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【簡(jiǎn)譯】拜占庭與亞美尼亞的關(guān)系

2022-09-10 15:27 作者:神尾智代 0人讀過 | 我要投稿

The relationship between the Byzantine Empire and ancient Armenia was a constant and varied one with an equal mix of wars, occupations, treaties of friendship, mutual military aid, and cultural exchange. Regarded as a vital defence to the Empire's eastern frontiers, emperors used various means of influence from outright takeover to gifts of titles and lands to Armenian nobles. Influence went in the other direction, too, with several important Byzantine emperors being of Armenian descent, as well as many individuals who held key military and administrative positions in Constantinople and beyond.

? ? ? ? ? 拜占庭帝國與古代亞美尼亞之間的關(guān)系是一種持續(xù)而多樣的關(guān)系，其中包括戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)、占領(lǐng)、友好條約、軍事互助和文化交流。亞美尼亞被視為帝國東部邊境的重要防線，拜占庭皇帝們利用各種手段在此地施加影響，從直接接管到向亞美尼亞貴族授予頭銜和土地。這種影響力也朝著另一個(gè)方向發(fā)展，歷史上幾個(gè)重要的拜占庭皇帝都是亞美尼亞人的后裔，還有許多人在君士坦丁堡和其他地方擔(dān)任重要的軍事與行政職務(wù)。

關(guān) 系來源

There are several difficulties in assessing the relations between Byzantium and ancient Armenia. Aside from the usual problem of ancient historical sources having an inherent bias towards rulers, noble families, and high politics, account must be taken of the shifting geographical location of Armenia over the centuries and its regular division and redivision by successive empires in the region. There are problems, too, with primary sources which can be coloured by nationalism and left incomplete with deliberate omissions. There are also long silences in the historical record, notably from 730 to 850 CE and 925 to 980 CE. Nevertheless, a reasonable picture of relations between the two states can be drawn and the historian T. W. Greenwood, by way of a summary, highlights three stand-out features of this relationship:

? ? ? ? ? In the first place, relation were continuous…Secondly, they were multi-layered…it seems very likely that lesser lords and individual bishops were also in contact with Byzantium throughout…Thirdly, they were reciprocal. Byzantium was eager to secure its eastern flank and therefore sought to attract Armenian clients into its service. At the same time Armenian princes looked to Byzantium to bolster their own status within Armenia through the concession of titles, gifts and money…It is no coincidence that the Byzantine army - and then the state - came to be filled with men of Armenian origin or descent. (Shepard, 363-4)

? ? ? ? ? 在評(píng)估拜占庭和古代亞美尼亞之間的關(guān)系時(shí)，有幾個(gè)難點(diǎn)。除了古代歷史資料對(duì)統(tǒng)治者、貴族家庭和高級(jí)政治有固有偏見這一常見問題外，我們還必須考慮到幾個(gè)世紀(jì)以來亞美尼亞地理位置的變化，以及歷代帝國對(duì)該地區(qū)的定期分割和重新分割。此外，還有一些問題，如原始資料可能被民族主義思想所染指，并因故意遺漏而不完整。歷史記錄中也有長(zhǎng)期的靜默，特別是在公元730年至850年和公元925年至980年。盡管如此，我們還是可以對(duì)這兩個(gè)國家之間的關(guān)系做出合理的描述，歷史學(xué)家格林納達(dá)（T. W. Greenwood）通過總結(jié)，強(qiáng)調(diào)了這種關(guān)系的三個(gè)突出特點(diǎn)：

? ? ? ? ? 首先，關(guān)系是連續(xù)的......其次，關(guān)系是多層次的......看來，小領(lǐng)主和個(gè)別主教在整個(gè)過程中也與拜占庭有聯(lián)系......第三，關(guān)系是相互的。拜占庭急于確保其東側(cè)的安全，因此試圖吸引亞美尼亞人為其服務(wù)。同時(shí)，亞美尼亞的王公們也希望拜占庭通過授予頭銜、禮物和金錢來提高他們自己在亞美尼亞的地位......從拜占庭軍隊(duì)到社會(huì)，充滿了亞美尼亞血統(tǒng)或后裔的人，這并不是巧合。(Shepard, 363-4)

戰(zhàn) 略地位

Ancient Armenia, because of its geographical location and strategic importance in controlling access to Mesopotamia from Asia Minor (and vice versa), had long been a coveted chunk of territory for the empires who dominated the region at any particular time. Whoever controlled the Armenian plain of Ararat could then launch an army to attack either east or west. This situation had not changed by the 4th century CE and the rise of the Byzantine Empire with its capital at Constantinople. Byzantium's first opponent and territorial rival was the Sassanid Empire in Persia (224-651 CE). From 252 CE the Sasanids became more ambitious to rule directly over Armenia and made attacks on several cities. Byzantium, defending the status quo, opposed such incursions.

? ? ? ? ? 古代亞美尼亞由于其地理位置和在控制從小亞細(xì)亞進(jìn)入美索不達(dá)米亞方面的戰(zhàn)略重要性（反之亦然），長(zhǎng)期以來一直是統(tǒng)治該地區(qū)的帝國所覬覦的一大塊領(lǐng)土。誰控制了亞美尼亞的亞拉拉特平原，誰就可以發(fā)動(dòng)軍隊(duì)向東部或西部進(jìn)攻。到了公元4世紀(jì)，拜占庭帝國崛起，其首都設(shè)在君士坦丁堡，這種情況并沒有改變。拜占庭的第一個(gè)對(duì)手及領(lǐng)土競(jìng)爭(zhēng)者是波斯的薩珊帝國（公元224-651年）。從公元252年開始，薩珊王朝變得更加雄心勃勃，它想要直接統(tǒng)治亞美尼亞，并對(duì)該地幾個(gè)城市進(jìn)行了攻擊。拜占庭為了維護(hù)現(xiàn)狀，反擊這種入侵行為。

There followed a century of wrangling over control of Armenia, which came to the boil when Shapur II, the Sasanid ruler (r. 309-379 CE), attacked Armenia in 368 and 369 CE, destroying several cities. A decade later, emperor Theodosius I (r. 379-395 CE) and Shapur III (r. 383-388 CE) agreed to formally divide Armenia between the Byzantine Empire and Sasanid Persia. Henceforth, the Roman-controlled part of Armenia now largely fades from the historical view with only sporadic returns whenever it suited Byzantine historians.

? ? ? ? ? 隨后，雙方圍繞亞美尼亞的控制權(quán)進(jìn)行了一個(gè)世紀(jì)的爭(zhēng)斗，當(dāng)薩珊王朝的統(tǒng)治者沙普爾二世（約309-379 年）在公元368年和369年襲擊亞美尼亞，摧毀了幾個(gè)城市時(shí)，這種爭(zhēng)斗達(dá)到了沸點(diǎn)。十年后，拜占庭皇帝狄奧多西一世（約379-395 年）和沙普爾三世（約383-388 年）同意在拜占庭帝國和薩珊王朝波斯之間正式劃分亞美尼亞。此后，拜占庭控制的亞美尼亞部分基本上從歷史視野中淡出，只有在適合拜占庭歷史學(xué)家的時(shí)候才會(huì)零星出現(xiàn)。

波斯?-?亞美尼亞

To clarify Byzantium's relationship with their part of Armenia, it is perhaps useful to first look over the diplomatic fence at the Persian side. Persia installed marzpan (viceroy) rulers in their half of the country (Persarmenia) from 428 CE in a system that would endure until c. 651 CE. Representing the Sasanian king, the marzpan had full civilian and military authority. There had been rumblings of discontent amongst the Armenian nobility and clergy following Persian cultural imperialism, but matters really came to a head with the succession of the Persian king Yazdgird (Yazdagerd) II in c. 439 CE. Sasanid rulers had long been suspicious that Armenian Christians were all simply spies of Byzantium, but Yazdgird was a zealous proponent of Zoroastrianism, and the double-edged sword of political and religious policy was intended to cut Armenia down to size.

? ? ? ? ? 為了澄清拜占庭與亞美尼亞地區(qū)的關(guān)系，也許我們應(yīng)該先看看波斯方面的外交圍欄。波斯從公元428年開始在波斯-亞美尼亞（Persarmenia）設(shè)置marzpan（總督）統(tǒng)治者，這一制度將持續(xù)到公元651年左右。marzpan是薩珊國王在該地區(qū)的代表，擁有充分的民事與軍事權(quán)力。在波斯文化進(jìn)入該地后，亞美尼亞貴族和神職人員中出現(xiàn)了一些不滿的聲音，但隨著波斯國王亞茲德格（Yazdagerd）二世在公元439年左右繼位，事情才真正有轉(zhuǎn)機(jī)。薩珊王朝的統(tǒng)治者長(zhǎng)期以來一直懷疑亞美尼亞的基督徒都是拜占庭的間諜，但亞茲德格是拜火教的狂熱支持者，政治和宗教政策的雙刃劍旨在將亞美尼亞切割成許多小塊。

In May or June 451 CE at the Battle of Avarayr (Avarair) in modern Iran, the Armenians rebelled against oppression and faced a massive Persian army. The 6,000 or so Armenians were led by Vardan Mamikonian, but unfortunately for them, help from the Christian Byzantine Empire was not forthcoming despite an embassy sent for that purpose. Perhaps not unexpectedly, the Persian-backed marzpan, Vasak Siuni, was nowhere to be seen in the battle either. The Persians, greatly outnumbering their opponents and fielding an elite corps of “Immortals” and a host of war elephants, won the battle easily enough and massacred their opponents; 'martyred' would be the term used by the Armenian Church thereafter. Indeed, the battle became a symbol of resistance with Vardan, who died on the battlefield, even being made a saint.

? ? ? ? ? 公元451年5月或6月，在阿瓦拉爾（Avarair）戰(zhàn)役中（今伊朗），亞美尼亞人反抗波斯的壓迫，與一支龐大的波斯軍隊(duì)交戰(zhàn)。約6000名亞美尼亞人在瓦爾丹·馬米科尼安的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下；不幸的是，盡管亞美尼亞請(qǐng)求支援，但基督教拜占庭帝國的援軍并沒有出現(xiàn)。波斯人支持的總督瓦薩克·西維尼，在這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)斗中也不見蹤影。波斯人在人數(shù)上大大超過了亞美尼亞人，他們派出了一支精銳的 "不死鳥"軍團(tuán)和一大批戰(zhàn)象，輕松贏得了這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)斗，并屠殺了亞美尼亞的軍隊(duì)；"殉道者"將是亞美尼亞教會(huì)此后使用的術(shù)語。事實(shí)上，這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)斗成為亞美尼亞基督徒抵抗的象征，死在戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)上的瓦爾丹甚至被封為圣人。

拜占庭 -?亞美尼亞

Meanwhile, from 387 CE, the Byzantines had divided their portion of Armenia into two areas: Armenia I in the north and Armenia II in the south. Each area had a governor (praeses) who was in turn responsible to the governor (vicar) of the imperial administrative district or diocese of Pontus, who was himself responsible to the Praetorian Prefect of the East. Aside from paying taxes and performing military service for Byzantium, the control from Constantinople was light, although one legion and extra cavalry units were permanently stationed in each area. The bureaucracy of the empire in the two regions was filled with members of the Armenian nobility but, at least administratively, Armenia was fully absorbed into the Byzantine Empire.

? ? ? ? ? 同時(shí)，從公元387年開始，拜占庭人將其在亞美尼亞的部分劃分為兩個(gè)地區(qū)。北部的亞美尼亞一區(qū)和南部的亞美尼亞二區(qū)。每個(gè)地區(qū)都有一個(gè)總督（preses），他反過來對(duì)帝國行政區(qū)或邦都教區(qū)的總督（vicar）負(fù)責(zé)，而總督本身又對(duì)東部的禁衛(wèi)省長(zhǎng)負(fù)責(zé)。除了為拜占庭交稅與履行軍事服務(wù)外，君士坦丁堡對(duì)該地區(qū)的控制力很弱，盡管每個(gè)地區(qū)都有一個(gè)軍團(tuán)和額外的騎兵部隊(duì)長(zhǎng)期駐扎。帝國在這兩個(gè)地區(qū)的官僚機(jī)構(gòu)擁有許多亞美尼亞貴族的成員，但至少在行政上，亞美尼亞被完全吸收到拜占庭帝國中。

From the 5th century CE, some cities were especially prosperous, notably Artashat, which became an important trading point between the Byzantine and Persian Empires. In 536 CE, when the Byzantine emperor Justinian I reorganised the administration of the region, Armenia was split into four areas or provinces (Armenia I- IV), each with its own capital. Byzantine laws began to be embedded more deeply into Armenian society, too, especially in such areas as inheritance. Previously, Armenian nobles had passed on their land to their sons (or brother if they had none) with daughters being ineligible to inherit. Justinian changed this so that women could legally inherit their parent's property. Rather than a move for women's rights, the change in law was designed to weaken the stranglehold of traditional Armenian clans on landed estates as now women could pass on the family property to their husbands who could be outside the clan structure or even foreigners. There was resistance to the changes from some clans - the governor of Armenia I was murdered in one uprising in 538 CE - but ultimately, they did not have the political power to prevent them and those who continued to resist were deported, especially to the Balkans.

? ? ? ? ? 從公元5世紀(jì)開始，拜占庭-亞美尼亞的一些城市特別繁榮，特別是阿爾塔沙特，它成為拜占庭帝國和波斯帝國之間的一個(gè)重要貿(mào)易點(diǎn)。公元536年，當(dāng)拜占庭皇帝查士丁尼一世重組該地區(qū)的行政管理時(shí)，亞美尼亞被分成四個(gè)地區(qū)或省份（亞美尼亞一到四），每個(gè)地區(qū)都有自己的行政中心。拜占庭法律也開始更深入地融入亞美尼亞社會(huì)，特別是在繼承權(quán)等方面。以前，亞美尼亞貴族將土地傳給他們的兒子（如果他們沒有兒子，則傳給兄弟），女兒沒有資格繼承。查士丁尼改變了這一點(diǎn)，使婦女可以合法地繼承其父母的財(cái)產(chǎn)。與其說這次法律改革是為了爭(zhēng)取婦女權(quán)利，不如說是為了削弱亞美尼亞傳統(tǒng)宗族對(duì)土地財(cái)產(chǎn)的控制，因?yàn)楝F(xiàn)在婦女可以將家庭財(cái)產(chǎn)傳給她們的丈夫，而她們的丈夫可能是宗族結(jié)構(gòu)以外的人，甚至是外國人。一些部族對(duì)這些變化進(jìn)行了抵制——公元538年，亞美尼亞一世的總督在一次起義中被謀殺；但最終，他們沒有政治力量來阻止這些變化，那些繼續(xù)抵抗的人被驅(qū)逐，特別是被驅(qū)逐到巴爾干半島。

Artashat's continued prosperity is evidenced by an edict of 562 CE which confirmed the city as one of only three official trading points between the Byzantine and Persian Empires. A customs post there was overseen by officials known as “commercial counts” or comites commercium. By the end of the 6th century CE Armenia was again a point of dispute between Persia and the Byzantine Empire, and so a redivision was drawn up in 591 CE, which saw Byzantium acquire two-thirds of Armenia. Under the new agreement, the important city and former capital of Dvin became a frontier city between the two spheres of influence and, as a result, disputed territory. Inside Armenia, too, there was a split amongst the nobility as some clans supported Persia (e.g. the Bagratuni) while others favoured Byzantium (e.g. the Mamikonians).

? ? ? ? ? 阿爾塔沙特的持續(xù)繁榮可以從公元562年的一項(xiàng)法令中得到證明，該法令確認(rèn)該城市是拜占庭帝國和波斯帝國之間僅有的三個(gè)官方貿(mào)易點(diǎn)之一。那里的一個(gè)海關(guān)站由被稱為"商業(yè)伯爵"或商業(yè)委員會(huì)的官員監(jiān)督。到公元6世紀(jì)末，亞美尼亞再次成為波斯和拜占庭帝國之間的爭(zhēng)端點(diǎn)，因此在公元591年重新劃分，拜占庭獲得了三分之二的亞美尼亞。根據(jù)新的協(xié)議，重要的城市和前首都德文成為兩個(gè)勢(shì)力范圍之間的邊疆城市，因此成為雙方有爭(zhēng)議的領(lǐng)土。在亞美尼亞境內(nèi)，貴族之間也出現(xiàn)了分裂，一些部族支持波斯（如巴格拉圖尼），而另一些則支持拜占庭（如馬米科尼）。

A Byzantine army of emperor Heraclius (r. 610-641 CE) attacked Dvin in 623 CE. Worse was soon to come, though. In 627 CE a full-scale war against the Sasanids was carried out by Heraclius and Armenia was caught in the crossfire. This campaign ended the Sassanid control of Armenia but Byzantine rule was to be short-lived following the dramatic rise of a new power in the region, the Arab Umayyad Caliphate, which conquered the Sasanid capital Ctesiphon in 637 CE. Armenia was conquered by the Arabs from Damascus from 640 CE. The Byzantine emperors had not given up on Armenia, and in 642 CE, Constans II (641-668 CE) attacked Dvin but without success. By 701 CE, after decades of playing, as so often before, the role of strategic pawn in a battle of Empires between the Arabs and the Byzantine Empire, Armenia was made a province of the Umayyad Caliphate.

? ? ? ? ? ?赫拉克略皇帝（一世）（公元610-641年）的一支拜占庭軍隊(duì)在公元623年襲擊了德文。不過，更糟糕的事情很快就來了。公元627年，赫拉克略一世對(duì)薩珊王朝發(fā)動(dòng)了全面戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，亞美尼亞被卷入交火之中。這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)結(jié)束了薩珊王朝對(duì)亞美尼亞的控制，但拜占庭在該地的統(tǒng)治是短暫的，因?yàn)樵摰貐^(qū)的一個(gè)新勢(shì)力——阿拉伯倭馬亞哈里發(fā)，在公元637年攻陷了薩珊王朝的首都泰西封。亞美尼亞從公元640年起被來自大馬士革的阿拉伯人征服了。拜占庭皇帝并沒有放棄亞美尼亞，公元642年，康斯坦斯二世（公元641-668年）進(jìn)攻德文，但沒有成功。到了公元701年，在阿拉伯人和拜占庭帝國之間的帝國之戰(zhàn)中，亞美尼亞像以前一樣經(jīng)常扮演著戰(zhàn)略棋子的角色。經(jīng)過幾十年的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，亞美尼亞成為倭馬亞哈里發(fā)的一個(gè)省。

地圖顯示了整個(gè)公元 7 世紀(jì)和 8 世紀(jì)的倭馬亞阿拉伯（伊斯蘭）擴(kuò)張。中間綠色顯示了正統(tǒng)哈里發(fā)（公元 632-661 年）的征服；最淺的綠色顯示了公元 661-750 年間倭馬亞哈里發(fā)的征服

曼齊刻爾特戰(zhàn)役與倭馬亞哈里發(fā)王朝

Byzantine emperor Constantine V (r. 741-775 CE) attacked Armenia between 746 and 752 CE, taking advantage of the civil war which preoccupied the Umayyad Caliphate. The Byzantine Empire would assert even more influence over Armenia from the 10th century CE. Notable events include the Byzantines helping the Bagratuni establish their kingdom in 914 CE, the invasion of emperor John I Tzimiskes (r. 969-976 CE) in 974 CE, the annexation of the province of Tayk in 1000 CE, the capture of the Armenian capital Ani and fall of the Bagratuni kingdom in 1074 CE, and the seizure of Kars in 1065 CE.

? ? ? ? ? 拜占庭皇帝君士坦丁五世（公元741-775年在位）在公元746-752年期間，利用倭馬亞哈里發(fā)的內(nèi)戰(zhàn)之機(jī)，進(jìn)攻亞美尼亞。從公元10世紀(jì)開始，拜占庭帝國將對(duì)亞美尼亞產(chǎn)生更大的影響。值得注意的事件包括：公元914年拜占庭人幫助巴格拉圖尼人建立了自己的王國；公元974年皇帝約翰一世·齊米斯基思（約969-976 年）的入侵；公元1000年吞并塔伊克??；公元1074年攻占亞美尼亞首都阿尼和巴格拉圖尼王國的滅亡；以及公元1065年奪取卡爾斯。

In August 1071 CE there was the momentous Battle of Manzikert. Fought north of Lake Van on Armenian soil between the armies of the Byzantine Empire and Seljuk Turks (a nomadic tribe of the Asian steppe), the battle was one of the worst defeats the Byzantines had ever suffered, if not in numbers then at least in terms of psychology. The victorious Seljuk army captured the Byzantine emperor Romanos IV Diogenes (r. 1068-1071 CE), and, with the empire in disarray as generals squabbled for the throne, nothing could stop them sweeping across Asia Minor. The Byzantine Empire would go on for a few more centuries yet but Manzikert is seen by many historians as the beginning of a long and seemingly unstoppable decline.

? ? ? ? ? 公元1071年8月，曼齊克爾特戰(zhàn)役。這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)役是拜占庭帝國的軍隊(duì)和塞爾柱土耳其人（亞洲草原上的一個(gè)游牧部落）在亞美尼亞土地上的萬湖以北進(jìn)行的，這是是拜占庭人遭受的最嚴(yán)重的失敗之一。勝利的塞爾柱軍隊(duì)俘虜了拜占庭皇帝羅曼努斯四世-戴奧真尼斯（約 1068-1071 年），由于將軍們爭(zhēng)奪王位，拜占庭帝國陷入混亂，沒有什么能阻止塞爾柱人橫掃整個(gè)小亞細(xì)亞了。拜占庭帝國還將繼續(xù)存在幾個(gè)世紀(jì)，但許多歷史學(xué)家認(rèn)為曼齊克爾特戰(zhàn)役是拜占庭漫長(zhǎng)而似乎不可阻擋的衰退的開端。

Throughout the 12 century CE, Armenia and Byzantium squabbled over the Cilician plain and its various cities. Several Crusader armies passed through Armenia, and then another group of unwanted visitors, this time even more ruthlessly destructive ones, ravaged the region: the Mongols, who attacked in 1236 CE and caused a mass-migration of Armenians to Russia and the Crimea.

? ? ? ? ? 在整個(gè)公元12世紀(jì)，亞美尼亞和拜占庭為西里西亞平原及其各個(gè)城市爭(zhēng)吵不休。幾支十字軍軍隊(duì)經(jīng)過亞美尼亞，然后另一群不速之客——這次是更無情的破壞者，蹂躪了該地區(qū)，他們是蒙古人，他們?cè)诠?236年發(fā)動(dòng)攻擊，導(dǎo)致大量亞美尼亞人移民到羅斯和克里米亞。

亞美尼亞的拜占庭皇帝

There were several notable Byzantine emperors actually of Armenian descent as the dynasties of Constantinople came and went with usurpers grabbing their opportunities to oust the incumbent emperor. This was particularly so from the 9th century CE when military threats to the empire ensured that an emperor could be deposed if he proved incapable on the battlefield. One such figure was Leo V the Armenian, who ruled in Constantinople from 813 to 820 CE. Of humble origins, Leo rose the ranks of the Byzantine army to eventually become the strategos or military governor of the province of Anatolikon, the most important region of Asia Minor. When the Bulgar army looked set to attack Constantinople in June 813 CE, the reigning and incompetent emperor Michael I Rangabe (r. 811-813 CE) was ousted and the people looked to Leo to save the day. Paying off the Bulgars with a huge ransom in gold, Leo V did indeed save the city. His glory was short-lived, for just seven years later the emperor lost his throne to his former friend and ally Michael II (r. 820-829 CE) in one of those typical episodes of violence which plagued Byzantine politics. Murdered in church, Leo's body was dragged around the Hippodrome of Constantinople for the public to scorn and ridicule.

? ? ? ? ? 有幾個(gè)著名的拜占庭皇帝實(shí)際上是亞美尼亞人的后裔，因?yàn)榇畚徽呓?jīng)常抓住機(jī)會(huì)趕走在位的皇帝。特別是在公元9世紀(jì)，當(dāng)?shù)蹏艿杰娛峦{時(shí)，如果一個(gè)皇帝被證明在戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)上沒有能力，他就會(huì)被廢黜。亞美尼亞人利奧五世就是這樣一個(gè)人物，他于公元813年至820年在君士坦丁堡擔(dān)任皇帝。利奧出身卑微，在拜占庭軍隊(duì)中步步高升，最終成為小亞細(xì)亞最重要地區(qū)安納托利亞省的軍事長(zhǎng)官。公元813年6月，當(dāng)保加利亞軍隊(duì)準(zhǔn)備進(jìn)攻君士坦丁堡時(shí)，在位的無能皇帝米海爾一世（Michael I Rangabe，公元811-813年）被趕下臺(tái)，人們希望利奧能拯救這一切。利奧五世用巨額的黃金贖金買通了保加利亞人，確實(shí)拯救了這座城市。他的榮耀是短暫的，因?yàn)閮H僅七年后，這位皇帝就在拜占庭政治的典型暴力事件中被他以前的朋友和盟友邁克爾二世（約 820-829 年）奪走了王位。利奧在教堂里被謀殺，他的尸體被拖到君士坦丁堡的賽馬場(chǎng)，讓公眾嘲笑。

Perhaps the most famous Armenian emperor, or more correctly, infamous, was Basil I (r. 867-886 CE). Basil was an Armenian peasant, who, through his friendship with the emperor Michael III (r. 842-867 CE) rose to prominence at court. Basil was ambitious, though, and he murdered his benefactor to take the throne for himself in 867 CE. Strengthening and modernising the Byzantine navy, Basil's reign saw several notable victories and expansion in the Mediterranean and Asia Minor. Basil also embarked on a massive rebuilding programme in Constantinople and a major overhaul of Byzantine law. His reign would later be regarded as a Golden era, but the emperor lost his throne just as violently as he had gained it - murder disguised as an unlikely hunting accident probably arranged by his successor, Leo VI (r. 886-912 CE).

? ? ? ? ? 也許最著名的亞美尼亞籍皇帝，或者更正確地說，是臭名昭著的，是巴西爾一世（約 867-886 年在位）。巴西爾是一個(gè)亞美尼亞農(nóng)民，通過與皇帝邁克爾三世（公元842-867年）的友誼，他在宮廷中嶄露頭角。不過，巴西爾很有野心，他在公元867年謀殺了他的恩人，奪取了王位。巴西爾在位期間加強(qiáng)了拜占庭的海軍并使之現(xiàn)代化，取得了一些顯著的勝利，并在地中海和小亞細(xì)亞地區(qū)進(jìn)行擴(kuò)張。巴西爾還在君士坦丁堡開展大規(guī)模的重建計(jì)劃，并對(duì)拜占庭法律進(jìn)行重大改革。他的統(tǒng)治后來被認(rèn)為是一個(gè)黃金時(shí)代，但這位皇帝失去王位的方式與他獲得王位時(shí)一樣激烈——謀殺被偽裝成一次不太可能的狩獵事故，可能是由他的繼任者利奧六世（約886-912年）安排的。

A third notable Armenian on the Byzantine throne was Romanos I Lekapenos (r. 920-944 CE). Another successful emperor, he, like Leo V, had risen through the military ranks to become commander of the imperial fleet in 912 CE. Also like Leo, Romanos took the throne by force after the Bulgars proved the undoing of his predecessors. Easing his way into palace affairs, Romanos first made himself regent for the young Constantine VII in 919 CE and then, declaring himself emperor one year later, he married his daughter to the legitimate emperor for good measure. Once in power, Romanos proved worthy of the position and he reconciled the various factions of the Byzantine Church, made significant land reforms to protect poorer farmers, there was a peace brokered with the Bulgars and, with the gifted general John Kourkouas leading the army, significant victories in Asia Minor against the Arabs. The Rus Vikings did attack Constantinople in 941 CE but the city's Theodosian Walls did their job, and the raiders were repelled. When Romanos died, the throne was returned to the legitimate line but, once again, he had shown that foreigners could rule just as well or badly as those emperors of true Byzantine descent.

? ? ? ? ? 拜占庭王位上第三個(gè)著名的亞美尼亞人是羅曼努斯·利卡潘努斯（約920-944 年在位）。他是一位成功的皇帝，與利奧五世一樣，他也是通過軍職升遷，在公元912年成為帝國艦隊(duì)的指揮官。羅曼努斯也是通過武力奪取了王位。他在宮廷事務(wù)中游刃有余，先是在公元919年為年輕的君士坦丁七世攝政，一年后宣布自己為皇帝，并將自己的女兒嫁給原皇帝，以示尊重。一旦掌權(quán)，羅曼諾斯就證明自己配得上這個(gè)職位，他調(diào)和了拜占庭教會(huì)的各個(gè)派別，進(jìn)行土地改革以保護(hù)較貧窮的農(nóng)民，與保加利亞人達(dá)成了和平協(xié)議，并且在天才將軍約翰·庫爾庫阿斯的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下，帝國在小亞細(xì)亞取得了對(duì)抗阿拉伯人的重大勝利。羅斯維京人確實(shí)在公元941年襲擊了君士坦丁堡，但該城的狄奧多西城墻發(fā)揮了作用，襲擊者被擊退。羅曼努斯死后，王位歸于正統(tǒng)，但他再次表明，外國人的統(tǒng)治可以和那些真正的拜占庭血統(tǒng)的皇帝一樣好（或壞）。

亞美尼亞?-?拜占庭教會(huì)關(guān)系

Another area, besides politics, rulers, and administrators, which connected Byzantium and Armenia was religion. Armenia's zeal for Christianity, the religion being officially adopted around 314 CE, did bring it closer to the Byzantine Empire, Constantinople being the head of the Christian church in the East. However, the Armenian and Byzantine churches did often differ on matters of dogma. Disagreement with the decrees of the Council of Chalcedon in 451 CE opened a rift which would never be closed. Then the Council of Dvin c. 554 CE declared the Armenian Church's adherence to the doctrine of monophysitism (that Christ has one nature and not two) thus breaking away from the duophysitism of the Roman Church. As in politics, Armenian Christians were having to find their own rocky road between East and West as the Armenian church broke away from Constantinople in the mid-7th century CE.

? ? ? ? ? ? 除了政治、統(tǒng)治者和行政人員，連接拜占庭和亞美尼亞的另一個(gè)領(lǐng)域是宗教。亞美尼亞熱衷于基督教，在公元314年左右正式采用該宗教，這確實(shí)使它與拜占庭帝國的關(guān)系更加密切，君士坦丁堡是東方基督教會(huì)的首腦。然而，亞美尼亞教會(huì)和拜占庭教會(huì)在教條問題上確實(shí)經(jīng)常有分歧。對(duì)公元451年卡爾西頓會(huì)議法令的異議開啟了一道永遠(yuǎn)無法彌合的裂痕。隨后，公元554年左右的德文會(huì)議宣布亞美尼亞教會(huì)堅(jiān)持一元論（基督只有一個(gè)性質(zhì)，沒有兩個(gè)性質(zhì)），從而與羅馬教會(huì)的二元論決裂。如同政治上一樣，當(dāng)亞美尼亞教會(huì)在公元7世紀(jì)中葉脫離君士坦丁堡時(shí)，亞美尼亞基督徒不得不在東西方之間尋找自己的坎坷道路。

文化交流

From the 6th century CE, Armenians relocated to many other parts of the Byzantine Empire and especially Constantinople. They were perhaps the most assimilated of any ethnic group, although they maintained their own language, literature, art, and religious practices. Armenian traders, scholars, military personnel of all ranks, and mercenaries became part and parcel of Byzantine everyday life.

? ? ? ? ? 從公元6世紀(jì)開始，亞美尼亞人遷往拜占庭帝國的許多地區(qū)，特別是君士坦丁堡。盡管他們保持著自己的語言、文學(xué)、藝術(shù)和宗教習(xí)俗，但他們可能是所有民族中被同化程度最高的。亞美尼亞商人、學(xué)者、各級(jí)軍事人員和雇傭兵成為拜占庭日常生活的重要組成部分。

Where cultural innovations originally spring from is always difficult to pinpoint with accuracy, but some scholars claim that ideas in architecture and illuminated manuscripts, for example, came to Byzantium from Armenia. Indeed, the architect who famously repaired the dome of the Hagia Sophia church in Constantinople after the 989 CE earthquake, one Trdat of Ani, was an Armenian. Undoubtedly, features of Byzantine architecture (e.g. Greek monograms, eagle capitals, and classicising Ionic columns) travelled in the other direction, too. Ideas in art, too, were exchanged and travelled via the manufactured goods which were traded between the two powers such as those made in Armenia (textiles, glazed pottery, glassware, and metalwork) and those made in Constantinople or imported there from around the world by land and sea.

? ? ? ? ? 文化創(chuàng)新的最初源頭總是難以確定的，但一些學(xué)者聲稱，例如，建筑和泥金裝飾手抄本方面的想法是從亞美尼亞傳入拜占庭的。事實(shí)上，在公元989年地震后修復(fù)君士坦丁堡圣索菲亞大教堂穹頂?shù)闹ㄖ煱⒛岬乃栠_(dá)特就是一名亞美尼亞人。毋庸置疑，拜占庭建筑的特點(diǎn)（如希臘字母、鷹首和古典化的愛奧尼亞柱）也向另一個(gè)方向發(fā)展。藝術(shù)理念通過兩國貿(mào)易的制成品進(jìn)行交流與傳播，如亞美尼亞制造的產(chǎn)品（紡織品、釉面陶器、玻璃制品和金屬制品）和君士坦丁堡制造的產(chǎn)品或從世界各地通過陸地和海洋進(jìn)口的產(chǎn)品。