Daily Translation #14
反思巴以沖突:名為“安全”的霸權(quán) VS 真正的正義
以色列對加沙浸信會醫(yī)院的轟炸使得數(shù)百名無辜的巴勒斯坦群眾遇難,這可能是巴以在加沙戰(zhàn)爭中的轉(zhuǎn)折點(diǎn)。10月17日的這場襲擊立即引發(fā)了巴勒斯坦和中東國家的大規(guī)??棺h,迫使埃及,約旦和巴勒斯坦領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人取消了之后與美國總統(tǒng)拜登的會晤。
不只是這家醫(yī)院,在同一天還有一所聯(lián)合國運(yùn)營的學(xué)校也遭到了轟炸,造成至少六人遇難。這些悲劇突顯著以色列以“自衛(wèi)”為借口對加沙發(fā)動(dòng)種族滅絕戰(zhàn)爭所產(chǎn)生的人道主義后果。同時(shí)也反映著以色列長久以來,借助強(qiáng)大的軍事力量和無差別的軍事行動(dòng),以巴勒斯坦人的生命為代價(jià)來實(shí)現(xiàn)其安全的最大化。
以色列試圖通過譴責(zé)巴勒斯坦發(fā)動(dòng)了對醫(yī)院的襲擊來混淆事實(shí),這與它們刺殺半島電視臺女記者希琳·阿布·阿克利赫后的所作所為如出一轍。
人們?nèi)菀酌允г诨靵y,死亡和毀滅的慘劇中,忘記如何以及為什么陷入了如此瘋狂的局勢。無論是清醒的長者還是困惑的年輕人都很難在持續(xù)的流血事件和無盡的互相指責(zé)中找尋意義。他們想知道在十幾次戰(zhàn)爭后,無數(shù)的和平倡議和富有“創(chuàng)造性”的方案都未能解決的情況下,究竟是否有辦法能為這場遷延已久的人間慘劇帶來終結(jié)。
這就是在這動(dòng)蕩時(shí)局中聚焦推動(dòng)和激化對抗的主要矛盾如此重要的原因。這一矛盾就是以色列所聲稱的“安全”需求和巴勒斯坦人依照國際法維護(hù)權(quán)利的需求之間的矛盾。
這個(gè)主要矛盾歷經(jīng)數(shù)年已經(jīng)演變?yōu)榱艘粓隽愫蜖幎?,即以色列以犧牲巴勒斯坦人的正義為代價(jià)來實(shí)現(xiàn)所謂的“安全”最大化。
自始至終,以色列對其安全的定義過于寬泛,并在軍事和非軍事方面侵犯巴勒斯坦人的基本權(quán)利與自由。
以色列的政權(quán)建立在恐怖與暴力之上,這個(gè)小小的殖民實(shí)體制定了一套令人生畏的安全原則來匹配其對威脅的高度感知,無論虛實(shí)。在它眼中,這些威脅可能來自于對外部世界的懷疑,與敵對地區(qū)的沖突,乃至原住民的反抗。
最開始,以色列專注于對戰(zhàn)爭的追求和不懈準(zhǔn)備,即使沒有備戰(zhàn)的必要,它也會為自己的行為開脫。首先,以色列追求軍事優(yōu)勢,戰(zhàn)略先行權(quán)和核威懾,目的是補(bǔ)償其戰(zhàn)略縱深和較小的人口規(guī)模,確保能夠在每一場戰(zhàn)爭中取得勝利,它堅(jiān)信任何失敗都意味著徹底毀滅。
以色列堅(jiān)持侵略性軍事教條,使其在1948年,1956年,1967年的三場戰(zhàn)爭中均取得勝利,導(dǎo)致巴勒斯坦地區(qū)永久地落入以色列之手,巴勒斯坦人長期受到以色列的軍事管制。這些均是以色列打著“維護(hù)國家安全”的旗號所采取的措施。
以色列不斷違反國際法,使巴勒斯坦人民遭受不公。在1948年巴勒斯坦大災(zāi)難后,以色列為了維護(hù)其“安全”公然違背聯(lián)合國第194號決議,阻止上百萬巴勒斯坦難民以及他們的后代重返家園。它還侵占巴勒斯坦的土地以安置猶太移民,使猶太人成為該地區(qū)的主要人口。
同樣,在1967年的戰(zhàn)爭后,以色列奪走了巴勒斯坦大量的土地來安置成千上萬的猶太人。這些猶太人的非法入住為以色列變本加厲地進(jìn)行軍事部署提供了契機(jī),也使得聯(lián)合國安理會要求以色列撤軍的決議變?yōu)榱丝照劇?/span>
即使在1993年巴以達(dá)成了“歷史性的和平協(xié)定”后,以色列仍不斷通過猶太移民來侵占巴勒斯坦人的土地。如今的猶太非法定居者已經(jīng)達(dá)到了70萬人。
以色列肯定還要保護(hù)人民安全,大規(guī)模擴(kuò)大國家安全保障。當(dāng)然,代價(jià)是巴勒斯坦人的生命,土地,尊嚴(yán)和福祉。
為了保護(hù)非法定居點(diǎn),以色列把巴勒斯坦人的領(lǐng)土分割為202個(gè)分散的碎片化區(qū)域,實(shí)行種族隔離制度,對巴勒斯坦人的就業(yè),醫(yī)療和教育進(jìn)行限制。
像其他殖民勢力一樣,以色列在意識形態(tài)領(lǐng)域的安全建設(shè)的危險(xiǎn)程度不亞于在軍事教條方面的戰(zhàn)略手段。在它的理念中,安全高于一切,是一切的理由也是一切的借口,也能夠緘默一切批評與反對的聲音。
安全也是一切的答案:為什么建在這里——為了安全;為什么不斷侵占土地——為了安全;為什么擴(kuò)張猶太定居點(diǎn)——為了安全;為什么屠戮巴勒斯坦人——為了安全;為什么既不全面開戰(zhàn)也不坐下和談——為了安全。
確實(shí),安全是以色列的意識形態(tài),也是猶太復(fù)國主義對其殖民現(xiàn)實(shí)的回答。以色列口中所謂的安全,就是巴勒斯坦人眼中的霸權(quán)。如此一來,安全就超越了政策,軍事,情報(bào),監(jiān)視,成為了包羅萬象的霸權(quán)主義,甚至含有種族主義的概念,包括人口,移民,定居,土地侵占以及神學(xué),考古,教化和宣傳。
這些要素成為以色列軍事,威懾,預(yù)防和先制的必要補(bǔ)充部分。
但以色列對巴勒斯坦人為自由的斗爭所采取的強(qiáng)硬反制措施總是不能打消巴勒斯坦人反抗的念頭。正如這個(gè)月我們在加沙的所見,巴勒斯坦人所遭受的苦難使得他們更加絕望與憤怒,進(jìn)而導(dǎo)致報(bào)復(fù)的循環(huán)。
2005年以色列從加沙外圍遷走了數(shù)千非法定居者并部署了軍隊(duì),自那時(shí)起以色列就開始對加沙展開包圍,對人口密集地帶進(jìn)行非正義非人道的封鎖,使得超過230萬的巴勒斯坦人過著更加難以忍受的生活,而其中大部分的人是從南部逃過來的難民,他們的家園被以色列所霸占。
十八年,五場戰(zhàn)爭,上萬名傷亡人員,作為對哈馬斯10月7日襲擊事件的報(bào)復(fù),以色列又開始對不幸的巴勒斯坦人進(jìn)行轟炸,并準(zhǔn)備對加沙進(jìn)行全面入侵,給當(dāng)?shù)鼐用駧黼y以估量的損失。
以色列專橫地堅(jiān)持保護(hù)本國公民,但否定巴勒斯坦人在軍事占領(lǐng)和圍攻的情況下保衛(wèi)自己人民的權(quán)利。這一做法長期以來都適得其反,而這個(gè)月的反抗則尤為顯著。
以色列安全和不可戰(zhàn)勝的神話這一次被徹底打破。如今應(yīng)當(dāng)通過正義的和平實(shí)現(xiàn)安全,而非通過血淋淋的安全來實(shí)現(xiàn)和平。
這應(yīng)當(dāng)是自詡為話事人的美國總統(tǒng)拜登此次訪問以色列所要傳遞的信息,而不是挑唆以色列對加沙進(jìn)行種族滅絕。
正如我的兄弟,資深學(xué)者阿茲米·比沙拉在他的新書《巴勒斯坦:真理與正義》中說的那樣,這場沖突的核心不是需要?jiǎng)?chuàng)造力破解的困境,而是一場急需正義的悲劇。
任何正直的調(diào)停人都需要找到并維持巴以間的平衡,并以終結(jié)以色列的土地侵占和主導(dǎo)這場沖突的殖民思維為開始。
這并不是兩面主義和“那又怎么說”主義,這是對這片土地上真實(shí)發(fā)生的歷史動(dòng)態(tài)的常規(guī)認(rèn)識以及清醒解讀。
Original Article:
Rethinking Palestine-Israel: Hegemonic security vs true justice
The Israeli bombing of the Baptist hospital in Gaza killing hundreds of innocent Palestinians may have been a turning point in the war on Gaza. The October 17 attack led instantly to mass protests throughout Palestine and the Middle East and forced the Egyptian, Jordanian and Palestinian leaders to cancel a summit meeting the following day with US President Biden.
The deadly bombing of the hospital was preceded by bombardment of a UN-run school on the same day, in which at least six people were killed. These tragedies have highlighted the humanitarian consequences of Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza, waged under the pretext of “self-defence”. Which mirrors its long history of pursuing maximum security at the expense of Palestinian lives, through disproportionate and indiscriminate use of military force.
Israel has tried to muddy the waters as it did after the assassination of Shireen Abu Akleh, by blaming the Palestinians for the hospital bombing.
It is easy to get lost in the midst of mayhem, death and destruction and forget how and why we have arrived at such madness. Disenchanted old-timers, like the baffled newcomers, find it ever more challenging to make sense of the perpetual bloodshed and the endless recriminations, and wonder if there is ever a solution to this protracted and tragic conflict, after dozen wars, countless peace initiatives and innumerable “creative” solutions failed to resolve the conflict.
That is why it is paramount during these chaotic times to zero in on the main contradiction driving and inflaming the conflict, namely the clash between what Israel claims is its “security” drive and what Palestinians demand as their rights under international law.
This primary contradiction has evolved over the years into a zero-sum conflict, as Israel has pursued maximum “security” at the expense of justice for the Palestinians.
Since its inception, Israel has defined its security all too broadly, in both military and nonmilitary terms that undermine basic Palestinian rights and freedom. After its establishment through terror and violence, the tiny colonial entity developed a formidable security doctrine that matches its heightened perception of threats – real and imagined – from a cynical world, a hostile region, and a defiant indigenous population.
From the outset, Israel focused on the relentless preparation for and pursuit of war; even when its state of affairs did not require it, its state of mind justified it. First and foremost, Israel pursued military superiority, strategic preemption and nuclear deterrence, to compensate for its strategic depth and small population, and to ensure the country does not lose a single war, believing any such loss would mean total annihilation.
Armed with an aggressive military doctrine, Israel went on to win three wars in 1948, 1956 and 1967, resulting in its permanent control of all of historic Palestine, including a perpetual military occupation of millions of Palestinians, all under the pretext of preserving its security.
Israel has perpetuated injustices against the Palestinians, incessantly breaking international law. After the Nakba of 1948, Israeli “security” has meant preventing millions of Palestinian refugees and their descendants from returning to their homes and homeland in contravention to UN Resolution 194. It also led to the confiscation of their land in order to settle new Jewish immigrants and ensure Jewish demographic majority.
Likewise, after the 1967 war and the subsequent occupation, Israel confiscated Palestinian lands to settle hundreds of thousands of Jewish settlers, whose illegal presence became a justification for a greater, more repressive Israeli military deployment, rendering Israeli withdrawal in line with United Nations Security Council resolutions ever more improbable.
Even after Israel reached “historic peace accords” with the Palestinians in 1993, it continued to settle Jewish immigrants onto occupied Palestinian land, with the population of illegal Jewish settlers reaching 700,000 today.
It has had to massively expand its national security provision to include the security of these settlements. This, of course, was done at the direct expense of Palestinian life, land, dignity and well-being.
To safeguard its illegal settlements, Israel has also carved up and fragmented the Palestinian territories into 202 separate cantons, erecting a system of apartheid, and diminishing the Palestinians’ access to employment, health and education.
Like other settler colonial powers, Israel’s ideological approach to security has been no less dangerous than its strategic approach to its military doctrine. Security became the magic word that trumps all others; it explains all and justifies all. Its mention silences any criticism or dissent.
It is the answer to every question: why build here not there – security; why sustain the occupation – security; why expand the Jewish settlements – security; why carry out the bloodshed – security; why maintain a state of no war or peace – security.
Indeed, security emerged as the state ideology; it is Zionism’s answer to its colonial reality. It is no coincidence that what Israel calls security, the Palestinians call hegemony. In that way, security went beyond police, military, intelligence and surveillance, to an all-encompassing hegemonic, even racist concept covering demography, immigration, settlement, land confiscation, as well as, theology, archaeology, indoctrination and propaganda.
These became the essential and complimentary ingredients to Israeli military power, deterrence, prevention and preemption.
But Israel’s disproportionality in response to the Palestinian struggle for freedom has always failed to deter Palestinian resistance. The suffering of the Palestinian people has produced greater frustration and anger, leading to cycles of retaliations, as we’ve seen this month in Gaza.
Since it withdrew its several thousand illegal settlers and redeployed its forces outside the Gaza in 2005, Israel has laid siege, an unjust and inhumane blockade to the densely populated strip, making life ever more unbearable for its over 2.3 million Palestinians, most of whom are refugees from the southern part of what today is Israel.
Eighteen years, five wars, and tens of thousands of casualties later, Israel is back to bombing the ill-fated Palestinian territory, in retaliation for Hamas’s October 7 attack on its soldiers and civilians, and is preparing for a full land invasion of Gaza with incalculable cost to its residents. Israel’s insistence on the exclusive right to defend its citizens, while denying the Palestinians the right to protect their own civilians under military occupation and siege, has long backfired. This month, it backfired spectacularly.
The myth of Israel’s security and invincibility has been shattered once and for all. It is high time to pursue security through just peace, instead of pursuing peace through bloody security.
This is the reality the new self-appointed sheriff in town, Joe Biden, must address during his visit to the region, instead of egging Israel on as in its genocidal war in Gaza.
As my brother, seasoned scholar Azmi Bishara, argued in his recent book, Palestine: Matters of Truth and Justice, at the heart of the conflict lies not a dilemma in need of creativity, but rather a tragedy in dire need of justice.
Any decent mediator will have to find and maintain the balance between the two, starting with putting an end to Israel’s occupation and the colonial mindset that governed the conflict.
It’s not bothsidesism and it’s not whataboutism, it’s common sense and sober reading of the historical dynamic that governed the reality in the land.
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原網(wǎng)址:
https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2023/10/18/rethinking-palestine-israel-hegemonic-security-vs-true-justice