CHAGPT 翻譯，不過問題不大，對照英文還是很容易看懂的，懶得矯正，大家看個大概就行

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Economics without ethics?

Medical treatment of African

slaves aboard Dutch West India

Company and private slave

ships

Joost C. A. Schokkenbroek

Hong Kong Maritime Museum, Hong Kong

Leon van den Broeke

Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, The Netherlands,

Abstract

This article discusses the treatment of enslaved Africans by the Dutch during the seventeenth

and eighteenth centuries. Treatment is interpreted in two ways – morally and medically. Moral

treatment is primarily defined by the Dutch Reformed Church and its religious dogmata.

Despite the importance of this church in the provision of pastors and comforters of the

sick (ziekentroosters), information about its role in providing a religious, moral compass to

its members regarding slavery and slave trade is scattered. Medical treatment – both preventive and curative in nature – is discussed as well. The slaves were subjected to abominable

living conditions prior to their departure. Although it seems fair to state that these conditions

did not improve while sailing westward, for various reasons preventive and curative medical

measures were taken by ships’ surgeons – and to a lesser extent by comforters of the sick.

Keywords

slavery, slave trade, colonialism, medical treatment, Caribbean, Dutch West India

Company

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

經(jīng)濟是否可以無視倫理？

荷蘭西印度公司和私人奴隸船上對非洲奴隸的醫(yī)療待遇

Joost C.A.Schokkenbroek

香港海事博物館，香港

Leon van den Broeke

荷蘭自由大學(xué)，荷蘭

摘要

本文討論了17世紀(jì)和18世紀(jì)荷蘭人對待被奴役的非洲人的情況。待遇從道德和醫(yī)療兩個方面進(jìn)行解釋。道德待遇主要由荷蘭改革教會及其宗教教義來定義。盡管這個教會在提供牧師和病人"安慰者"方面具有重要作用，然而關(guān)于其在為其成員提供關(guān)于奴隸制和奴隸貿(mào)易方面的宗教、道德指引的信息并不連貫。本文還討論了預(yù)防和治療性質(zhì)的醫(yī)療待遇。在啟航前，奴隸們被置于可憎的生活條件中。盡管可以說這些條件在向西航行時并未改善，但由于各種原因，船醫(yī)采取了預(yù)防和治療措施，而病人"安慰者"的作用相對較小。

關(guān)鍵詞

奴隸制，奴隸貿(mào)易，殖民主義，醫(yī)療治療，加勒比地區(qū)，荷蘭西印度公司

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With contributions by Joris Knoll, Linde Veen and Jasper Scholten.

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由約里斯·諾爾、林德·芬和賈斯珀·斯科爾滕共同完成。

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The Dutch played a key role in the horrors of the transatlantic slave trade during the

seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The Dutch West India Company (WIC) was one

of the major actors in this drama, but there were also private slave ships. Africans

were captured in West and Central Africa and brought over to the slave ports controlled

by the WIC or European rivals on Africa’s west coast. However, the WIC and its

European rivals did not control most West African slave ports, only some places at the

Gold Coast. From there, enslaved Africans were exported to the New World with the prospect of being enslaved on the various plantations.

This article focuses on the preventive and curative medical treatment of the enslaved

Africans traded by the Dutch during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.1 The main

question this article addresses is: how did the Dutch medically and morally treat the

slaves before, during and after their journey to the American colonies?

We will discuss three phases in chronological order. The first phase comprises the

slaves’ lives from the moment of capture until their embarkation on the ships in the

West African slave ports setting sail for the New World. The second phase is the so-called

‘middle passage’, the transatlantic voyage from the West African slave ports to the New

World. In examining the third phase we will review the slaves’ physical conditions and

medical treatment upon their arrival in the colonies and during their deployment on the

plantations. We conclude the article with a case study of how slaves were treated – including their medical treatment – in Suriname.

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

在17世紀(jì)和18世紀(jì)的跨大西洋奴隸貿(mào)易中，荷蘭人發(fā)揮了關(guān)鍵作用。荷蘭西印度公司（WIC）是這場戲劇的主要參與者之一，但也有私人奴隸船。非洲人被捕獲于西非和中非，并被帶到由WIC或歐洲競爭對手控制的西非海岸的奴隸港口。然而，WIC和其歐洲競爭對手并沒有控制大部分西非奴隸港口，只控制了一些位于黃金海岸的地方。從那里，被奴役的非洲人被出口到新大陸的各種種植園上。

本文重點討論了17世紀(jì)和18世紀(jì)荷蘭人對被販賣到美洲的奴隸進(jìn)行的預(yù)防和治療。本文要回答的主要問題是：荷蘭人在奴隸被販賣到美洲殖民地之前、期間和之后是如何在醫(yī)學(xué)和道德上對待奴隸的？

我們將按時間順序討論三個階段。第一階段涵蓋了奴隸從被俘獲到啟航前在西非奴隸港口上船的生活。第二階段是所謂的"中途之旅"，即從西非奴隸港口到新大陸的跨大西洋航程。在審查第三階段時，我們將回顧奴隸抵達(dá)殖民地時的身體狀況和醫(yī)療治療，并在種植園上服役期間的治療。我們最后以蘇里南的一個病例研究結(jié)束文章，以了解奴隸（包括他們的醫(yī)療治療）是如何被對待的。

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Phase one: Hunting, imprisonment and transport

Between the fifteenth and nineteenth centuries approximately 12–12.5 million African

people were enslaved in Africa and subsequently purchased by European slave traders,

the vast majority of whom were transported across the Atlantic Ocean to the New

World.2 This enormous supply of enslaved Africans originated from various sources.

Some were previously enslaved by local African slaveholders. Others were enslaved

by the domestic judicial systems as a punishment for criminal activities, or as a

manner of compensation for being insolvent debtors. Another, smaller-scale source ofcapturing slaves was kidnapping. However, most of the enslaved transported by

Europeans were prisoners of war.3

The enslavement of prisoners of war was dominated by the political and military

leaders of African societies, often located deep in the African interior. British pioneer

Edward James Glave visited a few of these African societies in the late nineteenth

century. In his study, published in 1892, he describes the sight of the slaves who were

waiting to be sold to African slave traders:

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第一階段：狩獵、關(guān)押和運輸

在15至19世紀(jì)期間，約有1200-1250萬非洲人在非洲被奴役，隨后被歐洲奴隸販子購買，其中絕大多數(shù)被運送到新世界。這些大量奴隸來自不同的來源。有些人之前被非洲本地奴隸主奴役。另一些人被國內(nèi)司法系統(tǒng)作為犯罪行為的懲罰，或者作為無力償還債務(wù)的補償而被奴役。還有一些更小規(guī)模的奴隸來源是綁架。然而，由歐洲人運輸?shù)拇蠖鄶?shù)奴隸都是戰(zhàn)爭俘虜。戰(zhàn)俘奴隸制度受制于非洲社會的政治和軍事領(lǐng)袖，這些領(lǐng)袖通常位于非洲內(nèi)陸地區(qū)。英國先驅(qū)者愛德華·詹姆斯·格拉夫在19世紀(jì)末訪問了其中幾個非洲社會。在他1892年出版的研究中，他描述了等待被賣給非洲奴隸販子的奴隸們的情景：

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At every village bands of slaves were offered for sale; it would be difficult to give a truthful

picture of the suffering endured by the captives in this region. (…) Others sit from day to

day with their legs and arms maintained in a fixed position by rudely constructed stocks, and

each slave is secured to the roof-posts by a cord knotted to a cane ring which either encircles

his neck or is intertwined with his wooly [sic] hair. Many die of pure starvation, as the

owners give them barely enough food to exist upon, and even grudge them that. These

hungry creatures form indeed a truly pitiable sight (…).4

Glave’s journal dates from a period when Europeans were no longer massively

involved in the transatlantic slave trade. Be this as it may, the author provides a distressing description of the treatment of slaves in the villages of their captors. Most

slaves in African communities were used for domestic purposes and had a sort of

family life with their communities.5 The position of captives who were sold as

slaves to European traders was quite different. According to Glave, the enslaved

were locked in chains for days without any food. In combination with diseases like

yellow fever, malaria and cholera, their living conditions in the tropical weather of

Central and West Africa must have been horrific.

After purchasing the enslaved in the African villages, slave merchants transported

them over long distances from the inland villages to the slave auctions or markets

located on a part of the West African coast between the Volta River and Benin: the

Slave Coast. Most slaves, were bought at the Loango Coast. These long distances

were mostly covered on foot. It has been estimated that a typical coffle of slaves

would spend eight hours on the road daily, covering roughly 20 miles. It often took

months to reach coastal cities like Offra, Ouidah or Jaquin(m) (Figure 1).

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

在每個村莊，都有奴隸出售的團隊；要給出一個關(guān)于這個地區(qū)奴隸所受苦難的真實畫面是困難的。（...）其他人則整天坐在用粗糙建造的枷鎖固定的腿和手臂上，每個奴隸都被用繩子系在房頂?shù)闹由?，繩子上結(jié)著一個圍著他的脖子或與他蓬松的頭發(fā)交織的藤環(huán)。許多人僅僅因為饑餓而死，因為主人們只給他們足夠維持生存所需的食物，甚至還嫌惡給他們這點。這些饑餓的生物確實是一個可憐的景象（...）。格拉夫的日志寫于歐洲人不再大規(guī)模參與跨大西洋奴隸貿(mào)易的時期。不管怎樣，作者對奴隸在擄獲者的村莊中受的待遇提供了一個令人痛心的描述。非洲社區(qū)中的大多數(shù)奴隸被用于家務(wù)勞動，并與他們的社區(qū)有一種家庭生活的形式。被賣給歐洲貿(mào)易商的俘虜?shù)奶幘惩耆煌?。根?jù)格拉夫的說法，被奴役的人被鎖鏈困住數(shù)天，而沒有任何食物。加上黃熱病、瘧疾和霍亂等疾病，在非洲中部和西部的炎熱天氣下，他們的生活條件肯定是可怕的。

在非洲村莊購買奴隸后，奴隸商將他們長途運送到位于凡爾圖河和貝寧之間的西非海岸的奴隸拍賣場或市場上，即奴隸海岸。大多數(shù)奴隸是在洛安戈海岸購買的。這些長途跋涉大多數(shù)都是徒步完成的。據(jù)估計，一般的奴隸隊每天要花八個小時在路上，大約走20英里。通常需要幾個月的時間才能到達(dá)像奧菲拉、盧伊達(dá)或Jaquin(m)這樣的沿海城市（圖1）。

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Notwithstanding these poor conditions, slave raiders had strong incentives for getting

the slaves to the slave markets fast and in the best shape possible. This did not, however,

prove an easy task in the tropical regions where lethal diseases were endemic, as were

starvation and assault on the slave caravans.6 Not surprisingly, British Royal African

Company agents in early eighteenth-century reports refer to ‘on-the-road slave burialsites’.

7 An eyewitness report provided by one Major William Gray depicts an overall

image of the horrors that must have been evident on these journeys through the

African inlands. The report unequivocally refers to the dehydration, exhaustion and

heat prostration the enslaved were exposed to. Considering the likelihood of a lack of

medical aid, one can imagine these travels were a recipe for death and despair. In

Gray’s words:

The men were tied in pairs by the necks, their hands secured behind their backs; the women

by their necks only, but their hands were not left free from any sense of feeling for them,

but in order to enable them to balance the immense loads of pang, corn or rice which they

were forced to carry on their heads. (…) They were hurried along at a pace little short of

running. (…) Many of the women were old, and by no means able to endure such

treatment.8

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

盡管存在惡劣的條件，但奴隸搶劫者對于迅速將奴隸運送到奴隸市場并保持最佳狀態(tài)有著極大的動力。然而，在熱帶地區(qū)，致命疾病、饑餓和襲擊奴隸隊伍是一項艱巨的任務(wù)。不出所料，早在18世紀(jì)初，英國皇家非洲公司的代理人就在報告中提到了“途中奴隸埋葬地”。一位名為William Gray的高級軍官提供的目擊報告描述了這些旅程中無法忽視的恐怖景象。該報告毫不含糊地指出奴隸們所經(jīng)歷的脫水、疲憊和熱力衰竭。考慮到可能缺乏醫(yī)療救助，可以想象這些旅行注定是一場死亡和絕望的災(zāi)難。用Gray的話來說：

男人們被捆綁成一對，脖子被綁在一起，手被綁在背后；而女人們只被脖子捆綁，但她們的手并沒有完全沒有自由感，而是為了使她們能夠平衡被迫放在頭上的巨大的龐大、玉米或大米等重物。(...) 他們被匆忙地驅(qū)趕著，幾乎跑著前進(jìn)。(...) 許多女人已經(jīng)年紀(jì)大了，根本無法忍受這樣的對待。

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Unlike the WIC, local slave raiders commonly implementing these journeys did not

usually keep official or trustworthy records of, for instance, mortality rates among the

slaves during these transports over land. Because of the lack of such documentation,

little is known about the details of these journeys or the number of enslaved that

succumbed before arriving at the coast.9 Nonetheless, according to Anderson, it is

likely that ‘mortality and sickness rates were highest during this first stage of the

journey’.

10

The WIC operated almost the entire African West Coast, from the Tropic of Cancer to

Luanda (Figure 2). On behalf of the States General in the Dutch Republic and to the benefit

of Johan Maurits van Nassau-Siegen (1604–1679), Governor of Dutch Brazil between

1636 and 1644, Michiel Adriaanszoon de Ruyter (1607–1676) captured the fort

St. George in Elmina in 1637 and renamed the stronghold Elmina. It is believed that the

name ‘Elmina’ derives from the Portuguese Mina de Ouro or gold mine. Elmina became

the strongest fortification in West Africa and remained under Dutch rule until 1872. In

1655, De Ruyter recaptured from the English some other Dutch forts, on Goree

Islands and some forts at the Gold Coast, but not Elmina. These forts had previously

been taken from the Dutch by the English Admiral Robert Holmes.11 Elmina was notorious

for being the WIC’s main operating centre in the region.12 The town of Elmina was founded

approximately 700 years ago. The Portuguese first arrived in 1471, trading their gold for

salt. In 1482, they began building a fort, St. George, after obtaining permission from the

local king, King Caramansa (also known as Kwamina Ansah). In 1637, the Dutch captured

this fort. It remained under Dutch rule until 1872. Other notable WIC slave ports on the

West coast of the African continent were established on the Gold Coast (current Ghana),

the Slave Coast (current Nigeria) and – briefly – in Angola (Figure 3).

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

與威廉姆斯堡會計建議組不同，實施這些旅程的地方奴隸掠奪者通常沒有保留官方或可信的記錄，例如在陸地上運輸奴隸期間的死亡率。由于缺乏這種文檔，對于這些旅程的細(xì)節(jié)或在抵達(dá)海岸之前喪生的被奴役者的數(shù)量幾乎沒有了解。然而，根據(jù)安德森的說法，’死亡和疾病率在旅程的第一階段最高‘。 威廉姆斯堡會計建議組幾乎在整個非洲西海岸運營，從北緯23.5°到羅安達(dá)（圖2）。代表荷蘭共和國的省委員會，以及荷蘭巴西總督約翰·莫里茨·馮·納索-西根（1604年至1679年），邁克爾·阿德里安松·德·路德（1607年至1676年）于1637年占領(lǐng)了埃爾米納的圣喬治堡，并將其重新命名為埃爾米納要塞。據(jù)說名字’埃爾米納‘源自葡萄牙文的‘Mina de Ouro’或金礦。埃爾米納成為非洲西部地區(qū)最強大的要塞，并一直由荷蘭統(tǒng)治直到1872年。1655年，德·路德從英國人手中奪回了戈雷島上的一些荷蘭堡壘和一些位于黃金海岸的堡壘，但沒有奪回埃爾米納。這些堡壘此前曾被英國海軍上將羅伯特·霍爾姆斯從荷蘭人手中奪取過。埃爾米納因為是威廉姆斯堡會計建議組在該地區(qū)的主要營運中心而臭名昭著。埃爾米納城建于大約700年前。葡萄牙人首次于1471年抵達(dá)該地，以他們的黃金交換鹽。1482年，他們開始建造一座名為圣喬治的堡壘，并獲得當(dāng)?shù)貒蹩ɡ_（也被稱為昆明林·安薩）的許可。1637年，荷蘭人占領(lǐng)了這座堡壘。它一直處于荷蘭統(tǒng)治之下，直到1872年。非洲大陸西海岸上其他著名的威廉姆斯堡會計建議組奴隸港口包括黃金海岸（現(xiàn)在的加納），奴隸海岸（現(xiàn)在的尼日利亞）和（短暫地）安哥拉（圖3）。

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When the enslaved Africans arrived at the WIC slave ports their fates varied considerably. All slaves were stored like commodities, awaiting transport to the New World.

The living standards during this period were largely determined by the type of accommodation they were kept in. Some were kept in barracks especially designed for the temporary confinement of slaves. These barracks were called barracoons. To reduce the risk of

escape some were kept in underground facilities called truncks. Most were held in the

dungeons of forts or compounds called ‘slave castles’.

13

The enslaved were separated from their loved ones upon arrival at the slave forts as

men and women were housed separately. They typically stayed in these types of accommodations for a few weeks. However, in some instances it took months before they

embarked on the ship that would take them to the other side of the ocean.

As most of the slaves were bought along the West African coast and then ‘stored’ in

the slave ships, not in the trade castles, the conditions must have been abhorent. Therewere no toilet facilities available. Instead, a canal in the floor would carry away the excrement to a lower level of the floor, where it would accumulate and serve as the perfect

brewing place for bacteria and viruses. As David A. Johnson states in the Historical

Encyclopedia of World Slavery: ‘These festering holes were confined, hot and poorly

ventilated’.

14

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

當(dāng)被奴役的非洲人到達(dá)WIC奴隸港時，他們的命運各不相同。所有的奴隸都像商品一樣被儲存起來，等待被送往新世界。

這段時期的生活條件主要由他們所居住的住所類型決定。有些人被關(guān)在專門設(shè)計用于暫時囚禁奴隸的營房中。這些營房被稱為巴拉庫恩。為了降低逃跑的風(fēng)險，有些人被關(guān)在地下設(shè)施中，稱為特倫克。大多數(shù)人被關(guān)押在堡壘或稱為“奴隸城堡”的囚禁場所的地牢里。

到達(dá)奴隸堡時，被奴役者與親人被分開住宿，男女分開。他們通常在這些類型的住所中停留幾周。然而，在某些情況下，他們在登上將他們帶往海洋另一邊的船之前可能需要數(shù)月時間。

由于大多數(shù)奴隸是在西非沿岸購買，然后“儲存”在奴隸船上，而不是在貿(mào)易城堡中，條件肯定惡劣。沒有可用的衛(wèi)生設(shè)施。取而代之，地板上的一個溝渠會將排泄物排走到地板的較低層，那里會積聚并成為細(xì)菌和病毒的滋生地。正如大衛(wèi)·A·約翰遜在《世界奴隸制度歷史百科全書》中所說：“這些腐爛的洞穴狹窄、悶熱且通風(fēng)差”。

14

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Many enslaved Africans fell ill with small pox and dysentery. Malaria also played a

role, as it is considered to be an endemic disease in most of these coastal locations.15

As a result, the rate of mortality among the enslaved was directly correlated with the

time spent in these accommodations awaiting transatlantic transport.16 The longer the

enslaved were kept in these dungeons and truncks, the greater the chance was of anepidemic disease breaking out and claiming many lives. Even if the main purpose of these

castles was to store the slaves, these ‘warehouses of Black humanity’

17 also served the

purpose of breaking the warrior spirit of the male slaves in particular, making them

easier to handle by the time they boarded the ships.

Phase two: the Middle Passage

Living conditions on board

When the time had come for them to depart for the Western Colonies, the slaves were shaven

and branded. The men and children were stripped of their clothes completely; the women were

given a piece of cloth to protect at least part of their dignity. On board, the male slaves were

chained to prevent them from attempting to escape by jumping overboard and swimming back

to the shore. Usually, the crew chained two slaves together at the ankles and the wrists.18

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

許多被奴役的非洲人因痘病和痢疾而生病。瘧疾也起了一定作用，因為在這些沿海地區(qū)，瘧疾被認(rèn)為是一種地方性疾病。因此，奴隸的死亡率與他們在這些地方等待跨大西洋運輸?shù)臅r間直接相關(guān)。被關(guān)押在這些地下室和籠子里的時間越長，突發(fā)流行病的機會就越大，導(dǎo)致許多生命喪失。即使這些城堡的主要目的是儲存奴隸，這些“黑人人類的倉庫”也起到了使男性奴隸特別是失去戰(zhàn)斗精神的作用，使他們在登上船只時更容易控制。

第二階段：中途島

船上的居住條件

當(dāng)他們準(zhǔn)備前往西方殖民地時，奴隸們被剃光頭并且被銘記。男性和兒童被完全脫光衣服；女性則被給予一塊布來保護(hù)他們至少一部分的尊嚴(yán)。在船上，男性奴隸被用鎖鏈拴住，防止他們嘗試跳海逃走回岸邊。通常，船員會把兩個奴隸的腳腕和雙手銬在一起。

## 來自你的消息:

At night, the slaves would sometimes be chained to the ship as well as to each other.

The male slaves slept on the ‘tweendeck (tussendek).19 The women and children wereseparated from the men and slept at the sconce (schans).20 The sconce was also referred to

as the hoerengat (whores’ spot), from which one can infer that even though it was strictly

prohibited for the captain and crew to have sexual relations with the female slaves, it happened frequently.21

Reports vary on the size of these sleeping quarters and the available space per slave – after

all, the size of the sleeping quarters was defined by the size of the ship and the number of

slaves it carried. Moreover, information about the space for slaves on board WIC ships is

highly speculative. Nevertheless, we may assume that the slaves were packed together

very tightly, because transporting more slaves increased the chances of profit. M.A. van

Andel stated that the tussendek (’tweendeck) usually had a width and length of 7.5 metres

and a height of 1.5 metres and housed approximately 200 slaves, whereas the schans

(sconce), which slept 150 slaves, had a width and length of 5.5 metres and a height of 2

metres.22 Balai states that not much is known about the space per slave on Dutch slave

ships, but he describes the situation on board English and Danish ships. On average, male

slaves had a space of 180 by 40 cm, with a standing height of 170 centimetres. In order

to carry more slaves per ship, the sleeping quarters were split into two levels, reducing

the height per slave to roughly 70 cm. Slaves lived in this way for at least a month,

usually two, and in extreme cases for up to four months.23 However, sources for the WIC

regarding the interior of slave ships do not exist. Most historians (including Balai) use the

archives of the Middelburgsche Commercie Compagnie as a proxy.

The slave traders knew that they could not let the slaves stay in their quarters for the

entire duration of the journey. Temperatures in the tussendek and schans could reach 40°

C, which caused dehydration and made slaves more vulnerable to diseases. Additionally,

the slaves would often be sleeping in their own excrement as it was practically impossible

to reach a ‘toilet’ (which was usually just a barrel) when chained to another slave.

Sometimes, slaves would even be sleeping next to a dead body – if the slave they

were chained to had passed away during the night, it would not be discovered until the

next morning.24 Therefore, captains were instructed to ‘a(chǎn)ir out’ the slaves daily –

weather permitting. The slaves’ shackles were removed, and they had to wash themselves

with sea water and a mix of fresh water, lemon juice, brandy and palm oil. If their hair had

grown out, it would be shaven off again to prevent lice and fleas.25

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

夜晚，奴隸們有時會被鐵鏈鎖在船上，既與船上其他奴隸相互鏈接，也與船身相連。男性奴隸睡在甲板中層（tweendeck / tussendek）。19婦女和兒童與男性被分開，并睡在船的一側(cè)（sconce / schans）。20這個地方也被稱為hoerengat（妓女之處），這說明雖然船長和船員與女奴隸的性關(guān)系是嚴(yán)格禁止的，但卻經(jīng)常發(fā)生。21關(guān)于這些住宿區(qū)大小和每個奴隸可用空間的報告各不相同 - 畢竟，住宿區(qū)的大小由船的大小和搭載的奴隸數(shù)量來定義。此外，有關(guān)荷蘭西印度公司船只上的奴隸空間的信息并不確切。不過，我們可以假設(shè)奴隸們被緊密擠在一起，因為多運送更多的奴隸增加了獲利的機會。M.A. Van Andel稱，‘tweendeck（甲板中層）的寬度和長度通常為7.5米，高度為1.5米，可容納大約200名奴隸，而sconce（船的一側(cè)）可睡150名奴隸，寬度和長度約為5.5米，高度為2米。22 Balai稱，關(guān)于荷蘭奴隸船上每個奴隸的空間并不清楚，但他描述了英國和丹麥船上的情況。男性奴隸平均擁有180 x 40厘米的空間，身高可達(dá)170厘米。為了每艘船能裝載更多奴隸，住宿區(qū)分為兩層，每個奴隸的空間高度減少到大約70厘米。奴隸通常以這種方式住了至少一個月，通常是兩個月，極端情況下可長達(dá)四個月。23然而，關(guān)于奴隸船內(nèi)部的WIC文件資料并不存在。大多數(shù)歷史學(xué)家（包括Balai在內(nèi)）使用Middelburg Commercie Compagnie的檔案作為代理資料。

奴隸販子們知道不能讓奴隸在整個航程中呆在他們的住處。中層和船的一側(cè)的溫度可能會達(dá)到40℃，導(dǎo)致脫水并使奴隸更容易受到疾病的侵害。此外，奴隸們在被鐵鏈鎖住時幾乎不可能到達(dá)“廁所”（通常只是一個桶），因此他們通常會在自己的排泄物中睡覺。有時，奴隸甚至?xí)谝粋€死尸旁邊 - 如果他們被鏈到的奴隸在夜晚去世，直到第二天早上才會發(fā)現(xiàn)。24因此，船長被指示每天“通風(fēng)”奴隸 - 天氣允許的情況下。奴隸的腳鐐被解除，他們必須用海水和混合了淡水、檸檬汁、白蘭地和棕櫚油的液體清洗自己。如果他們的頭發(fā)長長了，它將再次被剃光，以防止虱子和跳蚤。25

## 來自你的消息:

In the meantime, the slaves’ quarters were rinsed with seawater and hot vinegar. In

addition, the sleeping quarters were smoked out using incense and jeneverbezi?n

(juniper berries), or using a hot bullet placed in a pot with tar.26 This was done toremove the bad air, which was believed to cause disease, since the slaves’ sleeping quarters were badly ventilated, if at all. The tussendek was ventilated by two hatches: the

voorluik (hatch in the front) and the grootluik (big hatch), but these could only be

opened if the weather allowed. The schans was usually ventilated by four very small

port holes that allowed for little ventilation.27 In his Verrichtingen (1769), ship’s

surgeon David H. Gallandat lamented this lack of airflow, stating that there is nothing

worse for the health than bad air and that slave traders should make it a priority to

provide adequate ventilation. However, he also noted that these traders were preoccupied

with earning as much money as possible. Therefore, he thought it unlikely that they

would be willing to make the considerable investment required to refit the ships to

improve ventilation.28 Nonetheless, Gallandat’s treatise on the treatment of slaves on

board slave ships is based on his experience on slave ships from the Province of

Zeeland in the second half of the eighteenth century, not from the WIC ships that

stopped trading in enslaved Africans in the 1740s.

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

與此同時，奴隸的住所用海水和熱醋沖洗。此外，睡眠區(qū)域也用香和杜松漿果或?qū)釓椃湃胪坑薪褂偷腻佒羞M(jìn)行熏蒸。這樣做是為了去除可以導(dǎo)致疾病的不良空氣，因為奴隸的睡眠區(qū)域通風(fēng)極差，甚至可以說沒有通風(fēng)。船上的中間甲板通過兩個艙口進(jìn)行通風(fēng)：前艙口和大艙口，但只有在天氣允許的情況下才能打開。要塞通常通過四個非常小的舷窗進(jìn)行通風(fēng)，通風(fēng)效果非常有限。在他的《Verrichtingen》（1769）一書中，船醫(yī)大衛(wèi)·H·加蘭達(dá)特對這種缺乏空氣流通的情況感到遺憾，他表示糟糕的空氣對健康影響最大，奴隸販子應(yīng)該優(yōu)先提供充足的通風(fēng)條件。然而，他還指出這些販子的主要關(guān)注點是賺取盡可能多的錢。因此，他認(rèn)為他們不太可能愿意投資巨大的費用來改造船只以提高通風(fēng)效果。盡管如此，加蘭達(dá)特關(guān)于奴隸船上待遇的著作是基于他在18世紀(jì)下半葉澤蘭省的奴隸船上的經(jīng)驗，而不是WIC在1740年代停止販賣非洲奴隸的船只上的經(jīng)驗。

## 來自你的消息:

Preventive medicine

To further ensure the ‘cleanliness’ of the slaves’ quarters, the floors were scrubbed daily.

Usually, the crew assigned this task to the slaves. This practice reduced the risk of infectious diseases in two ways: the ship and the slaves’ sleeping quarters would be cleaned,

removing possible causes of infection, and the slaves would perform physical activities

such as cleaning and repairing the ship, which were believed to protect them from

falling ill,29 as the German poet Heinrich Heine wrote in his 1854 poem ‘Das

Sklavenschiff’: ‘Durch etwas Luft, Musik und Tanz L??t sich die Krankheit heilen’.

30

Other forms of activity included singing and dancing – often songs in the slaves’

native languages. This was believed to improve both the physical and psychological wellbeing of the slaves, as surgeon Gallandat wrote in his ‘slavers’ guide’ Noodige verrichtingen voor de slaafhandelaren.

31 It indicates that he recognised and appreciated the psychological aspect of disease and health, in addition to the other, more physical, preventivemeasures.32 It is uncertain, however, to what extent musical activities were stimulated or

allowed and whether the dancing had its intended effect, as it was not uncommon for the

slaves to be forced to take part in this activity, threatened by the use of the ‘cat with the

nine tails’, a whip.33

Cleaning the sleeping quarters of the slaves, providing ventilation in the sleeping quarters, ‘a(chǎn)iring out’ the slaves and forcing them to wash can all be described as measures

taken to prevent disease. In the ancient world, preventive medicine had been described

by – among others – Hippocrates of Kos (c. 460 to c. 370 BC) and Galen of

Pergamum (c. 129–216 AD), who both had a slightly different approach to the

concept of preventive measures. Hippocrates argued that the natural environment of an

organism could influence or threaten its health, focusing on the external causes of

disease. Contrarily, Galen put more emphasis on the lifestyle and other ‘non-natural’

causes of disease, such as food and drink, exercising and resting, sleeping and emotions,

including both external causes of disease and internal resistance to developing illness.34

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

預(yù)防醫(yī)學(xué)

為了進(jìn)一步確保奴隸住所的“清潔”，地板每天都要擦洗。通常，船員將這項任務(wù)分配給奴隸。這種做法通過兩種方式減少傳染病的風(fēng)險：船舶和奴隸的睡眠區(qū)會被清潔，消除可能導(dǎo)致感染的原因，奴隸會進(jìn)行清潔和修理船只等體力活動，據(jù)德國詩人海因里?！ずＤ谒?854年詩歌《奴隸船》中寫道：“通過一些空氣，音樂和舞蹈，可以治愈疾病”。其他形式的活動包括歌唱和跳舞-通常是奴隸使用的母語歌曲。外科醫(yī)生加蘭達(dá)在他的《奴隸貿(mào)易向?qū)А分袑懙?，這被認(rèn)為可以改善奴隸的身體和心理健康，這表明他認(rèn)識到并贊賞了疾病和健康中的心理因素，除了其他更具體的預(yù)防措施之外。然而，很難確定音樂活動是否被鼓勵或允許，以及跳舞是否產(chǎn)生了預(yù)期效果，因為奴隸被迫參與這種活動，并受到“九條尾巴”的鞭打威脅是很常見的。清潔奴隸的臥室，為臥室提供通風(fēng)，使奴隸“通風(fēng)”，并強迫他們洗澡，所有這些都可以看作是預(yù)防疾病的措施。在古代世界中，預(yù)防醫(yī)學(xué)已經(jīng)被描述為，包括科斯島的希波克拉底（公元前460年至公元前370年）和佩加摩斯的伽蓮（公元129-216年）在內(nèi)的人物曾對預(yù)防措施的概念有過稍微不同的看法。希波克拉底認(rèn)為一個有機體的自然環(huán)境可能會影響或威脅其健康，側(cè)重于疾病的外部原因。相反，伽蓮更加強調(diào)生活方式和其他“非自然”疾病的原因，例如飲食、鍛煉和休息、睡眠和情緒，包括疾病的外部原因和對發(fā)展疾病的內(nèi)部抵抗力。

## 來自你的消息:

After a period of disinterest, preventive medicine enjoyed a resurgence as an academic

discipline in the sixteenth century. To a somewhat lesser extent, this resurgence carried

on into the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, translating into preventive measures.

Both Hippocrates’ and Galen’s views of preventive medicine can be seen in these preventive measures taken by slave traders. Treatment on board WIC ships was bad in comparison with that on board private slave ships in the second half of the eighteenth century

as slave mortality decreased after the 1740s.

Cleaning the environment of the slaves and smoking out the bad air is an example of

limiting exposure to a bad and unhealthy environment, as described by Hippocrates,

while forcing the slaves to wash themselves and perform physical activity was meant

to improve health and lift the slaves’ spirits, which are both ‘non-natural’ causes of

disease as described by Galen. In fact, most ‘non-natural’ causes described by Galen

were addressed by the preventive measures taken on board. For example, food was an

important factor for the health of both the slaves and the crew. Slaves received the

same meals as the crew, consisting mainly of beans and groats. This food was issued

twice per day. The beans and groats were mixed with bacon, pepper and palm oil to

make the meal slightly more appealing. Three times per week the slaves would receive

scheepsbeschuit (rusk; ships’ biscuit), together with some brandy and tobacco. AS

perhaps the most famous manifestation of disease prevention on board ships, freshfruit would be bought in Africa to combat scurvy, usually oranje-appelen (oranges) and

limes.35

This dietary addition was based on the findings of the British naval surgeon James

Lind. In 1747, he recorded in his experiments that lemons and limes helped to prevent

and cure scurvy. Six years later, in 1753, Lind published his findings in his Treatise of

the Scurvy. However, it took the Admiralty until 1795 to make the issue of lemon

juice on board compulsory. It is interesting to note that, despite the success of his experiments, Lind did not believe that scurvy was simply the result of a diet lacking fresh fruit.

He believed that, for any disease, multiple causes could be identified – and therefore, a

disease could have multiple cures as well. This opinion was not uncommon during the

eighteenth century. For example, other texts from the eighteenth century acknowledged

that lemons could prevent scurvy, but also suggested the use of vinegar, malt, tea and

sugar.36

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

預(yù)防醫(yī)學(xué)在十六世紀(jì)作為一門學(xué)科經(jīng)歷了一段不感興趣的時期后又復(fù)蘇了起來。在十七和十八世紀(jì)，這種復(fù)蘇在一定程度上延續(xù)下來，并轉(zhuǎn)化為預(yù)防措施。奴隸販子采取的預(yù)防措施可以看到希波克拉底和伽倫對預(yù)防醫(yī)學(xué)的觀點。與十八世紀(jì)下半葉私人奴隸船上的治療相比，荷蘭印度公司船上的治療狀況較差，隨著1740年代后奴隸死亡率降低。

清理奴隸的環(huán)境和驅(qū)散有害氣體是限制暴露在惡劣和不健康環(huán)境中的例子，這也是希波克拉底所描述的。迫使奴隸洗澡和進(jìn)行體力活動旨在改善健康狀況并提高奴隸的士氣，這都是伽倫所描述的“非自然”疾病原因。事實上，船上采取的預(yù)防措施基本涵蓋了伽倫所描述的大多數(shù)“非自然”疾病原因。例如，食物對奴隸和船員的健康都很重要。奴隸與船員吃相同的飯菜，主要由豆類和粗糧組成。這種食物每天發(fā)放兩次。豆類和粗糧會與腌肉、胡椒和棕櫚油混合在一起，使飯菜稍微有些吸引力。每周三次，奴隸會得到干餅干、一些白蘭地和煙草。新鮮水果是船上最著名的疾病預(yù)防措施之一，通常是橙子和酸橙來對抗壞血病。

這種飲食補充品是基于英國海軍外科醫(yī)生詹姆斯·林德的發(fā)現(xiàn)。在1747年，他在實驗中記錄下檸檬和酸橙有助于預(yù)防和治愈壞血病。六年后的1753年，林德在他的《壞血病治療法》中發(fā)表了他的發(fā)現(xiàn)。然而，英國海軍直到1795年才強制在船上配發(fā)檸檬汁。有趣的是，盡管他的實驗獲得了成功，林德并不相信壞血病僅僅是飲食缺乏新鮮水果的結(jié)果。他相信，對于任何疾病，都可以找到多個原因，并且因此可以有多種治療方法。這種觀點在十八世紀(jì)并不罕見。例如，十八世紀(jì)的其他文獻(xiàn)承認(rèn)檸檬可以預(yù)防壞血病，但也建議使用醋、麥芽、茶和糖。

## 來自你的消息:

The amount of protein and vitamins that the slaves received was not enough to keep

their bodies sufficiently healthy. Most of their meals consisted mainly of carbohydrates.

The reason for this was quite simple: beans and groats could be stored rather easily, while

meat and other fresh food perished quickly. The slave traders did try to prevent the food

from rotting. Gallandat wrote in his Noodige verrichtingen that the barrels used to store

the food had to be treated with sulphur fumes to prevent them from getting infested with

insects.37 Nonetheless, the food would spoil if the journey took longer than expected. In

case of delay, the slaves and crew were put on rationing, which caused mortality to rise.

Controlling the quality of food was not the only problem. Dutch water was of relatively good quality, and it could last the slavers for at least their journey to Africa.

Eventually, however, it would turn bad and the slavers had to use water collected in

Africa. This water was often contaminated with insects, parasites and bacteria: it

caused fevers, dysentery and Guinea-worm infections. Ideally, the water would be

boiled before use to kill possible sources of infection, but boiling water daily for all

the slaves and crew was simply not feasible. Instead, drops of vitriol, sulphur or

vinegar were added to the water.38 Bacteria and other microbiota in the water supply

were not the only threat. Gallandat acknowledged that rats and mice posed a problem

as they brought diseases and recommended that cats be taken on every journey.39

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

奴隸們所攝取的蛋白質(zhì)和維生素量不足以維持他們的身體健康。他們的大部分飲食主要由碳水化合物構(gòu)成。原因相當(dāng)簡單：豆子和雜糧可以相對容易地保存，而肉類和其他新鮮食物很快會腐爛。奴隸販子們試圖防止食物腐爛。Gallandat 在他的《Noodige verrichtingen》中寫道，用來儲存食物的桶必須用硫磺煙熏處理，以防止感染昆蟲。然而，食物如果旅程超出預(yù)期就會變質(zhì)。在延誤的情況下，奴隸和船員被限制口糧，導(dǎo)致死亡率上升?？刂剖澄镔|(zhì)量并不是唯一的問題。荷蘭的水質(zhì)相對較好，可以至少供裁奴者在前往非洲的旅程中使用。然而，最終水質(zhì)會變壞，裁奴者不得不使用在非洲收集的水。這些水通常被昆蟲、寄生蟲和細(xì)菌污染：它引發(fā)發(fā)熱、痢疾和幾內(nèi)亞蠕蟲感染。理想情況下，水應(yīng)在使用前煮沸，以殺死潛在的感染源，但是為了奴隸和船員每天煮沸水并不可行。相反，會往水中加入少量硫酸、硫磺或醋。水供應(yīng)中的細(xì)菌和其他微生物不是唯一的威脅。Gallandat 承認(rèn)，老鼠成為了問題，因為它們會傳播疾病，并建議每次航行都帶上貓。

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The capacity of the ship limited the amount of water that could be brought on the

journey, so slaves were given carefully measured amounts of water during the day,which ammounted to roughly 1.5 litres of water per person per day. This was only half of

the 3 litres that one should drink in the tropical climates of Africa and the Western

Colonies in order to avoid dehydration. Because of the lack of water, slaves became

more susceptible to diseases: their tongues swelled up and their eyes became sunken.

The surgeon on board usually interpreted this as an ‘inborn melancholy’ and treated it

with purging medication – a treatment that did more harm than good.40

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

船只的容量限制了可以帶上船的水量，因此奴隸在航行期間只被給予精確計量的水量，每人每天大約1.5升。這只相當(dāng)于在非洲和西部殖民地的熱帶氣候中人們應(yīng)該飲用的3升水的一半，以避免脫水。由于缺水，奴隸更容易患?。核麄兊纳囝^腫脹，眼睛凹陷。船上的外科醫(yī)生通常將這解釋為“天生的憂郁”，并使用瀉藥治療，這種治療更多地造成了傷害而非益處。40

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At this point, it is important to note that even though these rules existed, and the

slavers worked to keep the slaves relatively healthy, the slaves were never extended

any courtesy out of love or respect. Dutch slavers did not consider slaves as human

beings, despite their remarks that they did not treat their slaves worse than the

Portuguese, English and French treated theirs, and that their ships were cleaner than

their competitors’ ships.41 They saw them as cargo, as armazoen, which would earn

them money, and it was in their own best interest to keep them healthy and alive, as a

guarantee for a greater return on their initial investment. Postma states that buying a

slave in Africa in the eighteenth century would cost a slaver roughly 130 guilders,

whereas in the Americas a slave would sell for 300 guilders. This was a sufficient incentive to try to keep as many slaves alive as possible.42 However, the prices of buying and

selling slaves fluctuated in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.

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在這一點上，重要的是要注意，盡管存在這些規(guī)則，并且奴隸主努力使奴隸保持相對健康，但他們從未出于愛或尊重而為奴隸提供任何禮遇。荷蘭奴隸主并沒有把奴隸視為人類，盡管他們表示自己并沒有像葡萄牙人、英國人和法國人那樣虐待奴隸，他們的船只比競爭對手的船只更干凈。他們把奴隸視為貨物，Armazoen，這將為他們賺錢，而且保持奴隸的健康和生命對他們自身有利，因為這將保證他們對最初的投資獲得更大的回報。Postma指出，18世紀(jì)在非洲購買一名奴隸大約需要花費奴隸主130光氏，而在美洲，一名奴隸能賣到300光氏。這足夠鼓勵奴隸主盡可能地保存更多的奴隸的生命。然而，在17和18世紀(jì)，購買和銷售奴隸的價格是波動的。

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Keeping this in mind, it should come as no surprise that the surgeon was one of the

highest-paid people on board. Earning between 28 and 36 guilders per month, he came

second only to the captain, who earned 50–60 guilders per month,43 and the pastor,

who was not only the religious ‘helmsman’, but also the moral compass on board.44

The salaries of the captain and the pastor were almost equal, although the captain had

more opportunities to acquire a substantial extra income

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考慮到這一點，外科醫(yī)生成為船上報酬最高的人之一并不足為奇。他每月的收入在28至36個荷蘭盾之間，僅次于船長，船長每月收入為50至60個荷蘭盾43，而牧師則不僅是宗教上的“舵手”，也是道德上的指南針。44船長和牧師的薪水幾乎相等，盡管船長有更多機會獲得可觀的額外收入。

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Curative medicine

Reports on mortality rates of slaves on board of WIC ships differ but range from 12 to

19%. Counter-intuitive as it may seem, the communis opinio is that a higher number

of slaves on a ship does not translate into higher mortality rates. A longer duration of

the voyage, however, does seem to correlate with a higher mortality, mainly becauseof a lack of food near the end of the journey. A total overview of ships, deaths and death

percentages based on Postma’s findings can be found in Table 1.46

An average mortality rate of 16% is higher than the mortality of free sailors on the

Dutch or United East India Company (in Dutch: Vereenigde Oostindische

Compagnie, VOC) ships – it has been calculated that between 1620 and 1780 mortality

rates amongst crew arriving in Asia ranged from 6.2 to 16.8% with an average of 10.3% –

but one must keep in mind that VOC voyages usually took three times longer than WIC

voyages, so it seems safe to state that the mortality per month was higher for slaves.47

According to several authors, among others Emmer and Postma, this relatively high mortality rate could partially be attributed to inexperienced slavers. Preferring a smaller, more

experienced crew over a larger, incompetent one implied raising sailors’ wages to attract a

better and more experienced labour force. In addition, Muller and Haaf suggest screeningcandidate sailors for general health and motivation, using orphans who were more accustomed to a poor, unvaried diet – and even using old VOC ships to slowly accustom the

sailors-to-be to the conditions on board before they departed.48 These preventive measures could, in theory, also be used for slaves. As mentioned above, the screening of possible slaves did occur, but other measures such as getting them slowly accustomed to

seafaring were probably too time consuming to implement.

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醫(yī)療

關(guān)于荷蘭西印度公司(WIC)船上奴隸死亡率的報告各有不同，范圍在12%至19%之間。盡管這看起來與直覺相悖，但公眾輿論認(rèn)為船上奴隸數(shù)量的增加并不意味著更高的死亡率。然而，航程的延長似乎與更高的死亡率相關(guān)，主要是因為旅途結(jié)束時食物短缺。根據(jù)Postma的研究結(jié)果，可以在表1.46中找到有關(guān)船舶、死亡人數(shù)和死亡率的完整概述。

平均死亡率為16%，高于荷蘭或東印度公司（荷蘭語：Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie，VOC）船上自由水手的死亡率。據(jù)計算，1620年至1780年抵達(dá)亞洲的船員死亡率在6.2%至16.8%之間，平均為10.3%。但必須記住，VOC的航程通常是WIC航程的三倍長，因此可以說奴隸的每月死亡率更高。

根據(jù)多位作者的說法，包括Emmer和Postma，在不經(jīng)驗豐富的販奴商的存在下，這種相對較高的死亡率部分歸因于販奴商的不經(jīng)驗。與龐大但無能的船員相比，更傾向于較小但經(jīng)驗豐富的組員意味著要提高水手的工資，以吸引更優(yōu)秀和經(jīng)驗豐富的勞動力。此外，Muller和Haaf還建議篩選候選水手的整體健康狀況和動力，使用對貧困、單一飲食更習(xí)慣的孤兒，甚至使用舊的VOC船只，在啟程前逐漸使未來的水手們適應(yīng)船上的環(huán)境。理論上講，這些預(yù)防措施也可以用于奴隸身上。如上所述，篩選潛在奴隸的措施確實存在，但其他措施，如讓他們逐漸適應(yīng)航海生活，可能需要耗費太多時間來實施。

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It is interesting to examine the possible causes of death of slaves on board WIC ships,

alongside presenting and interpreting harsh, matter-of-fact mortality figures. These

causes of death include diseases that are very typical for sailors, such as dysentery, but

also indigenous diseases that the slaves or crew brought on board. Postma collected

records of death causes among slaves from 42 different voyages. A summary of these

records can be found in Table 1.49

The accuracy of this list should be examined critically. When it came to infectious diseases, ship surgeons in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were ignorant at best and

thoroughly misinformed at worst. They had been trained to deal with trauma, such as

ulcers, amputations and wounds, and much less with vague symptoms such as lethargy,

diarrhoea and fever, and they often did more harm than good. In fact, Gallandat criticised

the ignorance amongst Dutch surgeons, lamenting the disinterest his peers showed in the

publications of physicians such as Salomon de Monchy.50

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

研究荷蘭印度公司船上奴隸死因的可能原因很有趣，同時呈現(xiàn)和解釋嚴(yán)酷、事實性的死亡數(shù)字。這些死因包括對海員而言非常典型的病癥，如痢疾，還包括奴隸或船員帶上船的本土疾病。Postma收集了42次不同航程中奴隸死因的記錄。這些記錄的摘要可以在表1.49中找到。

這個列表的準(zhǔn)確性應(yīng)該進(jìn)行批判性檢查。在17世紀(jì)和18世紀(jì)，船上的外科醫(yī)生對于傳染病來說，最好的情況是無知，最糟的情況是完全誤導(dǎo)。他們接受的培訓(xùn)是處理創(chuàng)傷，如潰瘍、截肢和傷口，對于諸如昏睡、腹瀉和發(fā)熱等模糊的癥狀，他們的了解要少得多，他們往往弊多于利。事實上，Gallandat批評了荷蘭外科醫(yī)生的無知，他哀嘆同行對于像Salomon de Monchy這樣的醫(yī)生的著作缺乏興趣。

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Regardless of Gallandat’s criticism, there is no doubt that dysentery (loop or rode

loop), a type of gastroenteritis characterised by the occurrence of diarrhoea, which

could be mixed with blood, was an important cause of death among slaves. Despite

attempts to separate sick slaves from healthy ones, dysentery had a tendency to spread

quickly. This, of course, affected both slaves and crew, resulting in 1,200 deaths in 42

journeys. Figure 4 shows an excerpt from the journal of Petrus Couperus, surgeon on

board the slaving ship Eenigheyt, who diagnosed a slave with buikloop (diarrhoea).51The above-mentioned percentage of Postma connects with the database of https://

www.slavevoyages.org in Table 2. The average percentage of slaves embarked who

died, so the overall death rate, during voyages was 12.2%.52

Couperus left behind a list of recipes to treat several diseases, not only

dysentery, based on reports about the type of sickness of the crew and of slaves. His

list included 27 recipes for the crew and 14 for slaves. Schoute’s article includes some

of these recipes, used in an unsuccessful attempt to save the live of the slave who had

turned ill. He prescribed a vometyf (purging medication), the ipecacuanha plant. Next,

he prescribed laxation medication, using recipe 20: a mix of rhubarb and nutmeg.

These recipes did not stop the diarrhoea, and Couperus prescribed a conditium (a

syrup), consisting of rosehip, fragastorius (an opiate), copaivae balm, deer antlers,

snake blood, laudanum and peppermint oil. Initially, the treatment had an effect – the

diarrhoea stopped. When the symptoms returned, Couperus prescribed a mix of poppy

syrup, lobster eyes, snake blood and laudanum – to no avail, as the patient did not

survive. To a modern physician, this comes as no surprise, as none of these remedies targeted the cause of the disease – the microbial infection of the intestines. In the eighteenth

century, it was not known what caused the disease and surgeons simply tried to fight the

symptoms, which severely diminished the probability of survival.53

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

盡管加蘭達(dá)特的批評，毫無疑問，痢疾（環(huán)狀或回環(huán)狀），一種以腹瀉發(fā)作為特征的胃腸炎，其可與血混合，是奴隸死亡的重要原因之一。盡管試圖將病人與健康的奴隸分離，但痢疾往往會迅速傳播。這當(dāng)然影響到奴隸和船員，導(dǎo)致42次航程中有1200人死亡。圖4展示了奴隸船Eenigheyt上的外科醫(yī)生彼得鮑爾斯的日記摘錄，他診斷了一個患有腹瀉（buikloop）的奴隸。51前面提到的Postma的百分比與https://www.slavevoyages.org的數(shù)據(jù)庫在表2中連接起來。登船的奴隸的平均死亡率，即整體死亡率，為12.2%。52

鮑爾斯留下了一份治療幾種疾病的處方清單，不僅包括痢疾，還包括船員和奴隸的疾病報告。他的清單包括27個用于船員的配方和14個用于奴隸的配方。舒特的文章包括其中一些配方，用于試圖挽救生病的奴隸的生命，但未成功。他開了一種催吐藥（ipecacuanha plant），即嘔吐劑。接下來，他開了一種通便藥，使用第20條配方：大黃和肉豆蔻的混合物。這些配方?jīng)]有停止腹瀉，鮑爾斯開了一種叫做conditium（一種糖漿），由玫瑰果、fragastorius（一種類鴉片劑）、copaivae藤膏、鹿角、蛇血、羅漢次和薄荷油組成。最初，治療有效，腹瀉停止了。當(dāng)癥狀復(fù)發(fā)時，鮑爾斯開了一種由罌粟糖漿、龍蝦眼、蛇血和羅漢次混合而成的藥物，但沒有效果，因為病人沒有幸存下來。對于現(xiàn)代醫(yī)生來說，這并不奇怪，因為這些療法都沒有針對疾病的原因——腸道的微生物感染。在18世紀(jì)，人們并不知道這種疾病的原因，外科醫(yī)生只是盡力抗擊癥狀，這嚴(yán)重降低了存活的可能性。53

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When the cause of a disease was known, however, the surgeons did move from a

symptomatic to a curative treatment, indicating that they were not fixated on the symptoms alone. For example, as a lack of fruits such as limes and lemons was thought to

be at least one cause of scurvy, these were used to prevent and cure the notorious nautical

disease.

Besides well-known ‘nautical’ diseases such as diarrhoea and scurvy, the slaves also

suffered from diseases indigenous to the African continent and therefore completely

unknown to the European slavers. For these indigenous diseases, Gallandat recommended that surgeons turned to indigenous cures, stating that he recognised the merit

of African medicine and that the Dutch owed it to the ‘illiterate and barbarian gentiles’

to apply the medical knowledge.

Two examples of these indigenous maladies will be discussed here: the Guinea worm,

and a disease known as koortskoek. As the name implies, the Guinea worm is a parasite –

Dranunculus medinesis, a roundworm that can grow up to 80 cm in length.54 It posed a

problem for the slavers both on board the slaving ships and in the colonies themselves.

Larvae of the parasite could be found in fresh water taken from the western coast of

Africa, from which the worm derives its name. After ingestion, the larvae of the

Guinea worm make their way through the intestine wall and mature into adult worms.

Male worms die in the host, while female worms migrate to subcutaneous tissue. At

the end of their life cycle, Guinea worms cause a blister on the skin, and eventually

emerge from the skin to get back to the water. Symptoms of an infection with these parasites include severe muscle pains and a blister on the skin of the lower extremities,followed by the eruption of the worm through the skin. The only treatment is removal of

the worm, when found.55

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

當(dāng)疾病的原因被發(fā)現(xiàn)后，外科醫(yī)生開始從癥狀性治療轉(zhuǎn)向治愈性治療，這表明他們并不僅僅專注于癥狀。例如，由于認(rèn)為缺乏水果，如酸橙和檸檬，是壞血病的原因之一，因此使用這些水果來預(yù)防和治愈這種臭名昭著的航海病。

除了眾所周知的“航?！奔膊?，如腹瀉和壞血病，奴隸們還患有非洲大陸特有的、對于歐洲奴隸主來說完全未知的疾病。對于這些土著病癥，加蘭達(dá)建議外科醫(yī)生求助于土著療法，并表示他認(rèn)識到非洲醫(yī)學(xué)的價值，并且荷蘭人應(yīng)該將這一醫(yī)學(xué)知識應(yīng)用于“文盲和野蠻的外邦人”。

這里將討論兩個例子：幾內(nèi)亞蠕蟲和一種名為“koortskoek”的疾病。正如名稱所示，幾內(nèi)亞蠕蟲是一種寄生蟲——幾內(nèi)亞蠕蟲屬，一種可以長到80厘米長的圓線蟲。它不僅給奴隸船上帶來問題，也給殖民地帶來問題。寄生蟲的幼蟲可以在從非洲西海岸獲取的淡水中發(fā)現(xiàn)，因此該寄生蟲得名。攝入寄生蟲幼蟲后，它們會穿過腸壁并發(fā)育成成蟲。雄性蟲在寄主體內(nèi)死亡，而雌性蟲則遷移到皮下組織。在它們的生命周期結(jié)束時，幾內(nèi)亞蠕蟲會在皮膚上形成一個水泡，最終從皮膚中出來返回水中。感染這些寄生蟲的癥狀包括嚴(yán)重的肌肉疼痛和下肢皮膚上的水泡，隨后寄生蟲從皮膚中鉆出。唯一的治療方法是將發(fā)現(xiàn)的寄生蟲進(jìn)行摘除。55

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ith different descriptions of the symptoms. Often it is described as periodic fever,

jaundice, fatigue and a hardened and enlarged spleen. This is a combination of symptoms that is very reminiscent of the disease we now call malaria, which is indigenous to

Africa. However, it has also been described by European colonists in the Western

Colonies. In this case, the main symptoms were hardening of the liver and jaundice.

It could very well be that these descriptions are actually descriptions of two different

diseases, namely malaria and liver cirrhosis – as life in the colonies was not always the

prime example of the allegedly sober Reformed lifestyle.56 Similar to the treatment of

dysentery, the treatment of koortskoek only focused on the fevers, not the underlying

cause. Couperus treated a febrile slave with a laxantium and a so-called pulvis antefebrilis: a mixture of lobster eyes, corallum rubum, burned deer horn, antimonium, saltpetre, saffron and nutmeg oil. It is unknown whether this slave suffered from

koortskoek or another disease, but the treatment did not work – the slave did not

survive.57

Overall, medical care for slaves on board was fairly acceptable when one considers

the (lack of) knowledge about causes and cures of diseases, although Gallandat stated

that part of this ignorance could be attributed to the unwillingness of surgeons to

consult updated literature. As discussed above, several preventive measures were

taken to prevent slaves from falling ill. In addition to these preventive measures, surgeons were instructed to visit the slaves every day to assess their health and administer treatment if necessary. If there was no surgeon on board, this responsibility

fell to the captain.

From the journal of Couperus, we can infer that there were 27 different recipes available for the crew and 14 for the slaves, although Couperus used all recipes for the slaves.

It is unknown whether other surgeons did this as well, but at least Couperus did what he

could when treating slaves. He did not cure all of them, but often he was simply too ignorant of the diseases that he dealt with. As discussed above, this does not mean that he cared

for the slaves or felt sympathy for them. It simply means that he was doing his job. The

WIC needed the slaves healthy and alive when they set foot on the coast of Brazil,

Suriname, Guyana or the Dutch Antilles, so that they could see a return on their initial

investment.

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

不同描述的癥狀有所不同。通常被描述為周期性發(fā)燒、黃疸、疲勞和脾臟增大和硬化。這些癥狀組合非常類似于我們現(xiàn)在所稱的瘧疾，這種疾病起源于非洲。然而，它也被歐洲殖民者在西方殖民地中描述過。在這種情況下，主要癥狀是肝硬化和黃疸。很可能這些描述實際上是對兩種不同疾病的描述，即瘧疾和肝硬化 - 因為在殖民地生活并不總是那種所謂冷靜的改革生活方式的典范。治療瘧疾只關(guān)注發(fā)熱，不關(guān)注潛在原因，與治療痢疾類似。Couperus用瀉劑和所謂的抗熱粉治療一個發(fā)熱的奴隸，該抗熱粉的成分包括龍蝦眼睛、紅珊瑚、燒制鹿角、銻、硝石、藏紅花和肉豆蔻油。目前還不知道這個奴隸是否患有瘧疾或其他疾病，但治療并沒有奏效 - 奴隸沒有存活下來?？傮w而言，在考慮到對疾病原因和治療缺乏了解的情況下，船上對奴隸的醫(yī)療護(hù)理是相當(dāng)可接受的，盡管Gallandat表示，這種無知的一部分可以歸因于外科醫(yī)生不愿查閱更新的文獻(xiàn)。如上所述，采取了一些預(yù)防措施來防止奴隸生病。除了這些預(yù)防措施外，外科醫(yī)生還被指示每天去看望奴隸，評估他們的健康狀況并在必要時提供治療。如果船上沒有外科醫(yī)生，這一責(zé)任則落到船長身上。根據(jù)Couperus的日記，我們可以推斷出船員有27種不同的配方可用，奴隸有14種，盡管Couperus把所有配方都用于奴隸。目前還不知道其他外科醫(yī)生是否也這樣做，但至少Couperus在治療奴隸時盡了自己的努力。他不能治愈所有人，但通常他對自己所處理的疾病過于無知。如上所述，這并不意味著他關(guān)心奴隸或?qū)λ麄儽硎就椤＿@只是意味著他在盡他的職責(zé)。WIC希望奴隸在抵達(dá)巴西海岸、蘇里南、圭亞那或荷蘭安的列斯群島時健康活著，以便他們能從最初的投資中獲得回報。