Henry’s victory precipitated in 1366 the pillary, pogroms, and in some areas massacres of Jewish communities who had supported Pedro. Even more serious were the edicts that Henry and his successors issued that far exceeded the restrictions envisioned by the revived Visigoth code. The goal was no longer merely to contain Jewish political and economic activities and ensure the segregation of Jews from Christians—although these were taken for granted. Henry’s measures sought the complete impoverishment and humiliation of the Jews. After the Trastamara civil war, many Jews in Toledo and elsewhere died of famine rather than as a result of massacre.

Converso 現(xiàn)象（源于發(fā)生在伊比利亞半島（歷史上的西班牙和葡萄牙）的宗教裁判所和大屠殺。Converso 是在西班牙和/或葡萄牙皈依羅馬天主教的猶太人，特別是在 14 和 15 世紀(jì)）

? ? ? ? ? 1390年，卡斯蒂利亞國(guó)王約翰（胡安）一世去世，將王國(guó)交給他11歲的體弱兒子亨利三世（1390-1406）。隨后無(wú)法無(wú)天的局面使塞維利亞的一位有權(quán)勢(shì)的大執(zhí)事和有魅力的傳教士費(fèi)朗·馬丁內(nèi)斯在卡斯蒂利亞各地掀起了屠殺猶太人的浪潮。在另一位魅力十足的傳教士文森特·費(fèi)雷爾（1416年去世）的煽動(dòng)下，集體迫害和屠殺蔓延到阿拉貢王國(guó)。猶太人對(duì)這些事件的反應(yīng)與阿什肯納茲所推崇的Kiddush ha-Shem（“殉道”）的做法有明顯不同。據(jù)統(tǒng)計(jì)，整個(gè)半島有成千上萬(wàn)的猶太人接受了隨后的強(qiáng)制洗禮，從而產(chǎn)生了“皈依基督教的猶太人”這一社會(huì)現(xiàn)象。正如大衛(wèi)·奈恩伯格（David Nirenberg）和其他學(xué)者表明那樣，許多猶太人皈依基督教絕不是減少了，而是加劇了基督教對(duì)猶太人和新基督教皈依者的懷疑和怨恨。猶太人的皈依并不一定會(huì)切斷一個(gè)特定家庭中猶太人和converso之間的關(guān)系，大多數(shù)converso繼續(xù)居住在猶太人的區(qū)域內(nèi)。

In 1390 King John (Juan) I of Castile died, leaving the realm in the hands of his infirm 11- year-old son, Henry III (1390–1406). The situation of lawlessness that ensued allowed a powerful archdeacon and charismatic preacher of Seville, Ferrán Martínez, to unleash a wave of massacres of Jewish populations throughout Castile. The pogroms and massacres spread to the Kingdom of Aragon, inflamed by another charismatic preacher, Vincent Ferrer (d. 1416). Jewish response to these events differs markedly from the practice of Kiddush ha-Shem (“martyrdom”) extolled in Ashkenaz. By all accounts thousands of Jews across the peninsula submitted to the ensuing forced baptisms, giving rise to the social phenomenon of the converso (“Jewish convert to Christianity”). As David Nirenberg and other scholars have persuasively shown, the conversion of many Jews to Christianity in no way diminished but rather intensified Christian suspicion of and resentment toward the Jews and the new Christian converts. Jewish conversion did not necessarily sever relations between Jewish and converso members of a given family, and most conversos continued to reside within the Jewish quarters.

? ? ? ? ? 對(duì)皈依者仍然是“潛在猶太人”的根深蒂固的懷疑，促使文森特·費(fèi)雷爾敦促卡斯蒂利亞和阿拉貢的國(guó)王禁止猶太人和converso或“老基督徒”之間的社會(huì)交往。更重要的是對(duì)立教宗本篤十三世采取的行動(dòng)。本篤十三世與阿拉貢國(guó)王一起組織了為期兩年的驚人的托爾托薩之爭(zhēng)（1413-14年），由熱心的converso圣達(dá)菲的杰羅尼莫領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的基督教神學(xué)家與拉比約瑟夫·阿爾博領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的猶太拉比進(jìn)行辯論。辯論會(huì)是13世紀(jì)建立的一個(gè)機(jī)構(gòu)，目的是讓猶太神學(xué)家與教會(huì)進(jìn)行公開(kāi)辯論，以證明猶太教的錯(cuò)誤。在早期的爭(zhēng)論中，最引人注目的是巴黎（1240年）和巴塞羅那（1263年）的爭(zhēng)論，猶太代表獲得了主持當(dāng)局的豁免權(quán)，免于遭到報(bào)復(fù)。然而，在托爾托薩的爭(zhēng)論中，這種豁免權(quán)并沒(méi)有出現(xiàn)。辯論的問(wèn)題是猶太人的彌賽亞概念和《塔木德》的合法性，而猶太人試圖對(duì)基督教的指控作出回應(yīng)的每一次嘗試都會(huì)受到指控為異端的威脅。

Deep-seated suspicions that the converts remained “crypto-Jews” prompted Vincent Ferrer to urge the kings of Castile and Aragon to prohibit social intercourse between Jews and conversos or “old Christians.” Even more significant were the actions taken by the antipope Benedict XIII. Benedict organized with the king of Aragon the astonishing two-year Disputation of Tortosa (1413–14) between Christian theologians, headed by the zealous converso Geronimo de Santa Fe, and Jewish rabbis under the leadership of Rabbi Joseph Albo. The disputation was an institution created in the 13th century for engaging Jewish theologians in a public debate with the church for the purpose of proving the errors of Judaism. In earlier disputations, most notably those of Paris (1240) and Barcelona (1263), the Jewish delegates had been granted immunity from reprisals by the presiding authorities. No such immunity was forthcoming in the Tortosa disputation, however. The issues under debate were the Jewish concepts of the Messiah and the legitimacy of the Talmud, and every Jewish attempt to respond to the Christian charges was met with the threat of the accusation of heresy.

? ? ? ? ? 基督教勝利后，對(duì)立教宗本篤十三世于1415年發(fā)布了教皇詔書(shū)，為管理猶太社區(qū)的限制釘下最后的釘子。猶太人被剝奪了最后的宗教和公民自治的殘余權(quán)利。他們被剝奪了擁有或研究《塔木德經(jīng)》、烘烤或出售無(wú)酵面包、擔(dān)任公職、從事任何種類(lèi)的職業(yè)或醫(yī)療工藝、從事放貸或未經(jīng)君主明確許可征收公共稅的權(quán)利。他們還被禁止離開(kāi)這個(gè)國(guó)家，那些被發(fā)現(xiàn)幫助他們?cè)噲D離開(kāi)的人將被處以重罰。

In the wake of the inevitable Christian victory, the antipope Benedict XIII issued a papal bull in 1415 that placed the final nail in the coffin of restrictions governing the Jewish community. Jews were stripped of the last remnants of religious and civil autonomy. They were denied the right to own or study the Talmud, to bake or sell unleavened bread, to hold public office, to engage in any sort of vocational or medical craft, to practice moneylending, or to levy communal taxes without the express permission of the monarch. They were also forbidden to leave the country, and those found aiding them in their attempt to do so were severely fined.

? ? ? ? ? 教皇于1460年至1467年在巴倫西亞對(duì)異教徒和converso進(jìn)行了審訊，1481年在塞維利亞進(jìn)行了火刑（1481年2月12日，在塞維利亞，12名皈依者被活活燒死，原因是他們涉嫌在最早記錄的Auto da Fe（信仰法案）中信奉猶太教。），1483年驅(qū)逐了安達(dá)盧西亞的猶太人，隨后多米尼加修士托馬斯·德·托爾克馬達(dá)被任命為卡斯蒂利亞和阿拉貢的總審訊官（1473-98年統(tǒng)治）。據(jù)稱(chēng)，converso和猶太人之間的陰謀導(dǎo)致了1484年薩拉戈薩審問(wèn)者佩德羅·德·阿爾布斯被謀殺，這引起了人們對(duì)converso和猶太人進(jìn)一步密謀的擔(dān)憂。這些懷疑最終導(dǎo)致了1491年的巫術(shù)審判，指責(zé)converso和猶太人釘死了“拉瓜迪亞的圣子”。與14世紀(jì)法國(guó)和德國(guó)流傳的血腥誹謗指控一樣，拉瓜迪亞（托萊多）圣子的指控也是以猶太人和converso綁架了一名基督教兒童并實(shí)施儀式性謀殺的虛假謠言為中心，死去的孩子成為崇拜者的對(duì)象。

Papal inquisitions against heretics and conversos in Valencia in 1460 through 1467, autos-da-fé in Seville in 1481, and expulsion of Andalusian Jews in 1483 were followed by the Dominican friar Tomás de Torquemada’s appointment as inquisitor general of Castile then also of Aragon (r. 1473–98). The alleged plot between conversos and Jews, which led to the murder of the inquisitor Pedro de Arbues in Zaragoza in 1484, engendered fears of further converso-Jewish conspiracy. These suspicions culminated in the sorcery trials of 1491 accusing conversos and Jews of crucifying “the holy child of La Guardia.” As did the blood libel accusations circulating in 14th-century France and Germany, the Holy Child of La Guardia (Toledo) claims centered upon the false rumor that Jews and conversos had kidnapped a Christian child and committed an act of ritual murder. The dead child became the object of cult devotion.

1492年

? ? ? ? ? 1492年對(duì)西班牙來(lái)說(shuō)是奇跡的一年。斐迪南國(guó)王和伊莎貝拉王后完成了對(duì)格拉納達(dá)的重新征服，格拉納達(dá)是伊比利亞地區(qū)最后的穆斯林據(jù)點(diǎn)。1492年還開(kāi)啟了“地理大發(fā)現(xiàn)”（大航海時(shí)代）。熱那亞水手克里斯多?！じ鐐惒祭靡晃华q太制圖師百年來(lái)的制圖成果，說(shuō)服了信仰天主教的西班牙女王資助橫跨大西洋的遠(yuǎn)洋航行。

The year 1492 was a miracle year for Spain. King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella completed their Reconquista of Granada, the last Muslim stronghold in Iberia. The year 1492 also initiated the Age of Discovery. The Genoese sailor Christopher Columbus used a Jewish mapmaker’s century-old cartographic creation to convince the Catholic queen of Spain to fund the ocean voyage across the Atlantic.

? ? ? ? ? 在哥倫布和他的航海家們發(fā)現(xiàn)美洲并為新發(fā)現(xiàn)的土地而歡欣鼓舞的同一年，猶太人也開(kāi)始了對(duì)新土地的探索之旅。1492年初，托馬斯·德·托爾克馬達(dá)向他的天主教君主們提議驅(qū)逐剩余的猶太人。斐迪南國(guó)王和伊莎貝拉王后繼續(xù)狂熱地進(jìn)行宗教裁判，盡管他們的猶太國(guó)寶級(jí)人物提出了強(qiáng)有力的人道克制的論據(jù)。他們無(wú)視猶太人對(duì)其王國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)的實(shí)用必要性的證明，于3月簽署了驅(qū)逐令，在4月宣布了驅(qū)逐令，并要求所有猶太人在7月底前離開(kāi)。

The same year that Columbus and his navigators discovered America and exulted in their new-found land, Jews also commenced voyages of exploration to new lands. In early 1492 Torquemada proposed to his Catholic monarchs the final expulsion of the Jews. King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella continued the Inquisition with fervor despite powerful arguments for humane restraint from their Jewish national treasurer. They ignored proofs of the pragmatic necessity of Jews to the economy of their kingdom. They signed the edict of expulsion in March, proclaimed it in April, and demanded all Jews be gone by the end of July.

? ? ? ? ? 當(dāng)猶太人被逐出西班牙時(shí)，他們將其財(cái)富和文化裝在腦袋里、心里和書(shū)里。在他們?cè)谛碌膰?guó)家建立新的猶太生活形式之前，他們?cè)谑澜绶秶鷥?nèi)游蕩，在任何可能的地方定居。許多人越過(guò)邊境來(lái)到葡萄牙。這位國(guó)王很快就在1496年制定了自己的驅(qū)逐令，并在1497年強(qiáng)制改變信仰，首先是猶太兒童，然后是成年人，對(duì)新基督徒進(jìn)行大范圍的祝福。

When the Jewish community was expelled from Spain, they carried its wealth and culture in heads, hearts, and books. Before they built new forms of Jewish life in new countries, they wandered the world and settled wherever they could. Many crossed the border to Portugal. That king soon formulated his own expulsion orders in 1496 in advance of forced conversions in 1497, first of Jewish children then of adults in mass blessings of new Christians.

拜占庭帝國(guó)的猶太人

? ? ? ? ? 拜占庭對(duì)猶太地區(qū)三個(gè)世紀(jì)的統(tǒng)治時(shí)期與羅馬帝國(guó)第四世紀(jì)的基督教化和穆斯林對(duì)敘利亞和巴勒斯坦的征服（約637年）相吻合。這一時(shí)期見(jiàn)證了猶太人和基督教社區(qū)之間激烈而痛苦的神學(xué)和社會(huì)斗爭(zhēng)。同時(shí)，存在著敵對(duì)群體之間文化影響的顯著證據(jù)。

The three centuries of Byzantine rule over Judaea coincide with the fourth-century Christianization of the Roman Empire and the conquest of Syria and Palestine by the Muslims circa 637. This period witnessed intense and bitter theological and social struggles between the Jewish and the Christian communities. At the same time remarkable evidence exists of cultural influences between the rival groups.

帝國(guó)對(duì)猶太人的政策

? ? ? ? ? 在君士坦提烏斯二世（Constantius II）統(tǒng)治時(shí)期（337-361），猶太人皈依基督教是官方國(guó)策。加利利(Galilee)爆發(fā)了一場(chǎng)反對(duì)皈依政策的猶太起義，很快被鎮(zhèn)壓。在加利利被認(rèn)定為猶太人異議的地方被摧毀，兩個(gè)最重要的猶太教學(xué)院，即Tzippori和Lydda，被毀壞。狄?jiàn)W多西二世（408-450年）和查士丁尼一世（527-565年）在拜占庭早期實(shí)行的法律改革包括許多不利于猶太人的公民和宗教自由的政策。438年頒布的《狄?jiàn)W多西法典》禁止猶太人擁有奴隸、擔(dān)任公職或建造新的猶太教堂，并規(guī)定猶太人與基督徒通婚和猶太人改變基督徒的信仰是死罪。查士丁尼皇帝的“新法律”（Novellae）禁止了《米書(shū)拿》，譴責(zé)用希伯來(lái)語(yǔ)閱讀猶太宗教文本，并鼓勵(lì)臣民破壞猶太人的財(cái)產(chǎn)。民眾的反猶太情緒受到了圣金口約翰（John Chrystostom）主教（卒于407年）等富有魅力的布道者的鼓舞。

During the reign of Constantius II (r. 337–361) the conversion of the Jews to Christianity was official state policy. A Jewish revolt against the conversion policy erupted in Galilee and was duly quashed. The cities of Galilee identified as a hotbead of Jewish dissent were destroyed, and two of the most important yeshivas, at Tzippori and Lydda, were ruined. The legal reforms imposed in early Byzantium by Theodosius II (r. 408–450) and Justinian I (r. 527–565) included numerous policies detrimental to the civil and religious liberties of the Jews. The Theodosian Code, promulgated in 438, forbade Jews to own slaves, hold public office, or build new synagogues and made intermarriage between Jews and Christians and Jewish proselytization of Christians capital offenses. Emperor Justinian’s “New Laws” (Novellae) banned the Mishnah, censured the reading of Jewish religious texts in Hebrew, and encouraged the destruction of Jewish property. Popular anti-Jewish sentiment was inspired by the rousing sermons of charismatic preachers such as Bishop John Chrystostom (d. 407).

? ? ? ? ? 這些詔令中有許多條款很難在實(shí)踐中應(yīng)用，因?yàn)榛实鄣淖⒁饬Ρ晦D(zhuǎn)移到保護(hù)帝國(guó)免受波斯薩珊王朝敵人入侵這一更直接的問(wèn)題上。然而，在611年的入侵中，猶太人遭受的不利條件使他們與波斯人站在一起的做法似乎合理化了。猶太士兵在掃蕩行動(dòng)中與薩珊王朝并肩作戰(zhàn)，導(dǎo)致數(shù)以萬(wàn)計(jì)的基督徒死亡，海倫娜皇后（卒于329年）建造的圣墓教堂被毀。他們的支持與忠誠(chéng)會(huì)得到波斯人補(bǔ)償?shù)南Ｍ芸炀推茰缌?。事?shí)證明，薩珊王朝對(duì)猶太人的迫害比拜占庭王朝更加無(wú)情。作為回應(yīng)，猶太人領(lǐng)袖與拜占庭皇帝希拉克略（Heraclius，610-641年）聯(lián)系，承諾幫助他奪回猶太地區(qū)，以換取在更有利的條件下接受其統(tǒng)治。629年巴勒斯坦領(lǐng)土被收復(fù)后，希拉克略背棄了他的承諾，下令屠殺所有猶太人并摧毀他們的猶太教堂。那些設(shè)法逃到北非的人仍然處于危險(xiǎn)之中，因?yàn)殡S后的帝國(guó)詔書(shū)命令強(qiáng)迫整個(gè)帝國(guó)的所有猶太人皈依。穆斯林對(duì)巴勒斯坦、敘利亞、埃及和北非的征服拯救了猶太人，使他們免遭可能的宗教滅絕——如果不是肉體滅絕的話。

Many of these imperial edicts were difficult to apply in practice because the emperor’s attention was diverted to the more immediate concern of protecting the empire from incursions from its Persian Sassanid enemies. Nevertheless, the disadvantages suffered by the Jews legitimated their siding with the Persians during the invasions of 611. Jewish soldiers fought alongside the Sassanids in a moppingup operation that resulted in the death of tens of thousands of Christians and the destruction of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, built by Empress Helena (d. 329). Hopes that their support and loyalty would be recompensed by the Persians were quickly dashed. The Sassanids proved to be even more relentless than the Byzantines in their persecution of the Jews. In response Jewish leaders contacted the Byzantine emperor Heraclius (r. 610–641) and pledged their aid in helping him to retake Judaea in exchange for accepting his rule under more favorable conditions. After the Palestinian territories were recovered in 629, Heraclius reneged on his promise and ordered the massacre of all Jews and the destruction of their synagogues. Those who managed to flee to North Africa remained at risk owing to a subsequent imperial edict ordering the forced conversion of all Jews throughout the empire. The Muslim conquests of Palestine, Syria, Egypt, and North Africa saved the Jews from probable religious, if not physical, extermination.

猶太法權(quán)威在巴比倫的興起

? ? ? ? ? 四世紀(jì)，一位有遠(yuǎn)見(jiàn)的猶太族長(zhǎng)拉比希勒爾二世做出了一個(gè)決定，這個(gè)決定將永遠(yuǎn)影響巴勒斯坦猶太人和散居地猶太人之間的關(guān)系：他創(chuàng)建了一個(gè)官方日歷。為了理解這一行為的意義，人們必須認(rèn)識(shí)到，早些時(shí)候，巴勒斯坦族長(zhǎng)會(huì)根據(jù)從猶太地區(qū)看到的月亮來(lái)決定猶太教禮儀日歷的日期。因此，散居海外的猶太人要依靠猶太教長(zhǎng)來(lái)決定節(jié)日和儀式的慶祝活動(dòng)。通過(guò)這個(gè)簡(jiǎn)單的行動(dòng)，希勒爾二世將散居地的猶太人從對(duì)猶太的依賴(lài)中解放出來(lái)，鑒于此時(shí)巴勒斯坦的猶太人所面臨的壓迫情況，這是一個(gè)明智的決定。

A visionary fourth-century Jewish patriarch, Rabbi Hillel II, took a fateful decision that would forever affect the relation between the Palestinian Jews and the Jews of the Diaspora: He created an official calendar. To understand the implications of this act, one must realize that earlier the Palestinian patriach would determine the dates of the Jewish liturgical calendar according to sighting of the Moon from Judaea. Diaspora Jews were thus dependent upon the Judaean patriarch to determine the celebration of festivals and rituals. With this simple act Hillel II liberated Diaspora Jews from dependency on Judaea—an astute decision given the situation of oppression facing the Jews of Palestine at this time.

? ? ? ? ? 巴比倫猶太教的崛起和權(quán)威是希勒爾拉比法令的直接后果。五世紀(jì)開(kāi)始編纂的《巴比倫塔木德》將使它的巴勒斯坦對(duì)手黯然失色，成為基督教和伊斯蘭教大多數(shù)地區(qū)的猶太人最主要的猶太法權(quán)威。

Babylonian Judaism rose to prominence and authority as a direct consequence of Rabbi Hillel’s decree. The Babylonian Talmud, which began to be compiled in the fifth century, would overshadow its Palestinian rival as the preeminent authority of Jewish law for Jews in most regions of Christendom and Islam.

猶太-拜占庭文化接觸

? ? ? ? ? 早在拜占庭帝國(guó)崛起之前，猶太區(qū)、希臘和安納托利亞的猶太人就已經(jīng)徹底希臘化了。盡管有狄?jiàn)W多西的禁令，但這種共同文化的實(shí)物遺跡在六世紀(jì)建造的眾多新猶太教堂中得以保存，這些猶太教堂含有希臘化的建筑和藝術(shù)元素。最引人注目的是精美的馬賽克瓷磚地板，這些地板上裝飾著亞伯拉罕和其他圣經(jīng)人物的圖像、十二星座、猶太教燈臺(tái)以及其他有趣的猶太教和外邦人圖案的混合體。

Long before the rise of the Byzantine Empire, the Jews of Judaea, Greece, and Anatolia had been thoroughly Hellenized. The physical remains of this shared culture are evidenced in the survival of numerous new synagogues built in the sixth century—despite the Theodosian prohibition—that contain the architectonic and artistic elements of Hellenism. Most remarkable are the beautifully executed mosaic tile floors that adorn the synagogues with pictoral images of Abraham and other biblical characters, zodiacs, menorahs, and other interesting blends of Jewish and gentile motifs.

伊斯蘭帝國(guó)的猶太人

? ? ? ? ? 猶太人和其他非穆斯林民族在伊斯蘭帝國(guó)中作為「保護(hù)民」（齊米，也譯作迪米）受到保護(hù)?！稓W麥爾條約》為猶太人提供了合法的二等公民身份和受保護(hù)的、枚舉的權(quán)利。猶太人作為圣經(jīng)中的民族，與基督教徒共享這種從屬地位。猶太人在商業(yè)、農(nóng)業(yè)、政府和醫(yī)學(xué)方面取得了卓越的成就，使他們能夠與穆斯林平等地跨越社會(huì)的界限。猶太人還成為伊斯蘭法庭的重要朝臣、外交官、軍隊(duì)將領(lǐng)和政治家。逾越他們被分配的從屬地位的猶太人往往會(huì)引起政治上的敵意，并遭受當(dāng)?shù)乜膳碌钠群?。然而，猶太人和穆斯林在地中海商業(yè)貿(mào)易和旅行中的密切合作，這些在兩種文化中都受到尊重的職業(yè)，刺激了相互依存、相互尊重的往來(lái)關(guān)系，以及暫時(shí)的黃金和平時(shí)期。

Under Islam Jews and other non-Muslim peoples of the book were protected as dhimmis. The Pact of Umar provided Jews with legal second-class citizenship and protected, enumerated rights. Jews as peoples of the book shared this subordinate position with Christians. Jews attained excellence in commerce, agriculture, government, and medicine that enabled them to cross social boundaries as equals with Muslims. Jews also became important courtiers, diplomats, army generals, and statesmen for Islamic courts. Jews who exceeded their assigned subordinate positions often caused political animosity and suffered terrible local persecutions. Yet close collaboration between Jews and Muslims in Mediterranean merchant trade and travel, professions honored in both cultures, stimulated interdependence, mutual respect for talent, and temporary golden periods of peace.

? ? ? ? ? ?倭馬亞王朝是第一個(gè)對(duì)伊拉克、敘利亞、巴勒斯坦以及中東和安達(dá)盧西亞其他地區(qū)的主要猶太社區(qū)建立統(tǒng)治的王朝。倭馬亞王朝掌權(quán)后，重新確立了猶太流亡者（希伯來(lái)語(yǔ)：Resh galuta）的形象，即流亡的猶太社區(qū)的領(lǐng)袖。流亡者的地位可以追溯到巴比倫囚禁時(shí)代（公元前597-537年），當(dāng)時(shí)猶太人被強(qiáng)行從巴勒斯坦遷移到巴比倫。流亡者擔(dān)任猶太人和政治當(dāng)局之間的官方聯(lián)絡(luò)人，他的司法職能包括任命首席法官和任命Archisynagogus（在古代猶太教中，Archisynagogus（希臘語(yǔ)?ρχισυν?γω；希伯來(lái)語(yǔ)??? ?????；字面意思是“猶太教堂長(zhǎng)官”）是監(jiān)督與猶太教堂的宗教服務(wù)有關(guān)的事務(wù)的官員），以及后來(lái)的Goan，或塔木德學(xué)院的院長(zhǎng)。流亡者的職位一直持續(xù)到公元六世紀(jì)，薩珊人廢除了這一職位，期間沒(méi)有中斷過(guò)。倭馬亞王朝恢復(fù)了流亡者的身份，并對(duì)流亡者表示尊重。倭馬亞王朝嚴(yán)格執(zhí)行“迪米”地位的規(guī)范，不允許非穆斯林人擔(dān)任對(duì)穆斯林人有權(quán)威的職位。

The Umayyads were the first dynasty to establish their rule over the major Jewish communities of Iraq, Syria, Palestine, and elsewhere in the Middle East and al-Andalus. When they assumed power the Umayyads reestablished the figure of the Jewish exilarch (Heb. Resh galuta), the head of the Jewish community in exile. The position of the exilarch dates to the era of the Babylonian Captivity (597–537 B.C.E.), when the Jews were forcibly removed from Palestine to Babylonia. The exilarch served as the official liaison between the Jews and the political authorities, and his juridical functions included the naming of the chief judge and the appointment of the archisynagogus and, later, the goan, or head of the Talmudic academy. The office of the exilarch continued without interruption until the sixth century C.E., when the Sassanians abolished it. The Umayyads restored the exilarchate and showed honor and respect to the geonim. Scrupulously applying the norms of dhimmi status, the Umayyads did not allow non-Muslims to hold positions of authority over Muslims.

猶太教卡拉派的分裂

? ? ? ? ? 隨著口頭法律在210年被寫(xiě)成文字，以及隨之而來(lái)的圍繞《塔木德》的生活和虔誠(chéng)信仰，猶太人開(kāi)始更加重視拉比的權(quán)威。在巴勒斯坦和巴比倫的猶太人中心地帶，以及伊斯蘭世界其他地區(qū)和歐洲散居地的社區(qū)都生活在拉比統(tǒng)治的直接權(quán)威之下。然而，并非所有猶太人都接受了新的拉比猶太教。在八世紀(jì)的伊拉克，出現(xiàn)了一群被稱(chēng)為Karaite的持不同意見(jiàn)者。該運(yùn)動(dòng)的創(chuàng)始人是阿南·本·大衛(wèi)，據(jù)說(shuō)他挑戰(zhàn)了新當(dāng)選的流亡者、他的兄弟約西亞·本·大衛(wèi)的權(quán)威。阿南的正式挑戰(zhàn)構(gòu)成了對(duì)伊斯蘭權(quán)威的反叛，因?yàn)榱魍稣呤怯砂嗡雇醭墓锇l(fā)曼蘇爾（754-775）任命的。阿南被正式監(jiān)禁，在獄中，他聽(tīng)取了他的同伴哈乃斐派法學(xué)家阿布·哈尼法的建議，后者指示他發(fā)展一種新的宗教，其與拉比猶太教的差異將由一群追隨者明確闡述和辯護(hù)，結(jié)果促成了卡拉派運(yùn)動(dòng)的誕生。

With the rendering of the oral law into writing in 210 and the attendant focus of Jewish life and piety around the Talmud, greater emphasis began to be placed on the authority of the rabbis. Communities in the Jewish heartlands of Palestine and Babylonia as well as in the rest of the Islamic world and the European Diaspora lived under the immediate authority of rabbinic rule. Not all Jews accepted the new rabbinic Judaism, however. A group of dissidents known as the Karaites emerged in eighthcentury Iraq. The founder of the movement was Anan ben David (alive 760), who reportedly challenged the authority of the newly elected exilarch, his brother, Josieh ben David. Anan’s formal challenge constituted a rebellion against Islamic authority since the exilarch was installed by the Abbasid caliph, in this case alMansur (r. 754–775). Anan was duly incarcerated, and while in prison he heeded the advice of his fellow inmate the Hanifi jurist Numan ibn Thabit Abu Hanifa, who instructed him to develop a new religion whose differences with rabbinic Judaism would be clearly expounded and defended by a group of followers. The result was the Karaite movement.

? ? ? ? ? 卡拉派猶太教嚴(yán)格以《圣經(jīng)》為基礎(chǔ)，拒絕《塔木德》和拉比解釋法律的權(quán)威，在慶祝猶太教儀式和節(jié)慶日方面比拉比猶太教嚴(yán)格得多，也清醒得多。遵循阿布·哈尼法的訓(xùn)詁，卡拉派對(duì)神圣的文本進(jìn)行了類(lèi)比和神秘的解釋?？ɡ蛇€拒絕了九世紀(jì)馬所拉的新傳統(tǒng)，即用元音、重音和歌唱標(biāo)記來(lái)固定希伯來(lái)語(yǔ)圣經(jīng)文本的發(fā)音和含義，盡管許多最好的馬所拉語(yǔ)法學(xué)家后來(lái)都是卡拉派。由于沒(méi)有人知道這種做法的起源，早期的卡拉派拒絕了這種做法，理由是在西奈山上揭示的書(shū)卷缺乏這種標(biāo)記。

Karaite Judaism is strictly Bible-based, rejects the Talmud and rabbinic authority to interpret the law, and is far stricter and more sober than rabbinical Judaism in the celebration of Jewish rituals and feast days. Following the exegetical techniques of Abu Hanifa, the Karaites applied analogical and mystical interpretations to the sacred text. The Karaites also rejected the novel ninth-century Masoretic tradition of marking the Hebrew biblical text with vowels, accents, and singing marks to fix pronunciation and meaning, although many of the best Masoretic grammarians would later be Karaites. Since no one knew the origins of this practice, the early Karaites rejected it on the basis that the scrolls revealed on Mount Sinai lacked such marks.

? ? ? ? ? ?拉比對(duì)卡拉派運(yùn)動(dòng)的反應(yīng)沒(méi)過(guò)多久就出現(xiàn)了。最重要和最響亮的反對(duì)者是巴比倫學(xué)院的教士們。薩阿迪亞·果昂（882-942）用大量的信件、論文和法學(xué)答辯來(lái)駁斥卡拉派的信仰。他是猶太哲學(xué)界的杰出人物，利用阿拉伯語(yǔ)言和希臘哲學(xué)將同化的猶太人重新集中到妥拉（字面意思為指引，它指導(dǎo)猶太教徒的生活方式，因此，所有的猶太教律法與教導(dǎo)，通通都可以被涵蓋到妥拉中）和哈拉卡（猶太教口傳律法的統(tǒng)稱(chēng)。其內(nèi)容包括所有《米書(shū)拿》與《革馬拉》里的律法、規(guī)章，以及與它們相關(guān)的一切判例與參考意見(jiàn)）的核心價(jià)值上。當(dāng)薩阿迪亞試圖推翻在位的流亡者而超越了他的權(quán)力范圍時(shí)，哈里發(fā)將他從gaon（授予某些猶太拉比的非正式頭銜）的位置上撤下來(lái)。薩阿迪亞的繼任者Sherira bar Channina（906-1006）在伊拉克邊境之外的反猶太主義斗爭(zhēng)中發(fā)揮了重要作用。一位來(lái)自北非的猶太拉比寫(xiě)信給他，請(qǐng)他提供建議，駁斥卡拉派關(guān)于拉比猶太教缺乏合法性的說(shuō)法。作為回應(yīng)，Sherira bar Channina寫(xiě)了一本關(guān)于《塔木德》發(fā)展歷史的巨著，極力捍衛(wèi)它在從西奈山的啟示到圣人的不間斷傳播鏈中的永恒性。

The rabbinic reaction to the Karaite movement did not take long to emerge. The most significant and vociferant opponents were the geonim of the Babylonian academy. Saadya Gaon (882–942) dedicated numerous letters, treatises, and juridical responsa to refuting Karaite beliefs. He was a towering figure in Jewish philosophy who utilized the Arabic language and Greek philosophy to refocus assimilated Jews onto the core values of Torah and Halachah. When Saadya exceeded the limits of his authoritiy by attempting to depose the reigning exilarch, the caliph had him removed from his position as gaon. Saadya’s successor, Sherira bar Channina (906–1006), played a major role in the fight against Karaitism beyond the borders of Iraq. A Jewish rabbi from North Africa wrote to him asking his advice in refuting the Karaite claims that rabbinic Judaism lacked legitimacy. In response, Rabbi Sherira wrote a massive tome of the history of the development of the Talmud, vigorously defending its eternality in an unbroken chain of transmission from the revelation on Mount Sinah to the sages.

開(kāi)羅的Geniza（Genizah）

? ? ? ? ? Geniza是一個(gè)特殊的儲(chǔ)藏室，用來(lái)保存任何含有上帝之名（在許多文化中，關(guān)于名字傳播的態(tài)度是保密的。在猶太教中，神的名字的發(fā)音一直受到非常小心的保護(hù)）的文件。所有過(guò)時(shí)的宗教、禮儀和法律文件都被存放在這種倉(cāng)庫(kù)里，或者與編輯這些文件的學(xué)者埋在一起。在散居地，Geniza肯定也是一種普遍現(xiàn)象，盡管它們肯定經(jīng)常在屠殺、迫害和破壞猶太社區(qū)的動(dòng)蕩中丟失。幸運(yùn)的是，有一個(gè)重要的猶太教堂確實(shí)在時(shí)間的流逝中幸存下來(lái)。位于福斯塔特（老開(kāi)羅）的本以斯拉猶太教堂建造于九世紀(jì)，是該地區(qū)的主要教堂。邁蒙尼德（Maimonides）等名人在那里授課和祈禱。19世紀(jì)時(shí)，學(xué)者們?cè)诠弄q太教堂的閣樓上發(fā)現(xiàn)了Geniza，這里有超過(guò)100,000頁(yè)記錄了從伊斯蘭統(tǒng)治時(shí)期到第一次十字軍東征期間猶太人在埃及和巴勒斯坦的生活和習(xí)俗，還有許多geonim（作為巴比倫大學(xué)校長(zhǎng)的頭銜，它的意思類(lèi)似于“閣下”）的法學(xué)論文，以及被認(rèn)為丟失的珍貴文本，如希伯來(lái)語(yǔ)版本的《西拉赫之書(shū)》(Book of Sirach)。猶太人歷史上一些最重要的人物，如前面提到的薩阿迪亞·果昂，主要是通過(guò)這些文件的存留而了解到他們的生活。開(kāi)羅的Geniza包含了一個(gè)關(guān)于地中海猶太人歷史、習(xí)俗、儀式慣例和與非猶太人關(guān)系的信息寶庫(kù)，還有大量13至15世紀(jì)的阿什肯納茲著作、信件和piyyutim（禮儀詩(shī)），使其成為了解米茲拉希（中東）和阿什肯納茲猶太歷史的最重要來(lái)源之一。

A geniza is a special storage room used to preserve any document that contains the name of God. All obsolete religious, liturgical, and legal documents were stored in such warehouses or buried with the scholar who had redacted them. The geniza must have been a widespread phenomenon in the Diaspora as well, although they must have often been lost in the upheavals of massacre, persecution, and destruction of Jewish communities. Fortunately, a significant geniza did survive the passage of time: The Ezra Synagogue located in Fustat (Old Cairo) was founded in the ninth century and was the chief synagogue of the region. Luminaries such as Maimonides taught and prayed there. In the 19th century scholars discovered the geniza in the attic of the ancient synagogue. Investigations uncovered over 100,000 pages documenting the life and customs of Jews in Egypt and Palestine from the period of Islamic rule to the First Crusade, numerous juridical responsa from the geonim, and precious texts thought to have been lost such as the Hebrew version of the Book of Ben Sirach. The lives of some of the most important figures of Jewish history, such as the aforementioned Saadya Gaon, are known principally through the survival of these documents. The Cairo Geniza contains a treasure trove of information about Mediterranean Jewish history, customs, ritual practices, and relations with non-Jews, as well as a wealth of 13th- to 15th-century Ashkenazic writings, letters, and piyyutim (liturgical poems), making it one of the most significant sources of Mizrahi (Middle Eastern) and Ashkenazic Jewish history.

法蒂瑪王朝的寬容，塞爾柱和馬穆魯克的限制

? ? ? ? ? 在阿拔斯-巴格達(dá)、法蒂瑪-開(kāi)羅和倭馬亞-西班牙的哈里發(fā)時(shí)代，猶太人作為其部長(zhǎng)、外交官、朝臣和翻譯而嶄露頭角。猶太社區(qū)有時(shí)在穆斯林內(nèi)部王朝的爭(zhēng)斗中具有很高地位。例如，什葉派的法蒂瑪王朝反叛了阿拔斯王朝，于909年在突尼斯宣布了自己為哈里發(fā)，并在969年將其帝國(guó)擴(kuò)張到埃及、巴勒斯坦和敘利亞。法蒂瑪王朝建立了通往東方的對(duì)立貿(mào)易路線，以搶奪阿拔斯王朝的生意，并吸引猶太商人來(lái)提升法蒂瑪王朝的經(jīng)濟(jì)。什葉派的法蒂瑪王朝里擁有眾多少數(shù)民族，由于他們不能指望遜尼派穆斯林的行政支持，于是吸引了許多猶太人和基督教徒加入他們的宮廷和政府。出于需要，法蒂瑪王朝忽略了許多“伊斯蘭教義”的規(guī)定。基督徒和猶太人在建造新的教堂或公開(kāi)慶祝他們的宗教節(jié)日方面沒(méi)有遇到任何障礙，并享有與穆斯林臣民相同的基本公民權(quán)利。他們甚至可以雇用穆斯林作為仆人。哈基姆·比阿穆?tīng)枴ぐ⒗╝l-Hakim bi Amri Allah，996-1021年）的統(tǒng)治代表了法蒂瑪王朝寬容的短暫中斷。1012年，他恢復(fù)了對(duì)迪米法規(guī)的嚴(yán)格遵守，禁止穆斯林對(duì)迪米人的服從，要求迪米人穿上與眾不同的服裝，并命令摧毀許多基督教堂和猶太教堂。這些做法被他的繼任者取消了。

Jews rose to prominence as ministers, diplomats, courtiers, and translators during the caliphates of Abbasid Baghdad, Fatimid Cairo, and Umayyad Spain. Jewish communities sometimes had a high profile in Muslim internal dynastic feuds. For instance, the Shiite Fatimids rebelled against the Abbasids, proclaimed their own caliphate in Tunisia in 909, and extended their empire to Egypt, Palestine, and Syria by 969. The Fatimids established rival trade routes to the East to draw business away from the Abbasids and attracted Jewish merchants to stimulate the Fatimid economy. The Shiite Fatimids were numerical minorities in the countries where they ruled, and since they could not count upon the administrative support of Sunni Muslims, they attracted numerous Jews and Christians to their court and government. Out of necessity the Fatimids ignored many of the prescriptions of dhimmism: Christians and Jews experienced no obstacles to building new temples or publicly celebrating their religious feasts and enjoyed the same basic civil rights as Muslim subjects.They could even employ Muslims as servants. The reign of al-Hakim bi Amri Allah (r. 996–1021) represents a brief interruption of Fatimid tolerance. In 1012 he reinstituted the strict observance of dhimmi regulations forbidding the subordination of Muslims to dhimmis, demanding that dhimmis wear distinguishing attire, and ordering the destruction of many churches and synagogues. These practices were rescinded by his successors.

? ? ? ? ? 猶太人在反對(duì)阿拔斯王朝的另一個(gè)中東勢(shì)力——塞爾柱人手下的處境就不那么好了。到11世紀(jì)中葉，土耳其塞爾柱人在小亞細(xì)亞、波斯、伊拉克、印度和阿拉伯半島的部分地區(qū)從阿拔斯王朝（和拜占庭王朝）手中奪取了權(quán)力，并在名義上進(jìn)行統(tǒng)治。塞爾柱人后來(lái)皈依了伊斯蘭教，并參與了對(duì)拜占庭人的戰(zhàn)斗，他們對(duì)非穆斯林臣民實(shí)行最嚴(yán)格的迪米限制，從而進(jìn)一步使他們的穆斯林資格合法化。在塞爾柱人的壓力下，阿拔斯哈里發(fā)于1058年頒布了一項(xiàng)法令，強(qiáng)迫猶太人、基督徒和其他異教徒在衣服上佩戴識(shí)別標(biāo)志，異教徒的政府官員也被立即撤職。1085年的一項(xiàng)哈里發(fā)法令要求在迪米人的頭巾上再戴上一個(gè)識(shí)別標(biāo)志，強(qiáng)迫關(guān)閉所有的酒館，終止所有公開(kāi)展示非穆斯林宗教的行為，并禁止迪米人在祈禱時(shí)提高聲音。在1091年的哈里發(fā)法令中進(jìn)一步強(qiáng)加了的限制性和侮辱性的著裝規(guī)定后，許多猶太人逃往西班牙。

The Jews fared less well under the other Middle Eastern power opposing the Abbasids, the Seljuks. By the mid-11th century, the Turkish Seljuks had seized power from the Abbasids (and the Byzantines) in Asia Minor, Persia, Iraq, India, and part of the Arabian Peninsula, ruling in all but name. Recent converts to Islam who were also engaged in battle against the Byzantines, the Seljuks further legitimated their Muslim credentials by imposing the strictest application of dhimmi restrictions upon their non-Muslim subjects. Under pressure from the Seljuks, the Abbasid caliph issued a decree in 1058 that forced Jewish, Christian, and other dhimmis to wear distinguishing signs on their clothing, and dhimmi government officials were summarily removed from their posts. A caliphal decree of 1085 imposed the wearing of a further distinguishing sign on dhimmi turbans, forced the closure of all wine taverns, put an end to all public displays of non-Muslim religion, and forbade dhimmis to raise their voices while praying. In the wake of the imposition of further restrictive and humiliating dress codes in a caliphal decree of 1091, many Jews fled to Spain.

? ? ? ? ? 馬穆魯克王朝在1260至1517年間統(tǒng)治了埃及、巴勒斯坦和敘利亞。這個(gè)由奴隸兵組成的王朝是在與十字軍作戰(zhàn)以及1260年在艾因·賈魯戰(zhàn)役（也叫阿音扎魯特戰(zhàn)役）（巴勒斯坦的拿撒勒）出人意料地?fù)魯×丝膳碌拿晒湃说谋尘跋陆⑵饋?lái)的。馬穆魯克人對(duì)基督教徒和一般的異教徒深表懷疑。作為一項(xiàng)政策，馬穆魯克人對(duì)猶太人和基督教徒嚴(yán)格實(shí)行羞辱性的著裝規(guī)定，并強(qiáng)制執(zhí)行其他有辱人格的習(xí)俗。例如，異教徒只能騎驢（從不騎貴族馬），只能側(cè)身騎馬，并被禁止擔(dān)任政府職務(wù)和在穆斯林人口中行醫(yī)。酒和酒館被禁止。到14世紀(jì)末，曾經(jīng)繁榮昌盛的猶太社區(qū)已經(jīng)淪為耶路撒冷、采法特、提比略和希伯倫等城市的貧困飛地。埃及和敘利亞曾經(jīng)是來(lái)自西班牙和馬格里布的猶太難民的燈塔（例如，西班牙人邁蒙尼德曾在埃及定居），埃及和敘利亞不再是猶太人于1492年逃離西班牙的目的地。

The Mamluk dynasty ruled Egypt, Palestine, and Syria between 1260 and 1517. The dynasty of slave soldiers had risen to power in the context of battles against the crusaders and the stunning defeat of the fearsome Mongols at Ayn Jalut (Nazareth, Palestine) in 1260. The Mamluks were deeply suspicious of Christians and dhimmis in general. As a matter of policy, the Mamluks strictly imposed humiliating dress codes upon Jews and Christians and enforced other degrading customs. For instance, dhimmis could only ride donkeys (never the noble horse) and only mount side-saddle and were barred from government positions and practice of medicine among the Muslim population. Wine and wine taverns were forbidden. By the late 14th century the once thriving and prosperous Jewish communities had been reduced to impoverished enclaves in the cities of Jerusalem, Safed, Tiberius, and Hebron. Once a beacon for Jewish refugees from Spain and the Maghrib—recall, for example, that the Spaniard Maimonides had settled in Egypt—Mamluk Egypt and Syria were no longer destinations for the Jews who fled Spain in 1492.

《Handbook To Life in The Medieval World》（2008）

By Madeleine Pelner Cosman and Linda Gale Jones

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