UNIT11 The Women's Liberation Movement in America 美國的婦女解放運動

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自20世紀60年代以來，美國婦女權(quán)利的進步代表了我們這個時代最偉大的和平群眾運動之一，不僅在美國，而且現(xiàn)在遍及全世界。 The advance in women's rights in America from the 1960s onwards represents one of the greatest peaceful mass movements of our time, not only in America but now throughout the world. 在美國，唯一能與之媲美的進步是民權(quán)運動，婦女運動從一開始就與民權(quán)運動密不可分。 ?The only other comparable advance in the United States has been that of the Civil Rights movement, with which, from its beginning, the women's movement was inextricably entwined.

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美國第一波女權(quán)運動

大多數(shù)人認為婦女解放運動始于20世紀60年代初。 ?

The First Wave of the American Women's Movement

Most people consider that Women's Liberation began as a movement in the early 1960s. 事實并非如此。 ?This is not so. 改變婦女地位的第一次運動來自于1848年在紐約州北部塞內(nèi)卡瀑布的衛(wèi)斯理教堂舉行的一次小型會議，該會議被稱為“考慮婦女的社會、公民和宗教狀況和權(quán)利”。 ?The first pressure to change the status of women arose from a small meeting called to consider the "social, civil, and religious condition and rights of women" which assembled at the Wesleyan Chapel in Seneca Falls in upstate New York in 1848. 會議上唯一的發(fā)言人是盧克麗霞·莫特，她已經(jīng)是一位經(jīng)驗豐富的反奴隸制活動家。 ?The only advertised speaker at the meeting was Lucretia Mott', who was already an experienced anti-slavery campaigner. 然而，這次會議背后的推動力量是伊麗莎白·卡迪·斯坦頓。 ?The impelling force behind the conference, however, was Elizabeth Cady Stanton'. 八年前，她和莫特在倫敦舉行的世界反奴隸制大會上第一次見面。 ?She and Mott had first met eight years earlier in London, at the World's Anti-Slavery Convention. 在那里，他們對僅僅因為女性代表的性別而被排除在大會之外感到震驚。 ?There they were shocked by the exclusion from the convention of the female delegates, solely on the basis of their sex. 斯坦頓后來寫道，在倫敦的改革者集會上，這種對婦女的歧視“刺痛了許多婦女，使她們產(chǎn)生了新的思想和行動”。 ?Later Stanton wrote that this discrimination against women at the London gathering of reformers "sting many women into new thought and action." 美國的婦女，尤其是廢奴主義者，并沒有忽視白人男性用來維持奴隸制制度的許多論點，因為這些觀點也適用于讓婦女保持自己的（低下）地位。 ?It had not been lost on the women in America, and particularly not on the abolitionists, that many of the arguments used by white men to maintain the institution of slavery also applied to keeping women in their place. 和婦女一樣，黑人也被描述為低人一等，因此需要被控制; ?Like women, Negroes were also described as inferior, and therefore needing mastery; 和女人一樣，黑人也常被描述為幼稚，因此需要控制。 ?like women, Negroes were often described as childlike, and therefore needing control. 和婦女一樣，黑人也被認為沒有智慧，因此不能信任他們?nèi)ネ镀被驅(qū)彩聞兆鞒雠袛唷??And like women, Negroes were regarded as without intelligence, and therefore not to be trusted to vote or to exercise judgment in public affairs. 這些論點甚至斷言，由于黑人和婦女基本上都是沒有思想的，因此是劣等生物，因此他們在主人的統(tǒng)治下實際上更快樂。 ?These arguments even went so far as to assert that, as both Negroes and women were basically unthinking and thus inferior creatures, they were actually happier under the domination of masters.考慮到那個時代的性質(zhì)，這次在塞內(nèi)卡瀑布舉行的小型集會很可能不會引起人們的注意，除非有一位大人物在場 ?It is possible, given the nature of the times, that this small gathering in Seneca Falls would have passed with little notice, except for the presence of one of the great

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那就是早期廢奴運動的倡導者，弗雷德里克·道格拉斯 early advocates of abolition, Frederick Douglass. 道格拉斯本人是黑人，出生在奴隸家庭，他自學了閱讀和寫作。 ?Himself a Negro and born into slavery, Douglass had taught himself to read and write. 他現(xiàn)在是廢奴主義周報《北極星》的編輯，也是婦女享有充分政治權(quán)利的捍衛(wèi)者。當斯坦頓起草并在大會上宣讀《塞內(nèi)卡瀑布宣言》(Seneca Falls Declaration)進行表決時，他堅決捍衛(wèi)了這份文件。 ?Now the editor of a weekly abolitionist paper, The North Star, and champion of full political rights for women, he stoutly defended a document drafted and read at the convention by Stanton, The Seneca Falls Declaration, when its passage came to a vote. 由于他慷慨激昂的辯護，《宣言》以微弱優(yōu)勢獲得通過，從而載入史冊。 ?Thanks to his impassioned defense, the Declaration was passed by a narrow margin— and thus entered into history.《塞內(nèi)卡瀑布宣言》現(xiàn)在被認為是19世紀美國婦女運動中最重要的文件。 ?The Seneca Falls Declaration is now regarded as the single most important document of the 19-century American woman's movement. 它以《獨立宣言》(Declaration of Independence)為藍本，標志著第一次呼吁在白人男性已經(jīng)享有的權(quán)利基礎上，賦予女性系統(tǒng)性的權(quán)利。 ?Using the Declaration of Independence as a model, it marks the first call for systematic rights for women along the lines of those already available to white men. 其條款要求對適用于婦女的法律進行程序性的改變，并因此為下個世紀婦女權(quán)利方面的所有后續(xù)進步制定了議程。 ?Its terms called for nothing less than a programmatic change in the laws applying to women and, as such, laid out the agenda for all succeeding agitation on the part of women's rights for the next century.?

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婦女生活狀況的全面改善

南北戰(zhàn)爭于1865年結(jié)束后，爭取婦女權(quán)利的積極分子發(fā)現(xiàn)她們所關心的問題仍然與廢除奴隸制密切相關。 ?

An Overall Improvement in the Conditions of Women's Lives

After the Civil War ended in 1865, the activists for women's rights found their concerns still closely bound up with the abolition of slavery. 19世紀60年代末，共和黨領導人拒絕在憲法重建修正案中明確納入保護婦女的條款，這導致了一個獨立的婦女選舉權(quán)組織的成立。 ?In the late 1860s the refusal of Republican Party leaders to include provisions explicitly protecting women in the Reconstruction amendments to the Constitution led to the founding of an independent women's suffrage organization. 在推動第十九修正案(該修正案于1920年最終賦予婦女投票權(quán))的最后階段，婦女選舉權(quán)的倡導者不得不不斷面對黑人(包括男性和女性)的投票權(quán)問題。 ?During the final push for the Nineteenth Amendment (which in 1920, finally granted women the right to vote), advocates of women's suffrage constantly had to confront the issue of voting rights for blacks — both men and women. 同樣，在女權(quán)主義重生的20世紀60年代，這兩個運動之間的聯(lián)系仍然錯綜復雜，不可避免。 ?So, also, in the 1960s, when feminism was reborn, the connection between the two movements remained intricate and inescapable.?起初，在20世紀60年代成為積極女權(quán)主義者的女性可能沒有意識到她們與黑人的共同追求。 ?At first, the women who became active feminists in the 1960s may not have realized their common cause with blacks. 她們的反抗是由婦女生活狀況的全面改善所引起的大量相互關聯(lián)的問題引發(fā)的。 ?Their revolt was sparked by a large number of interconnected issues arising from an overall improvement in the conditions of women's lives. 首先，在技術方面，工廠現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)接管了婦女的許多傳統(tǒng)任務。 ?First of all, in terms of technology, factories had now taken over many of the traditional tasks of women. 衣服不再由家庭制造。 ?Clothes were no longer made at home. 洗衣機、冰箱、電爐和真空吸塵器等省力設備讓家務不再那么煩人。 ?Labor-saving devices such as washing machines and refrigerators, electric stoves and vacuum cleaners made housework less of a chore. 購買耐用品現(xiàn)在可以通過郵購目錄來完成。 ?Shopping for durable goods could now be done by mail-order catalogue. 強制性的學校教育使年幼的孩子離開了家庭——傳統(tǒng)上，婦女要負責監(jiān)督他們的早期教育。 ?Mandatory schooling took young children out of the home —where traditionally women had overseen their early education. 非常方便的是 Such conveniences

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1932年，嬰兒食品第一次被制造出來，從而使婦女從耗時的準備特殊食物的家務中解脫出來。 as baby foods were manufactured for the first time in 1932, thus releasing women from?the time-consuming chore of preparing special meals. 所有這些進步消除了婦女作為準備家庭食物、衣服、清潔和識字的主要來源的傳統(tǒng)工作。 ?All these developments robbed?women of their traditional employment as the primary sources of household food,?clothing, cleanliness and literacy.第二，美國婦女的受教育程度越來越高。 ?10Secondly, American women were becoming more educated. 在19世紀上半葉，女性經(jīng)常被拒絕接受大學教育，到19世紀下半葉，一些著名的女子學院成立了，致力于以與男性相同的標準教育女性。 ?Having been routinely refused university education in the first half of the 19th century, by the second half of the century a number of prestigious women's colleges were founded, dedicated to educating women to the same standard as men. 到20世紀50年代，越來越多的中產(chǎn)階級和中上層階級的女性希望上大學。 ?By the 1950s, an increasing number of middle and upper-middle class women expected to attend college. 在職業(yè)培訓方面，在19世紀的大部分時間里，婦女被排除在醫(yī)學院和法學院之外。 ?In the case of professional training, for most of the 19th century women had been excluded from schools of medicine and law. 到20世紀50年代，當這些職業(yè)開始向有才華的女性開放時，它還有嚴格限制的配額。 ?By the 1950s, when the professions were beginning to open up to talented women, it was strictly on a limited quota basis. 至于更常規(guī)的工作，即使在20世紀30年代女性工作人數(shù)比以往任何時候都多，其中許多人是出于經(jīng)濟需要，但她們在結(jié)婚后往往會自動被排除在教學等職業(yè)之外。 ?As for more routine jobs, even when women were working in the 1930s in larger numbers than ever before, many through economic necessity, they were often automatically excluded from careers such as teaching when they married. 當時的假設是，這樣的專業(yè)工作應該留給家庭的“經(jīng)濟支柱”，當然，這個人應該是男性。The presumption was that such professional jobs should be set aside for the "breadwinner" of a family, who (of course) would have been?a man.?最后，自20世紀以來，白人中產(chǎn)階級女性的壽命更長了，生育的孩子更少了。 ??Finally, since the 1900s, white middle-class women were living longer and having?fewer children. 婦女的醫(yī)療保健，特別是分娩期間的醫(yī)療保健有了顯著改善。 ?Medical care for women, particularly during childbirth, had seen?significant improvements. 自20世紀20年代以來，生育控制一直是美國的一個公共話題。 ?Birth control had been a public issue in America since the?1920s. 隨著避孕藥的發(fā)明，這不再是一個問題，避孕藥在20世紀60年代初首次公開使用。 ?It ceased being an issue with the invention of the contraceptive pill, which first became publicly available in the early 1960s. 歷史上第一次，女性可以可靠地控制自己的生育能力。 ?For the first time in history, women had?reliable control over their fertility. 生兩個或一個孩子，現(xiàn)在被認為是現(xiàn)代女性負責任的公民反應，而不是像以前那樣被譴責為“自私”。 ?Having two children, or one, was now considered?the responsible civic response for modern women, rather than being condemned as?"selfish" and self-serving as before.然而，從某種意義上說，引發(fā)女權(quán)主義反抗的事件是20世紀50年代末這一代人的特殊經(jīng)歷。 ?The events that sparked the feminist revolt, however, were in some sense special to the generation of the late 1950s. 在美國歷史上，這些年輕女性是享有特權(quán)的一群人:?受過大學教育且結(jié)了婚 (通常是大學畢業(yè)后就結(jié)婚)，丈夫能養(yǎng)活她們做家庭婦女。 ?In the history of America, these young women were a privileged lot: university-educated and married (often right out of college) to men who expected to maintain them full-time at home. 他們的家很可能是郊區(qū)新開發(fā)的房子。 ?Home for them would have most probably been a house in the new developments called suburbs. 這些都是在大城市之外建造的衛(wèi)星區(qū)域，被稱為“花園城鎮(zhèn)”。 ?These were satellite areas constructed outside major cities as "garden towns." 盡管它們反映了一種田園式的理想，即坐落在綠色田野之間的幸福社區(qū)，但實際上，這些都是單調(diào)的廉價住宅，缺少公共設施。 ?Although they reflected a pastoral ideal of happy communities situated among green fields, in reality these were monotonous inexpensive housing developments without the usual facilities of schools,

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比如學校、商店或教堂:換句話說，這就是男人們每天去城市工作后回來睡覺的宿舍村，而且把他們的妻子拋棄在單調(diào)乏味的家務中?！?shops or churches: in other words, dormitory villages from which the men left for the city every day for work, abandoning their wives to the dreary routine of housework." 事實上，這些婦女不僅感到無聊，而且，一旦孩子上學，她們也會感到孤獨，而且有太多多余的時間。 ?In fact, these women were not only bored, but, once the children went to school, they were also lonely and had too much extra time on their hands.如果這些女性沒有受過高等教育，情況可能不會變得如此炸裂。 ?Perhaps the situation would not have become so explosive if these women had not been highly educated. 但是現(xiàn)在教育對他們有什么好處呢? ?But what good was their education to them now? 一個法國文學學位和打掃屋子有什么關系?一個化學學位和做晚飯有什么關系? ?What didd a degree in French literature have to do with keeping the house clean-or a degree in chemistry have to do with cooking supper? 此外，這些婦女的母親見過不同的世界。 ?Moreover, these women had mothers who had seen a different world. 在20世紀40年代，她們不得不在工廠里接替那些去打仗的男人留下的空缺工作。 ?During the 1940s, they had, of necessity, to take over the jobs in factories left vacant by men who went off to fight the war. 到處都是充滿活力、強壯的女性，在照片中，頭發(fā)扎在發(fā)帶里，鉚接坦克底盤，或者(更棒的是)年輕女飛行員爬進一架空軍飛機的駕駛艙(正如1943年7月《生活》雜志的封面所描繪的那樣)。 ?Public images of vibrant, strong women, hair tied up in headbands, riveting the chassis of a tank or (even better) of a young woman pilot climbing into the cockpit of an Air Force plane (as depicted on the cover of Life magazine in July, 1943) were everywhere. 現(xiàn)在，這些女人的女兒或妹妹被限制在幾平方英里的幾乎一模一樣的房子里，等待丈夫回家吃晚飯是重要時刻——這樣她們才可以享受成年人的陪伴。 ?Now the daughters or younger sisters of these very same women were confined to a few square miles of virtually identical houses, waiting for the big moment when their husbands came home for dinner — so they could enjoy adult company.事實上，這些女人開始在彼此身上找陪伴。 ?In fact, what happened was that these women began to find company in each other. 孩子們一上學，就聚在一起喝咖啡。 ?Once the children went off to school, they banded together to have coffee. 問問題。 ?And to ask questions. 為什么他們的大學教育被浪費了? ?How come their college education was being wasted? 為什么國家的法律規(guī)定工作只能由男性來做呢? ?Why should the law of the land dictate that jobs should go only to men? 為什么他們承受著生一個又一個孩子的壓力? ?Why were they under such pressure to have one child after another? 僅僅是因為他們沒有更好的事情可做嗎? ?Was it just because they had nothing better to do? 出生率大幅上升。 ?The birthrate had jumped. 到20世紀50年代末，已婚婦女平均生育3.58個孩子。 ?By the late 1950s, married women had on average3.58 children. 這一高峰被稱為“嬰兒潮”，標志著20世紀美國婦女的最高生育率。 ?Known as the "baby boom," this surge marked the highest fertility rate for American women in the 20th century. 當她們的丈夫把精力都投入到事業(yè)上時，女性為了擁有和維持一個幸福的大家庭而付出的代價沒有被計算在內(nèi)。 ?The price that women had to pay for having and maintaining large happy families while their husbands devoted their energies to a career had not been counted.一個女人點燃了保險絲。 ?One woman set the fuse alight. 她叫貝蒂·弗里丹，是一名記者。 ?Her name was Betty Friedan, a journalist. 當她的雜志派她去采訪一所著名女子學院的同學時，她對自己聽到的內(nèi)容感到震驚。 ?When she was sent out by her magazine to interview fellow classmates, graduates of a leading women's college, she was astonished at what she heard. 盡管擁有自己的房子和有一個全職工作的丈夫是相對奢侈的，盡管有大量節(jié)省勞動力的家用設備和良好教育的許多優(yōu)勢，這些婦女并不快樂。 ?Despite the relative luxury of owning their own homes and having a husband in full-time employment, despite a large amount of labor-saving devices and the many advantages of an excellent education, these women were unhappy. 他們知道自己沒有權(quán)利不快樂，這讓他們更不快樂。 ?And their unhappiness was compounded by the fact that they knew they had no right to be unhappy. 每個人都這么告訴她們。 ?Everyone told them so. ?Were not their lives

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她們不是比前幾代女性更安全，更繁榮了嗎? much more secure-and prosperous—than those of previous generations of women? 戰(zhàn)爭結(jié)束了。 ?The war was over. 男人們都回家了。 ?The men were home. 難道做一個全職的母親和妻子不是一個理想的職業(yè)嗎? ?And was not being a full-time mother and wife an ideal vocation? 畢竟，她們不必一大早就起床上班。 ?After all, they did not have to rise at dawn to commute to work. 她們沒有獨裁的老板，也沒有丑陋的辦公室政治需要應對。 ?They had no dictatorial boss or ugly office politics to deal with. 她們很安全，受到很好的照顧。 ?They were safe and well looked after. 真的是嗎? ?Or were they? 誰問過她們想從生活中得到什么? ?Who had asked them what they wanted out of life? 現(xiàn)在這個問題是禁忌話題嗎? ?Was this now a forbidden question??

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美國第二波女權(quán)運動

偉大的法國人，美國生活編年史學家亞歷克西斯·德·托克維爾在19世紀初指出，革命往往發(fā)生在情況好轉(zhuǎn)的時候。 ?

The Second Wave of the American Women's Movement

That great French chronicler of American life, Alexis de Tocqueville1, noted in the beginning of the 19th century that revolutions tend to occur just when things are getting better. 這些美國婦女也是如此。 ?And so it was with these American women. 從某種意義上說，她們從來沒有過這么好的日子。 ?In one sense, they had never had it so good. 但他們被一種不安、一種毫無意義、甚至絕望的感覺所困擾。 ?But they were haunted by a malaise, a sense of pointlessness, even despair. 因為這種感覺之前不存在，貝蒂·弗里丹就創(chuàng)造了一個。 ?Because there was no category for this feeling, Betty Friedan invented one. 在1963年出版的一本具有里程碑意義的書《女性的奧秘》中，她將其稱為“沒有名字的問題”。 ?In a landmark book, The Feminine Mystique, published in 1963, she called it "The Problen without a Name."?美國婦女運動的第二波浪潮由此開始。 ??Thus began the second wave of the American women's movement. 與19世紀40年代以來的第一波運動一樣，這場運動始于一群精英:能言善辯、受過教育、意志堅定的女性。 ?In common with the first wave, that of the 1840s onward, this movement began with an elite: that of articulate, educated, determined women. 當然，它一開始(在某種程度上，現(xiàn)在仍然如此)帶來了大量的混亂和內(nèi)部沖突。 ?And, of course, it involved at first (and to a certain extent, it still does) a great deal of confusion and internal conflict.家庭主婦的理想話生活很容易成為全國的共識。 ?The housewife ideal at least had the advantage of being a national consensus. 挑戰(zhàn)這種想法就是挑戰(zhàn)了男人和女人的既得利益。 ?To challenge it challenged the vested interests of both men and women. 此外，婦女本身也是混雜信息的接受者。 ?Furthermore, women themselves were the recipients of mixed messages. 許多人上的是著名的女子學院，在那里她們被告知要接受與男性平等的教育。 ?Many had gone to prestigious women's colleges where they were told they were getting an education equal to men. 然后，當她們畢業(yè)時，她們被告知，除了做妻子和母親之外，沒有其他工作適合她們——但這些畢竟是所有工作中最重要的(盡管地位低，沒有報酬)。 ?Then, when they graduated, they were told there were no jobs for them except being wives and mothers-but that these were, after all, the most important jobs of all (although of low status and not paid). 所以女性自己也很困惑。 ?So women themselves were pretty confused. 即使當她們反抗做全職家庭主婦時，她們也不愿稱自己為“女權(quán)主義者”。 ?Even when they rebelled at being full-time housewives, they hesitated to call themselves "feminists". 這牽涉到太多的利害關系。 ?Too much was at stake. 因為這是一種新的事物——它涉及到個人政治。 ?For this was a new kind of development - it involved personal politics. 在20世紀60年代，成為一名女權(quán)主義者不僅要進入意識形態(tài)的戰(zhàn)場，而且意味著在餐桌上發(fā)動戰(zhàn)爭，把爭論帶到臥室里。 ?To become a feminist in the 1960s was not only to enter an ideological battlefield, but it meant waging war over the dinner-table and bringing arguments into the bedroom.“由于這些原因，革命可能永遠不會發(fā)生，除非是因為美國社會中的兩個重要運作原則 ?"For these reasons, the revolution might never have happened except for two

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important operating principles of American society. 首先，美國社會通過一種有組織的沖突來運作，無論是在制度方面還是在意識形態(tài)的演變方面。” ?First of all, American society operates through a kind of organized conflict, both in terms of its institutions and its evolution of ideology." 作為一個民主國家，它相信變革是通過一種開放的思想市場來實現(xiàn)的，在這種競爭中，最好的論點將不可避免地占上風。 ?As a democracy, it believes that change comes about through a kind of open market of ideas, a competition in which the best arguments will inevitably prevail. 部分由于這個原因，美國社會沒有回避導致女權(quán)主義革命的意識形態(tài)沖突的戰(zhàn)爭。 ?Partly for this reason, American society did not shy away from the war of conflicting ideologies that ushered in the feminist revolution. 其次，美國社會致力于實現(xiàn)美國憲法所載的某些基本價值觀。 ?Secondly, American society is committed to certain founding values as enshrined in the US Constitution. 這些具體體現(xiàn)在“平等”和“自由”這兩個詞上。 ?These are crystallized in the words "equality" and "liberty". 如果任何人覺得他們的平等或自由受到侵犯，他們可以提起法律訴訟，援引管理這片土地的法律所規(guī)定的這些概念。 ?If anyone feels that their equality or freedom has been infringed, they may take a legal case invoking these concepts as set out in the laws governing the land. 這樣的案件，如果被認為是有效的，就會通過州上訴到聯(lián)邦法院，并最終上訴到最高法院，最高法院根據(jù)其對憲法的解釋發(fā)表最終和權(quán)威的意見。 ?Such a case, if deemed valid, would work its way up through the State to the Federal courts and ultimately to the Supreme Court, which delivers a final and authoritative opinion according to its interpretation of the Constitution.正是這樣一個案件激發(fā)了新興的女權(quán)主義運動，但(重要的是)這是一個涉及黑人權(quán)利的法律案件，而不是婦女的權(quán)利。 ?"It was such a case that galvanized the emerging feminist movement — but (significantly) it was a legal case involving the rights of Negroes, not of women. 1954年，在具有里程碑意義的布朗訴教育委員會案中，最高法院禁止了學校的種族隔離 ?In 1954, in the landmark decision of Brown versus the Board of Education, the Supreme Court banned the racial segregation of schools.?女權(quán)主義者再一次與爭取黑人平等的新運動找到了共同的追求。 ?Once again, the feminists found common cause with the new campaign for black equality. 雖然她們在爭取平等問題上的途徑非常不同，但住在新郊區(qū)中受過教育的白人婦女一旦制定了行動綱領，就會采用許多與新民權(quán)運動相同的策略來達到目的。 ?Although they had come to equality issues from very different routes, the educated white women of the new suburbs, once they had formulated a program of action, adopted many of the same strategies as the new civil rights movement in obtaining their ends. 從20世紀60年代開始，女權(quán)主義者學習偉大的黑人領袖馬丁·路德·金的策略，舉行和平示威和靜坐，向政治家寫信，組織投票活動。 ?From the 1960s onward, learning from the tactics of the great black leader, Martin Luther King, Jr., feminists held peaceful demonstrations and sit-ins, initiated letter campaigns to their politicians and organized voting drives. 最重要的是，他們試圖通過法庭系統(tǒng)地在法律上挑戰(zhàn)有關婦女的現(xiàn)行立法，以改變它。 ?Most importantly, they sought to change existing legislation regarding women by systematically challenging it legally, through the courts. 在這樣做時，它采用了全國有色人種協(xié)進會(NAACP)的和平與非暴力模式。 ?In doing so, it adopted the peaceful and non-violent model of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).為了仿效這個特別有效的組織，這些婦女在1966年也成立了她們自己的組織——全國婦女組織(NOW)。 ?In imitation of that singularly effective body, these women in 1966 also founded their own group, National Organization for Women (NOW)?. 雖然NOW的成員大多是白人已婚中產(chǎn)階級，但一個更年輕、更激進的女性群體在她們活躍的每個社區(qū)都創(chuàng)建了小型的“提高意識”團體。 ?While the membership of NOW was mostly white, married, and middle class, a younger and far more radical sector of women created small "consciousness-raising" groups in every community in which they were active. 這些團體試圖以一種新的意識形態(tài)將女性團結(jié)在一起，讓她們知道如何在傳統(tǒng)的性別角色之外重塑自己的生活。 ?These groups sought to bind women together in a new ideological vision of how their lives could be remade outside of traditional gender roles.

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這些年輕女性中的許多人也是白人中產(chǎn)階級家庭的產(chǎn)物，她們曾在南方積極組織民權(quán)運動。 Many of these young women, also the product of white, middle-class homes, had been active in organizing civil rights campaigns in the South. 由于他們明顯比現(xiàn)在的姐妹們更激進，所以經(jīng)常會有關于戰(zhàn)術和目標的爭論。 ?As they were notably more radical than their sisters in NOW, there were often arguments about tactics and goals. 但是，正如我們所看到的，這些爭論是美國社會變革的引擎。 ?But, as we have seen, such arguments are the engine of social change in America. 因此，在她們之間，婦女運動的這些不同分支帶來了對婦女在美國社會中的角色的態(tài)度的巨大變化。 ?Thus, between them, these different branches of the women's movement helped to bring about massive change in attitudes toward the role of women in American society.正如在塞內(nèi)卡瀑布的最初試探性開端一樣，一群能說善辯的精英發(fā)起了一場大眾運動，這場運動將永遠改變美國的性別格局。 ?Just as in the first tentative beginnings at Seneca Falls, an articulate elite had set in motion a popular mass movement that was to change the gender landscape of America forever. 當然，永遠是很長的一段時間。 ?Of course, forever is a very long time. 社會的進步，就像個人的發(fā)展一樣，從來不會以一條平滑的直線前進到終點。 ?And social progress, like personal development, never moves in one smooth linear advance to completion. 巨大的社會變革不可避免地會導致某種反應。 ?Massive social change leads, inevitably, to a reaction. 到20世紀70年代初，一項著名的調(diào)查顯示，在過去的70年里，女性就業(yè)的增加、參與女權(quán)主義活動——以及婚姻不穩(wěn)定(即分居和離婚)——的趨勢都趨于一致。 ?By the early 1970s, a reputable survey charts how, over the last 70 years, the rise in women's employment, involvement in feminist activity — and marital instability (that is separations and divorces)— all tended to converge. 換句話說，到了20世紀70年代，當大量自稱女權(quán)主義者的女性進入職場時，她們的婚姻卻在分崩離析。 ?In other words, by the 1970s, while large numbers of women who described themselves as feminists were now entering the workforce, their marriages were falling apart. 事實上，在此期間，三分之二的離婚訴訟實際上是由婦女提出的。 ?In fact, during this period two-thirds of divorce proceedings were actually initiated by women. 此外，就在勞動力參與率、女權(quán)主義活動參與度和婚姻不穩(wěn)定率(即離婚)趨同的時候，生育率急劇下降。 ?Furthermore, just at the time that the numbers for labor-force participation, involvement in feminist activity and marital instability rates (i.e., divorce) converged, the fertility rate dropped drastically. 這意味著，從20世紀70年代中期開始，美國女性生育的孩子數(shù)量達到了美國歷史上的最低水平:平均每個家庭只有兩個孩子。 ?What this means is that, starting around the mid1970s, American women produced the lowest number of children ever born in the history of their country: on average about two children per family.?

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對女權(quán)主義的抵制

顯然，那些對女權(quán)主義活動的價值持懷疑態(tài)度的人把女性工作、女權(quán)主義活動和婚姻不穩(wěn)定之間的聯(lián)系看作是因果關系。 ?

The Backlash Against Feminism?

Obviously those who had doubts about the value of feminist activity took this correlation between jobs for women, feminist activism, and marital instability as being causal. 根據(jù)這種解讀，美國離婚率的飆升(現(xiàn)在約占所有婚姻的一半)，加上出生率的下降，最終(引用當時的語言)只能以“社會自殺”告終。 ?According to this reading, the rocketing number of American divorces, now involving about half of all marriages, together with the falling birth rate, could only end (quoting the language of the time) in "social suicide." 根據(jù)越來越多的保守派的說法，女權(quán)主義者是罪魁禍首。 ?According to a growing numbers of conservatives, the feminists were to blame. 到1980年共和黨總統(tǒng)羅納德·里根當選時，對女權(quán)主義的強烈抵制正如火如荼地進行 ?By the time of the 1980 election of the Republican president, Ronald Reagan, the backlash against feminism was in full swing.??在里根和后來的總統(tǒng)競選活動中，這種強烈的抵制運動被正式命名為回歸“家庭價值觀”。 ?The backlash was officially acknowledged in the watchword of the Reagan and succeeding presidencies in campaigns for a return to "family values."

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在這種重申傳統(tǒng)習俗的嘗試中，過去幾十年來，福音派基督徒加強了這種反動力量。 In this attempt to reassert traditional mores, the forces of reaction have, over the last few decades, been reinforced by those of evangelical Christians. 宗教和政治力量的這種勾結(jié)對研究美國歷史的學生來說應該不足為奇 ?Such collusion of religious and political forces should come as no surprise to students of American history.??自新教異見者（清教徒）建立美國社會以來，美國社會一直認為自己擁有神圣的使命。 ?Since its founding by Protestant dissenters, American society has seen itself as having a divine mandate. 它相信自己有一個使命，這個使命就是見證基督教的價值觀。 ?It believed itself to have a mission, that mission being to bear witness to values identified with Christianity. 這種基督教的這種分支，現(xiàn)在影響了美國總?cè)丝诘乃姆种?，他們傾向于從字面上理解圣經(jīng)和圣經(jīng)傳統(tǒng)。 ?One strand of this Christianity, now involving around one-quarter of the overall US population, tends to take the Bible, and Biblical tradition, literally. 這些基督徒援引《創(chuàng)世紀》的前幾章，將女性的角色定義為低人一等，因此女性理所當然地應服從于男性的統(tǒng)治:這是一種通常被定義為傳統(tǒng)父權(quán)家庭的模式。 ?Invoking the early chapters of Genesis, such Christians define the feminine role as inferior and therefore rightly subject to male domination: a model, in sort, of what is usually defined as the traditional patriarchal family.這些信念的一個典型群體被稱為“守約者”。 ?2One group which exemplifies these beliefs is called "Promise-Keepers." 這是一個宗教上保守的組織，受到《圣經(jīng)》字面解讀的啟發(fā)，該運動教導人們，男人不僅應該是一家之主，而且應該是父親和養(yǎng)家糊口的人。 ?A religiously conservative organization, inspired by a literal reading of the Bible, the movement teaches that men should be fathers and providers as well as the heads of their families. 作為對女權(quán)主義的讓步，這一運動承認，男性往往不是好的供養(yǎng)者和父親。 ?In what is a concession to feminism, this movement admits that men have too often not been good providers and fathers. 根據(jù) 守約者的說法，人在本性上也是罪人(也就是說，傾向于邪惡)，因此要依靠上帝來救贖自己。 ?According to Promise Keepers, men are also by nature sinners (that is, prone to evil) and thus dependent upon God to redeem themselves. 他們認為美國社會陷入道德危機，部分原因是男性放棄了自己的責任，部分原因是女性在女權(quán)主義的影響下承擔了男性的角色。 ?They regard American society as in moral crisis in part because men have abdicated their responsibilities and in part because women, influenced by feminism, have taken on men's roles. 這種觀點認為，如果男人致力于表現(xiàn)得像男人，那么女人就會回歸到“真正的”(也就是傳統(tǒng)的)女性角色。 ?If men are committed to acting like men, the argument runs, then women will return to being "real" (that is, traditional) women.這場運動所反映的態(tài)度和信仰意義重大，因為它們是當今美國宗教右翼思想的典范。 ?The attitudes and beliefs reflected in this movement are significant because they exemplify the thinking of the religious right in America today. 與世界各地的原教旨主義宗教一樣，無論是穆斯林、猶太教還是基督教，“守約者”都認為女性應該處于女性的地位，生育孩子，照顧孩子，并支持她們的丈夫，因為上帝已經(jīng)任命他們?yōu)樯霞墶??In common with fundamentalist religions worldwide-whether Muslim or Jewish or Christian- the Promise Keepers consider that women should be at horne, bearing children and caring for them and acting as supports for their husbands, whom God has ordained as their superiors. 在他們看來，整個婦女解放運動是一個嚴重的錯誤，導致了美國社會的潛在解體。 ?In their view, the entire Women's Liberation Movement was a drastic mistake and has led to nothing less than the potential disintegration of American society.

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今日婦女地位

現(xiàn)在，在新世紀的最初幾年，兩股對立的力量似乎陷入了僵局，美國社會在幾乎所有問題上都深深分化為保守和進步兩派。 ?

The Current Status of Women?

Now, in the early years of a new century, opposing forces appear to be deadlocked, with American society deeply polarized between conservative and progressive views on almost every issue. 因此，在過去的25年里，美國女性的地位幾乎沒有什么進展 ?Consequently, over the past 25 years, few advances have been

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盡管美國女性在勞動力市場中的參與度越來越高。 made in the status of American women, despite their increasing participation in the workforce. 到1999年，約有60%的婦女有工作; ?By 1999 about 60% of women were reported as employed; 2014年，這一數(shù)字更高，占全國勞動力總數(shù)的45.8%。 ?in 2014 the figure was higher, making 45.8 of the total labor force on the country. 雖然女性在就業(yè)方面受到與男性平等的保護，但一旦她們被雇用，她們現(xiàn)在往往會遇到所謂的“玻璃天花板”——在她們選擇的職業(yè)中的晉升障礙。 ?While protected in employment on an equal basis with men, once they are hired, women now often come up against what is known as the "glass ceiling" — a barrier to promotions within their chosen careers. 它被稱為“玻璃”天花板，因為它在很大程度上是看不見的——對男人來說。 ?It is called a "glass" ceiling because it is largely invisible — to men. 在一定程度上，由于這種晉升上限，女性的平均薪酬明顯低于男性。 ?Partly as a result of this ceiling on promotions, women on average are paid significantly less at their jobs than men. 此外，與歐洲女性相比，美國女性現(xiàn)在明顯處于弱勢。 ?Moreover, American women are now distinctly disadvantaged in comparison to their European counterparts. 雖然歐盟已經(jīng)強制規(guī)定帶薪產(chǎn)假(現(xiàn)在還有育兒假)，但美國女性并沒有這種法定權(quán)利。 ?While the European Union has mandated paid maternity (and now parental) leave, women in America have no such automatic right. 事實上，由于美國社會是一個以選擇為基礎的社會，職業(yè)女性甚至可能被告知她們必須做出選擇:要么生孩子，要么追求事業(yè)。 ?In fact, because American society is one based on the presumption of choice, career women may even be told they have to choose: either they can have a baby- or they can have a professional career. 如果她們決定在生完孩子后繼續(xù)工作，這些婦女將面臨照顧孩子等方面的障礙。 ?Should they decide to stay in the workforce after they have a child, these women will face obstacles in terms of the provision of child-care. 與許多歐洲國家相比，美國很少有工作場所實施靈活的工作時間或補貼兒童保育等家庭友好政策。 ?In contrast to many European countries, few work places in America have implemented such family-friendly policies as flexible working hours or subsidized child-care.在目前的政治氣候下，婦女來之不易的其他勝利也受到了威脅。人們擔心，最高法院保守派法官的影響可能會導致影響婦女的一些法律權(quán)利的逆轉(zhuǎn)。（已經(jīng)發(fā)生了，羅訴韋德案在2023年被最高法院推翻） ?In the current political climate, other hard-won victories for women are also under threat, It is feared that the influence of conservative judges on the Supreme Court may bring about a reversal of some of the legal rights which affect women. 最高法院在1973年的羅伊訴韋德案(Roe vs . Wade)中給予婦女在懷孕早期墮胎的權(quán)利，而在妊娠中期和晚期將墮胎的選擇權(quán)留給醫(yī)療監(jiān)督方。自由派對此感到焦慮 ?Liberals are anxious about the Supreme Court decision of Roe versus Wade (1973) which granted women the right to an abortion early during a pregnancy, while leaving this option during the second and third trimesters open to medical supervision.??其他挑戰(zhàn)可能會出現(xiàn)在管理“平權(quán)行動”的法律上，根據(jù)該法律，在20世紀70年代，在國家和半國家機構(gòu)(如大學)中設立了招聘和晉升女性的配額，現(xiàn)在可能會被質(zhì)疑為干涉了同等資格的男性的權(quán)利。 ?Other challenges may be presented to laws governing "affirmative action," by which quotas were established during the 1970s for hiring and promoting women in state and semi-state institutions (such as universities) — and which might now be contested as interfering with the rights of equally qualified men".與所有立法一樣，此類決定取決于對憲法的解釋。 ?As in all legislation, such decisions rest on an interpretation of the Constitution.進步的解釋還是保守的解釋取決于法官的政治傾向，這些法官由總統(tǒng)提名，然后由參議院批準。 ?Whether it is a progressive or a conservative interpretation in turn depends on the political leanings of the judges, nominated by the President and thereafter ratified by the Senate. 目前，最高法院的法官在進步派和保守派之間存在嚴重分歧，不能指望最高法院為在上一代人中可能基本上沒有爭議的條款辯護。 ?At present, the Supreme Court, sharply divided between progressive and conservative judges, cannot be counted on to defend provisions that might have been largely uncontested a generation before. 因此，可能正是女權(quán)運動所采用的策略 ?Thus it may be that the very tactic by which

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會給女權(quán)運動帶來了最大的改變——逐個案例對現(xiàn)行立法的法律挑戰(zhàn)——可能會導致之前成果的毀滅。 the feminist movement effected the greatest change-case-by-case legal challenges to prevailing legislation-might also prove its undoing. 未來幾年最高法院的裁決將決定這兩種力量——傳統(tǒng)的還是進步的——哪一種將決定當今美國婦女權(quán)利的未來。 ?Supreme Court rulings of the next few years will decide which of the two forces-those for a traditional, or those for a progressive America?will dictate the future for women's rights within America today.但無論反彈的力量有多大，它們都無法消除已經(jīng)受到影響的巨大變化。 ?But whatever the force of the backlash, they cannot undo the huge changes already affected. 在過去的50年里，在美國走向成熟的女性都不會否認，她擁有她的母親或祖母從未夢想過的機會。 ?No woman who came to maturity over the last 50 years in America can deny that she has opportunities never dreamed of by her mother or grandmother. 理論上，而且通常在實踐中，任何職業(yè)都對她開放。 ?In theory, and often in practice, any career is open to her. 理論上，她可能被提拔到她的職業(yè)的頂端，但在現(xiàn)實中可能不是這樣。 ?In theory, if not always in practice, she may hope to be promoted to the top of her profession. 的確，大多數(shù)美國公司的首席執(zhí)行官(98%)仍然是男性。 ?It is true that most CEOs of American companies (98%) are still men. 的確，高等法院或最高法院中的法官、專業(yè)人士或政治家中的女性還不夠多。 ?It is true that there are not enough women High or Supreme Court judges or leading professionals or politicians. 據(jù)說，美國還沒有準備好迎接一位女總統(tǒng)，盡管現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)有三位女性擔任了享有盛譽的(而且非常引人注目的)國務卿。但在這一代人中，普通的中產(chǎn)階級女性可以預見，在可預見的未來，這樣的事情很可能會發(fā)生，只要現(xiàn)在女性在中小學和大學的表現(xiàn)都超過男性。 ?America, it is said, is not ready for a woman president, even though three women have now held the prestigious (and highly visible) position of Secretary of State.2 But in this generation, the ordinary middle-class woman can anticipate that such things may well happen in the foreseeable future, if only because women are now outperforming men at both school and university level. 對這些女性來說，革命是不可阻擋的。 ?For such women, the revolution is unstoppable.與此同時，今天的美國女性可以期待的婚姻比以往任何時候都更加平等。 ?Meanwhile, today's American woman can expect a marriage which, more than ever before, is conducted between equals. 美國人對配偶的新稱呼“partner”就是這種期望的體現(xiàn)。 ?The new American word for a spouse "partner" — is a sign of this expectation. 今天的美國婦女會明白，她和她的丈夫從來沒有像現(xiàn)在這樣自由地協(xié)商各自的性別角色。 ?An American woman today would understand that she and her husband are free as never before to negotiate their respective gender roles. 如果他希望呆在家里照顧孩子，而她追求高工作壓力的事業(yè)，這變得越來越被接受。 ?If he wishes to stay home and look after the children while she pursues a high?pressure career, that is becoming more and more acceptable. 如果他們都決定分擔家務和照顧孩子的負擔，那現(xiàn)在就會成為常態(tài)。 ?If they both decide to share the burden of housework and childcare, that would now be the norm. 由于姐妹們150多年來的努力，今天的美國婦女現(xiàn)在生活在一個新的世界里。 ?Thanks to the work of her sisters over more than 150 years, the American woman of today now makes her life in a new world. 在她生活的過程中，她將重塑她的丈夫、她的兄弟、她的同事和她的孩子的態(tài)度。 ?And, in the course of making her life there, she will remake the attitudes of her husband, her brothers, her colleagues, and her children. 盡管有反對的力量，今天的美國婦女在很大程度上可以自由地按照自己的愿望生活; ?Despite the forces of reaction, the American woman of today is largely free to make her life according to her own desires; 男人再也不能試圖阻止她實現(xiàn)她的全部潛能。 ?and men can never again seek to deflect her from achieving the full extent of her possibilities.?促進婦女權(quán)利的運動仍在繼續(xù)。 ?The movement to promote women's rights is still going on. 2017年1月21日，唐納德·特朗普就任美國總統(tǒng)第二天，華盛頓發(fā)生了婦女大游行。 ?January 21, 2017, the second day after Donald Trump took office as US President, witnessed the Women's March on Washington. 至少有50萬人參加了抗議游行，倡導有關人權(quán)和其他問題的立法和政策，包括 ?At least 500 000 people participated in the protest march to advocate legislation and policies regarding human rights and other issues, including

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婦女權(quán)利、移民改革、醫(yī)療改革、自然環(huán)境、LGBT權(quán)利、種族平等、宗教自由和工人權(quán)利。 women's rights, immigration reform, healthcare reform, the natural environment, LGBT rights, racial equality, freedom of religion, and workers' rights. 這些集會是針對唐納德·特朗普的，因為他的言論和立場被許多人認為是反女性或冒犯性的。 ?The rallies were aimed at Donald Trump, due to his statements and positions regarded by many as anti-women or otherwise offensive. 這是美國歷史上規(guī)模最大的單日游行。游行傳遞的重要信息是，婦女的權(quán)利也是人權(quán)。據(jù)報道，當天在全球80多個國家舉行了673場游行。 ?It was the largest single-day demonstration in US history The important message the march conveyed was that women's rights are human rights It was reported that on the same day 673 marches took place in over 80 countries across the world. 游行的規(guī)模、數(shù)量和團結(jié)程度都是前所未有的。 ?The scope, number and solidarity of marches were unprecedented.