual sentences.?
斯多葛邏輯的一個(gè)重要特征是,論證的有效性不取決于個(gè)別句子的內(nèi)容。
According to the Stoic view, the following argument is no less sound than the one above.?
根據(jù)斯多葛的觀點(diǎn),下面的論證和上面的論證一樣合理。
If Plato is dead, then Athens is in Greece?
Plato is dead?
Therefore Athens is in Greece.?
如果柏拉圖死了,那么雅典就在希臘?
柏拉圖死了?
因此,雅典在希臘。
The first premiss of this argument comes out true if, like the Stoics, we accept a particular definition of ‘if . . . then’ first suggested by Philo.?
這個(gè)論證的第一個(gè)前提是真的,如果我們像斯多葛主義者一樣,接受費(fèi)羅首先提出的“如果……那么”的特定定義。
According to this a sentence of the form ‘if the first then the second’ is to be taken as true in every case except when the first is true and the second is false.?
根據(jù)這個(gè)定義,形式為“如果第一,那么第二”的句子在每一種情況下都被視為真實(shí),除非第一是真的而第二是假的。
In everyday life, we usually make use of ‘if . . . then’ when there is some connection between the content of the sentences thus linked together.?
在日常生活中,我們通常在句子之間有一些聯(lián)系時(shí)使用“如果……那么”。
But we do sometimes make use of Philo’s definition – e.g. when we say ‘If Athens is in Turkey, then I am a Dutchman’ as a way of denying that Athens is in Turkey.?
但我們有時(shí)也會(huì)使用費(fèi)羅的定義——例如,當(dāng)我們說(shuō)“如果雅典在土耳其,那么我就是一個(gè)荷蘭人”作為否認(rèn)雅典在土耳其的一種方式。
It turns out that the Stoics’ minimal definition of ‘if ’ is the one most useful for the technical development of propositional logic, and it is the one which logicians use today.?
事實(shí)證明,斯多葛主義者對(duì)“如果”的最小定義是對(duì)命題邏輯技術(shù)發(fā)展最有用的定義,也是邏輯學(xué)家今天使用的定義。
The Stoic propositional logic is nowadays taken as the basic element in logic, upon which the predicate logic of Aristotle is built as a superstructure. ???
斯多葛主義的命題邏輯現(xiàn)在被視為邏輯中的基本元素,亞里士多德的謂詞邏輯建立在它之上作為一個(gè)上層結(jié)構(gòu)。
Un在der the heading ‘logic’ the Stoics investigated also the philosophy of language.?
“邏輯”的標(biāo)題下,斯多葛主義者也研究了語(yǔ)言哲學(xué)。
They had an elaborate theory of signs, which studied both things signifying and things signified.?
他們有一個(gè)復(fù)雜的符號(hào)理論,研究了表示和被表示的事物。
Things signifying were classified as voice, speech, and discourse.?
表示事物被分為聲音、言語(yǔ)和話語(yǔ)。
Voice might be inarticulate sound, speech was sound which was articulate but might lack meaning, and discourse was both articulate and meaningful.?
聲音可能是不清楚的聲音,言語(yǔ)是清楚的聲音但可能缺乏意義,話語(yǔ)既清楚又有意義。
Things signified might be bodies or statements ( lekta).?
被表示的事物可能是身體或陳述(lekta)。
By ‘statement’ is meant, not a sentence, but what is said by a sentence.?
所謂“陳述”,不是一個(gè)句子,而是一個(gè)句子所說(shuō)的內(nèi)容。
If I say ‘Dion is walking’, the word ‘Dion’ signifies the body which I see; but what I mean by the sentence is not a body, but a statement about a body.?
如果我說(shuō)“Dion在走路”,這個(gè)詞“Dion”表示我看到的身體;但我用這個(gè)句子的意思不是一個(gè)身體,而是關(guān)于一個(gè)身體的陳述。
In this respect, there is a clash between Stoic logic and Stoic physics: the statements of Stoic logic are non-bodily entities, while Stoic physics recognizes no existents other than bodies.?
在這方面,斯多葛邏輯和斯多葛物理之間存在著沖突:斯多葛邏輯的陳述是非物質(zhì)的實(shí)體,而斯多葛物理只承認(rèn)身體以外的存在。
Once upon a time, Stoics believed, there was nothing but fire; gradually there emerged the other elements and the familiar furniture of the universe.?
斯多葛主義者曾經(jīng)相信,一度只有火;漸漸地,其他元素和宇宙中熟悉的家具出現(xiàn)了。
Later, the world will return to fire in a universal conflagration, and then the whole cycle of its history will be repeated over and over again.?
后來(lái),世界將在一場(chǎng)普遍的大火中回歸火,然后它的歷史整個(gè)循環(huán)將一次又一次地重復(fù)。
All this happens in accordance with a system of laws which may be called ‘fate’, because the laws admit of no exception, or ‘providence’, because the laws were laid down by God for beneficent purposes.?
所有這一切都是按照一套法則發(fā)生的,這套法則可以被稱為“命運(yùn)”,因?yàn)榉▌t不容許任何例外,或者被稱為“天意”,因?yàn)榉▌t是由神為了仁慈的目的而制定的。
The Stoics accepted the Aristotelian distinction between matter and form; but as conscientious materialists they insisted that form too was bodily – a fine and subtle body which they called breath ( pneuma).?
斯多葛主義者接受了亞里士多德關(guān)于物質(zhì)和形式之間的區(qū)別;但作為認(rèn)真的唯物主義者,他們堅(jiān)持認(rèn)為形式也是有形的——一種他們稱之為氣息(pneuma)的細(xì)微而微妙的身體。
The human soul and mind are made out of this pneuma; so too is God, who is the soul of the cosmos, which, in its entirety, constitutes a rational animal.?
人類的靈魂和心靈是由這種氣息構(gòu)成的;神也是如此,他是宇宙的靈魂,宇宙作為一個(gè)整體構(gòu)成了一個(gè)理性的動(dòng)物。
If God and the soul were not themselves bodily, Stoics argued, they would not be able to act upon the material world.?
如果神和靈魂本身不是有形的,斯多葛主義者辯稱,他們就不能對(duì)物質(zhì)世界產(chǎn)生作用。
The divinely designed system is called Nature, and our aim in life should be to live in accordance with Nature.?
神圣設(shè)計(jì)的系統(tǒng)被稱為自然,我們的生活目標(biāo)應(yīng)該是與自然相一致。
Since all things are determined, nothing can escape Nature’s laws.?
由于所有的事物都是決定的,沒有什么能逃脫自然的法則。
But human beings are free and responsible, despite the determinism of fate.?
但是,人類是自由和負(fù)責(zé)任的,盡管命運(yùn)是決定論的。
The will must be directed to live in accordance with human nature by obeying reason.?
意志必須被引導(dǎo),按照人性的規(guī)律去生活,服從理性。
It is this voluntary acceptance of Nature’s laws which constitutes virtue, and virtue is both necessary and sufficient for happiness.?
正是這種自愿接受自然法則的行為構(gòu)成了美德,而美德既是幸福的必要條件,也是幸福的充分條件。
Poverty, imprisonment, and suffering, since they cannot take away virtue, cannot take away happiness; a good person cannot suffer any real harm.?
貧窮、監(jiān)禁和苦難,既然不能奪走美德,也不能奪走幸福;一個(gè)好人不會(huì)遭受任何真正的傷害。
Does this mean that we should be indifferent to the misfortunes of others??
這是否意味著我們應(yīng)該對(duì)別人的不幸漠不關(guān)心?
Well, health and wealth are in truth matters of indifference, but the Stoics, in order to be able to co-operate at all with non-Stoics, were forced to concede that some matters were more indifferent than others.?
嗯,健康和財(cái)富在真理上是無(wú)關(guān)緊要的事情,但斯多葛主義者為了能夠與非斯多葛主義者合作,被迫承認(rèn)有些事情比其他事情更無(wú)關(guān)緊要。
Because society is natural to human beings, the Stoic, in his aim to be in harmony with Nature, will play his part in society and cultivate the social virtues.?
因?yàn)樯鐣?huì)對(duì)于人類來(lái)說(shuō)是自然的,斯多葛主義者在他追求與自然和諧的目標(biāo)中,將在社會(huì)中扮演他的角色,并培養(yǎng)社會(huì)美德。
Though slavery and freedom are alike indifferent, it is legitimate to prefer one to the other, even though virtue may be practised in either state. What of life itself ??
雖然奴隸制和自由都是無(wú)關(guān)緊要的,但選擇其中一個(gè)是合理的,即使在任何一種狀態(tài)下都可以實(shí)踐美德。那么生命本身呢?
Is that a matter of indifference? The virtuous Stoic will not lose his virtue whether he lives or dies; but it is legitimate for him, when faced with what the non-Stoic would regard as intolerable evils, to make a rational choice to depart from life. ?
它是無(wú)關(guān)緊要的嗎?有美德的斯多葛主義者不會(huì)因?yàn)樗钪蛩懒硕ニ拿赖拢坏?dāng)他面對(duì)非斯多葛主義者認(rèn)為無(wú)法忍受的邪惡時(shí),他有權(quán)利做出一個(gè)理性的選擇,結(jié)束生命。