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Byzantium at War AD 600-1453(戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中的拜占庭:公元600-1453年)(14)

2021-10-07 13:51 作者:神尾智代  | 我要投稿


作者:John Haldon約翰·哈爾頓

出版商:Routledge Taylor & Francis Group

自翻:神尾智代 作者:神尾智代

接上(13)

Life on campaign

軍旅生活

????????? As we have seen, life as a soldier in the Byzantine army must have varied enormously from century to century as the empire's fortunes changed, and depending on the commanding officers, the type of unit, and so forth, We have very little evidence about individual soldiers, but there is a good deal of information that can be gleaned from the wide range of written sources about what the life of an ordinary soldier must have been like. In what follows, therefore, I will illustrate some of the issues by inventing a 'typical' soldier. Although there is no text concerning our hypothetical soldier, we can build up a picture of some events in his life from several sources, so that in the account below, all the things that happened to him, the actions ascribed to him or to others, the duties he carried out and the fighting in which he was involved, can be found in medieval sources of the period from the 7th to the 12th centuries, and are all perfectly compatible with the actual historical context in which I will situate him.

(正如我們所見,隨著帝國(guó)命運(yùn)的變化,拜占庭軍隊(duì)中士兵的生活在各個(gè)世紀(jì)之間必定發(fā)生了巨大的變化,而且取決于指揮官、部隊(duì)類型等,我們幾乎沒有關(guān)于個(gè)人的證據(jù)。士兵,但是可以從廣泛的書面資料中收集到大量關(guān)于普通士兵生活的信息。因此,在下文中,我將通過觀察一個(gè)“典型”士兵來(lái)說(shuō)明一些問題。 雖然沒有關(guān)于我們假設(shè)的士兵的文字,但我們可以從幾個(gè)來(lái)源構(gòu)建他生活中的一些事件的圖片,以便在下面的敘述中,發(fā)生在他身上的所有事情,歸因于他或其他人的行為, 他履行的職責(zé)和參與的戰(zhàn)斗可以在 7 世紀(jì)到 12 世紀(jì)的中世紀(jì)資料中找到,并且都與我將把他置于其中的實(shí)際歷史背景完全吻合。)

????????? In this section we will follow the daily routine of a typical cavalry trooper on campaign under the general Bardas Skleros in the Balkans in 971. The soldier's name was Theodore, a fairly common and popular name, and one shared by one of the most famous soldier saints of the eastern Christian world, St Theodore the recruit, one of the four patron saints of soldiers along with saints Demetrios, Merkourios and George.

(在本節(jié)中,我們將講述 971 年巴爾達(dá)斯·斯克勒羅斯將軍在巴爾干地區(qū)參加戰(zhàn)役的典型騎兵士兵的日常生活。這名士兵的名字是西奧多,一個(gè)相當(dāng)普遍和流行的名字,也是最著名的士兵之一的名字 東方基督教世界的圣徒,新兵圣西奧多,與圣德米特里奧斯、梅爾庫(kù)里奧斯和喬治一起是士兵的四位守護(hù)神之一。)

????????? Theodore came from the village of Krithokomi near the fortress town of Tzouroullon in Thrace. Theodore was the son of a soldier himself, and the family's land was subject to the strateia, the military service due from those enrolled on the thematic military service register. His family was not well off, but their neighbours, who were also liable to military service, were permitted to contribute jointly to arming and equipping a single cavalry soldier. Theodore's skills had brought him into a unit of lancers, medium cavalry armed also with bows and maces, where he held the rank of dekarchos, commander of a troop of 10 men, in a handon or squadron of SO soldiers. He served effectively on a full-time rather than a seasonal basis and a campaign offered him the chance of a promotion, perhaps to second-in-command of his squadron.

(西奧多來(lái)自色雷斯 Tzouroullon 堡壘鎮(zhèn)附近的 Krithokomi 村。 西奧多本人是一名士兵的兒子,家庭的土地受制于 strateia,即那些在專題兵役登記冊(cè)上登記的人應(yīng)繳納的兵役。他的家庭并不富裕,但他們的鄰居也有義務(wù)服兵役,他們被允許共同參與武裝和裝備一名騎兵。西奧多的技能使他成為一支裝備有弓箭和狼牙棒的中型騎兵騎兵部隊(duì),在那里他獲得了 dekarchos 的軍銜,是一支 10 人部隊(duì)的指揮官,隸屬于 SO 士兵的一個(gè)小隊(duì)或中隊(duì)。他全職而不是季節(jié)性地有效服務(wù),一場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)役為他提供了晉升的機(jī)會(huì),也許是他的中隊(duì)的二把手。)

????????? In the spring of 970 the empire faced an invasion from a large Rus' force deep into imperial territory in Thrace, where they took the local garrisons by surprise and were able to sack the fortress of Philippoupolis (mod. Plovdiv), before advancing along the road to Constantinople. Since the emperor John had most of his effective field units in the east, where they were campaigning near Antioch, he appointed Bardas Skleros, together with the patrikios Peter, both experienced commanders, to take a medium-sized force - numbering some 10,000 - and scout the enemy dispositions in the occupied territories. As a secondary objective they were to exercise the troops and prevent enemy raiders committing further depredations. At the same time, spies - disguised in Bulgarian and Rus' costume - were sent into enemy-held territory to learn as much as they could about the Rus' commander Svyatoslav's movements. Svyatoslav soon learned of the advancing imperial column, and in response despatched a force of both Rus' and Bulgar troops, with a supporting detachment of Petchenegs with whom he was temporarily allied, to drive the Romans off.

(970 年春天,帝國(guó)面臨著一支龐大的羅斯軍隊(duì)的入侵,他們深入帝國(guó)領(lǐng)土色雷斯,在那里他們出其不意地襲擊了當(dāng)?shù)氐鸟v軍,并洗劫菲利波波利斯 (mod. Plovdiv) 的堡壘,然后沿著 通往君士坦丁堡的道路。由于約翰皇帝在東部擁有大部分有效的野戰(zhàn)部隊(duì),他們?cè)诎蔡岚⒏浇M(jìn)行戰(zhàn)役,他任命巴爾達(dá)斯·斯克勒羅斯和帕特里克奧斯·彼得,兩位經(jīng)驗(yàn)豐富的指揮官,率領(lǐng)一支中等規(guī)模的部隊(duì)——大約有 10,000 人——和 偵察被占領(lǐng)土上的敵人部署。作為次要目標(biāo),他們是鍛煉部隊(duì)并防止敵方襲擊者進(jìn)一步掠奪。與此同時(shí),間諜——偽裝成保加利亞和羅斯的服裝——被派往敵人控制的領(lǐng)土,以盡可能多地了解俄羅斯指揮官斯維亞托斯拉夫的動(dòng)向。斯維亞托斯拉夫很快得知了帝國(guó)縱隊(duì)的推進(jìn),作為回應(yīng),他派出了一支由俄羅斯和保加利亞軍隊(duì)組成的部隊(duì),并與他暫時(shí)結(jié)盟的佩切涅格人的支援分隊(duì)驅(qū)趕羅馬人。)

????????? The march north followed the established pattern. Bardas needed to move quickly, and so forced the pace somewhat. Within imperial territory he could rely on the co-operation of local officials to supply his troops; once in enemy territory his soldiers and their animals had to live off the land. But regardless of where they were, the army always entrenched for the night. The scouts and surveyors sent ahead to locate an appropriate site had to ensure both an adequate water supply as well as good defensive properties, and preferably in relatively open country to avoid the possibility of surprise attack. On this campaign the latter was difficult since the army passed through hilly and wooded scrubland for much of its route. Byzantine camps followed a standard pattern. The commander's standard was set up in the centre and each of the subordinate officers -Bardas had divided his force into three divisions of about 3,500 men - were assigned to share the four quarters into which the camp was divided. The various units pitched their tents around the perimeter, as nearly as possible in battle order so that, in the event of a surprise attack or the need to sally out quickly, they would he ready for action. The camp itself consisted of a simple ditch dug by the soldiers themselves, with the earth thrown inside, stamped down and surmounted by the spears and shields of the troops. The spears might be set up as triskelia, made by roping three together with the point outermost, acting as a particularly effective barrier behind the trench. Most camps had either two or four transverse roads with the troops' tents placed in the intervals, and where the force was of mixed infantry and cavalry the latter were placed within the former for protection. Where circumstances and manpower permitted, the camp should be at least two and a half bowshots across so that the animals could be quartered safely in the middle sections. The largest camps, which could contain a major field army of over 20,000 men and animals Portrait of a soldier 67 with their baggage, were more than a mile along the side, with a v-shaped trench some six to eight feet in depth.

(向北進(jìn)軍遵循既定模式。 巴爾達(dá)斯需要快速行動(dòng),因此有些勉強(qiáng)。在帝國(guó)領(lǐng)土內(nèi),他可以依靠地方官員的合作來(lái)供應(yīng)他的軍隊(duì);一旦進(jìn)入敵方領(lǐng)土,他的士兵和他們的動(dòng)物就不得不在這片土地上生活。但無(wú)論他們身在何處,軍隊(duì)總是在夜間盤踞。被派往前去尋找合適地點(diǎn)的偵察員和測(cè)量員必須確保充足的供水和良好的防御設(shè)施,最好是在相對(duì)開闊的地方,以避免突然襲擊的可能性。在這次戰(zhàn)役中,后者很困難,因?yàn)檐婈?duì)的大部分路線都經(jīng)過丘陵和樹木繁茂的灌木叢。拜占庭營(yíng)地遵循標(biāo)準(zhǔn)模式。指揮官的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)設(shè)置在中央,每個(gè)下屬軍官——巴爾達(dá)斯將他的部隊(duì)分成三個(gè)師,大約 3,500 人——被分配到營(yíng)地分成的四個(gè)區(qū)。各個(gè)部隊(duì)在外圍扎營(yíng),盡可能地按照戰(zhàn)斗順序,以便在發(fā)生突然襲擊或需要迅速撤離的情況下,他們可以隨時(shí)準(zhǔn)備采取行動(dòng)。營(yíng)地本身就是一個(gè)由士兵自己挖的簡(jiǎn)單的溝渠,土被扔在里面,被軍隊(duì)的長(zhǎng)矛和盾牌踩踏和覆蓋。長(zhǎng)矛可能被設(shè)置為三叉戟,通過將三根繩子與最外面的尖端連接在一起制成,作為戰(zhàn)壕后面特別有效的屏障。大多數(shù)營(yíng)地有兩條或四條橫向道路,部隊(duì)的帳篷放置在間隔處,如果部隊(duì)是步兵和騎兵混合,則后者放置在前者內(nèi)以進(jìn)行保護(hù)。在情況和人力允許的情況下,營(yíng)地應(yīng)至少有兩個(gè)半弓箭,以便動(dòng)物可以安全地分居在中間部分。最大的營(yíng)地可以容納超過20,000名士兵和動(dòng)物的主要野戰(zhàn)軍隊(duì),沿邊有一英里多,有一個(gè) V 形戰(zhàn)壕,深約 6 8 英尺。)

????????? Theodore's unit, like all units, had to set up its own rotating watch within the camp; but the commanding officer also needed to set up a watch for the camp as a whole. Each unit along the perimeter provided soldiers for this patrol, called the kerketon, and through the use of a regularly changed password had complete authority over access to and egress from the camp. Other units had to be sent out to forage for supplies and fodder for the horses, and they were in turn accompanied by supporting troops for protection — it was important to pitch camp and secure the immediate area before sunset so that supplies could he got in as quickly as possible. Leaving camp after sunset was usually prohibited, except for the outer line of pickets, groups of four men sent out to cover the major approaches to the camp when it was clear that no enemy was yet in the immediate vicinity.

(西奧多的部隊(duì)和所有部隊(duì)一樣,不得不在營(yíng)地內(nèi)設(shè)置自己的輪值表; 但指揮官還需要為整個(gè)營(yíng)地設(shè)置一個(gè)值班。 周邊的每個(gè)單位都為這次巡邏提供士兵,稱為 kerketon,并通過使用定期更改的密碼擁有進(jìn)出營(yíng)地的完全權(quán)限。其他部隊(duì)不得不被派去為馬匹尋找補(bǔ)給和飼料,而他們又由支援部隊(duì)陪同保護(hù)——重要的是在日落之前扎營(yíng),這樣他才能盡快確保附近地區(qū)的安全。通常禁止在日落后離開營(yíng)地,除了外圍的糾察隊(duì)外,當(dāng)很明顯附近還沒有敵人時(shí),四人一組被派往營(yíng)地的主要通道。)

????????? The men were organised in tent-groups of eight, called kontaubernia, sharing a hand-mill and basic cooking utensils as well as a small troop of pack-animals. Soldiers were issued with two main varieties of bread: simple baked loaves, and double-baked 'hard tack', referred to in late Roman times as bucellatum and by the Byzantines as paximattion or paximation. In campaign conditions, it was normally the soldiers themselves who milled and baked this. The hard tack was more easily preserved over a longer period, was easy to produce, and demanded fairly simple milling and baking skills. Hard tack could he baked in field ovens — klibanoi — or simply laid in the ashes of camp fires, an advantage when speed was essential, and this was the case during this expedition — although the soldiers much preferred the best such bread, baked in thin oval loaves cooked in a field-oven, and then dried in the sun. The ration per diem included two to three pounds of bread and either dried meat or cheese; wine was also issued, but it is not clear how often or in what circumstances. The amount of meat relative to the rest of the diet was often minimal or absent altogether, but would still provide a reasonable amount of nutrition, since ancient strains of wheat and barley had considerably higher protein content than modern strains, and it has been shown that the bread ration of ancient and medieval soldiers provided adequate nutrition for the duration of a campaign season even without much meat.

(這些人被組織成八人一組的帳篷,稱為 kontaubernia,共用一個(gè)手磨和基本的炊具,以及一小群馱畜。發(fā)給士兵的面包主要有兩種:簡(jiǎn)單的烤面包和雙烤的“硬面包”,在羅馬時(shí)代晚期稱為 bucellatum,拜占庭人稱為 paximattion paximation。在競(jìng)選條件下,通常是士兵自己研磨和烘烤。硬粘性更容易保存 ??????????更長(zhǎng)的時(shí)間,易于生產(chǎn),并且需要相當(dāng)簡(jiǎn)單的研磨和烘焙技能。他可以在野戰(zhàn)烤箱里烤硬大頭釘 - klibanoi - 或者簡(jiǎn)單地放在營(yíng)火的灰燼中,當(dāng)速度至關(guān)重要時(shí)這是一個(gè)優(yōu)勢(shì),在這次遠(yuǎn)征中就是這種情況 - 盡管士兵們更喜歡最好的這種面包,薄薄地烤 橢圓形面包在現(xiàn)場(chǎng)烤箱中煮熟,然后在陽(yáng)光下曬干。每日口糧包括兩到三磅面包和干肉或奶酪;酒也被發(fā)行,但不清楚多久或在什么情況下發(fā)行。 相對(duì)于飲食的其余部分,肉類的量通常很少或完全沒有,但仍能提供合理的營(yíng)養(yǎng),因?yàn)楣糯←満痛篼溒贩N的蛋白質(zhì)含量比現(xiàn)代品種高得多,而且已經(jīng)表明 古代和中世紀(jì)士兵的面包配給即使沒有多少肉也能在一個(gè)戰(zhàn)役季節(jié)期間提供足夠的營(yíng)養(yǎng)。)

????????? The camp routine was marked by the trumpet signals for the evening meal, lights out and reveille; trumpet signals were also employed to issue commands to the various units and divisions to strike camp, assemble in marching order and begin the march. Leaving camp was always a dangerous time, for as the troops defiled through the main entrances they were for a while exposed to archers or even a rapid hit-and-run charge from enemy horsemen. A particular order for exiting camps was laid down and followed, and once the army was out of the entrenched area it would be drawn up for a while in a defensive formation until the troops fell into the marching order for the day.

(營(yíng)地的日常活動(dòng)以晚餐、熄燈和起床的喇叭信號(hào)為標(biāo)志;還使用喇叭信號(hào)向各單位和師發(fā)出命令,以打擊營(yíng)地,按行軍順序集結(jié)并開始行軍。離開營(yíng)地總是一個(gè)危險(xiǎn)的時(shí)刻,因?yàn)楫?dāng)部隊(duì)通過主要入口被玷污時(shí),他們有一段時(shí)間暴露在弓箭手甚至敵軍騎兵的快速?zèng)_撞中。離開營(yíng)地的特殊命令已經(jīng)制定并遵循,一旦軍隊(duì)離開了盤踞地區(qū),它就會(huì)被編成防御陣型,直到軍隊(duì)進(jìn)入當(dāng)天的行進(jìn)順序。)

????????? The speed at which armies moved varied according to terrain, weather and the number and types of troops. Unaccompanied mounted troops could cover distances of up to 40 or 50 miles per day, provided the horses were regularly rested and well nourished and watered. Small units generally moved more rapidly than large divisions, even up to 30 miles per day for infantry in some contexts. Average marching speeds were much slower: three miles per hour for infantry on even terrain, two and a half on broken/hilly ground. Mixed forces moved at the speed of the slowest element; but speed also depended on the conditions of the roads or tracks followed, the breadth of the column, and its length. The longer the column, the longer it took for the rearmost files to start moving off, which would thus arrive at the next camp later than the foremost groups, the delay between first and last units being proportional to the length and breadth of the column. Thus a division of 5,000 infantry, which is what Bardas probably had at his disposal, marching at the standard infantry rate of about three miles per hour over good ground, ordered five abreast and with each row occupying a (minimal) two metres would stretch over a two-kilometre distance. There would be a gap of at the very least about 20 minutes, if not more, between the front and rear elements. Theodore's column marched three abreast along the narrow, often wooded tracks followed by the imperial troops on this campaign, and his division of 1,000 cavalry would have extended back nearly six miles, and the whole army some 14 miles. The rearmost units would he well over one hour behind the van.

(軍隊(duì)的移動(dòng)速度因地形、天氣以及部隊(duì)的數(shù)量和類型而異。無(wú)人陪伴的騎兵每天可以行進(jìn)多達(dá) 40 50 英里的距離,前提是馬匹定期休息并得到良好的營(yíng)養(yǎng)和澆水。小型部隊(duì)通常比大型師移動(dòng)得更快,在某些情況下,步兵甚至可以達(dá)到每天 30 英里的速度。平均行軍速度要慢得多:步兵在平坦的地形上每小時(shí) 3 英里,在崎嶇/丘陵地面上每小時(shí) 2 英里?;旌狭α恳宰盥氐乃俣纫苿?dòng); 但速度也取決于道路或軌道的條件、縱隊(duì)的寬度和長(zhǎng)度??v隊(duì)越長(zhǎng),最后一排開始移動(dòng)所需的時(shí)間就越長(zhǎng),因此它們到達(dá)下一個(gè)營(yíng)地的時(shí)間比最前面的隊(duì)伍晚,第一個(gè)和最后一個(gè)單位之間的延遲與縱隊(duì)的長(zhǎng)度和寬度成正比。因此,一個(gè)由 5,000 名步兵組成的師,這可能是巴爾達(dá)斯可以支配的,以每小時(shí)大約 3 英里的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)步兵速度在良好的地面上行進(jìn),命令五個(gè)并排,每排占據(jù)(最少)兩米,將延伸超過兩公里的距離。前后元素之間至少會(huì)有大約 20 分鐘的間隙,如果不是更多的話。西奧多的縱隊(duì)沿著狹窄的、經(jīng)常是樹木繁茂的小徑并排行軍,在這次戰(zhàn)役中,帝國(guó)軍隊(duì)緊隨其后,他的 1,000 騎兵師將向后延伸近 6 英里,而整個(gè)軍隊(duì)大約 14 英里。最后邊的部隊(duì)比面包車落后一個(gè)多小時(shí)。)

????????? Having left the camp Theodore's unit was placed in the van division, behind a screen of scouts deployed well ahead of the column, and ahead of the main contingent of cavalry and infantry. The baggage train, to which a group of units was assigned on a rotational basis for protection, was placed in the centre, and other units patrolled at some distance, where the terrain allowed, on either flank. On open terrain in enemy country the army would march over a broader front in a formation that could be rapidly deployed into battle order; and for passing through narrow passes or across rivers another formation was employed.

(離開營(yíng)地后,西奧多的部隊(duì)被安排在面包車師,在一個(gè)偵察兵的屏幕后面,部署在縱隊(duì)的前面,在騎兵和步兵的主要分遣隊(duì)前面。將一組部隊(duì)輪流分配到的行李列車被放置在中央,其他部隊(duì)在地形允許的情況下在兩側(cè)巡邏。在敵國(guó)的開闊地形上,軍隊(duì)會(huì)以可以迅速部署到戰(zhàn)斗秩序中的編隊(duì)在更廣闊的戰(zhàn)線上行進(jìn); 為了通過狹窄的通道或穿越河流,采用了另一種編隊(duì)。)

????????? As the march progressed some of the scouts returned to inform the general that the enemy was not far away, near the fortress town of Arkadioupolis (mod. Luleburgazi.

The three divisions were given separate tasks: two were concealed in the rough scrub and wooded terrain through which the track led in the direction of the enemy, while he took command of the third section of the army himself. Leaving the two divisions in ambush with clear instructions, he himself led a fierce and unsuspected charge against the foremost enemy units, made up of Pecheneg mounted archers. In spite of the greater numbers in the enemy force, lie managed to lure the enemy out of their encampment and withdraw in good order, encouraging more and more of the enemy to pursue hut, on the assumption that the Byzantine troops were indeed losing, without any clear plan of attack or order. It must have seemed as though the outnumbered Byzantine force, which managed with difficulty to avoid being completely surrounded, was doomed. Yet discipline, training and leadership told, and Skieros finally ordered the prearranged signal to be given for the whole force to fall hack. Meanwhile Theodore's unit, one of the two corps that lay in ambush, prepared itself: the order was given to remain absolutely silent, to place all supernumerary baggage animals with their attendants well to the rear, to check their weapons, and to deploy into a battle order appropriate to the terrain. One of the priests who accompanied the force offered up a quick prayer - a standard practice before battle. As the van division approached, drew level with and then withdrew beyond them, a single trumpet-call ordered them to break cover and charge into the flank of the unsuspecting enemy. Caught in the open in close combat, the Pechenegs, a war-like Turkic people from the Eurasian steppe, had no chance to deploy at a distance suitable for the use of their archery and, after being brought to a halt - at which point the van division about-faced and counter-attacked in its turn - they turned and fled. The Rus' and Bulgar troops, meanwhile, who had been hurrying to catch them up, on the assumption that the Romans had been routed, suddenly found themselves caught up in the panic. As the rout became general and the Roman forces pushed home their advantage, heavy casualties were inflicted on the fleeing enemy troops. A contemporary source remarks that the Romans lost some 550 men and many wounded, as well as a large number of horses, a direct result of the fearsome archery of the Pechenegs. The combined enemy force, however, lost several thousand. The short encounter won an important breathing space for the emperor John, furnishing him also with vital information about the composition, fighting abilities and morale of the enemy.

(隨著行軍的進(jìn)行,一些偵察兵返回來(lái)通知將軍敵人就在不遠(yuǎn)處,靠近要塞城鎮(zhèn)阿爾卡迪烏波利斯 (mod. Luleburgazi.)這三個(gè)師被賦予了不同的任務(wù):兩個(gè)師隱藏在崎嶇的灌木叢和樹木繁茂的地形中,軌道通過該地形通向敵人的方向,而他本人則指揮了軍隊(duì)的第三部分。 在明確指示下讓兩個(gè)師伏擊,他親自率領(lǐng)由佩切涅格騎射手組成的最前線的敵軍毫無(wú)防備地發(fā)起了猛烈的沖鋒。 盡管敵軍人數(shù)更多,謊言還是設(shè)法將敵人引出營(yíng)地并有序撤退,鼓勵(lì)越來(lái)越多的敵人追擊小屋,假設(shè)拜占庭軍隊(duì)確實(shí)正在失敗,沒有 任何明確的攻擊計(jì)劃或命令。 這支人數(shù)眾多、難以避免被完全包圍的拜占庭軍隊(duì)似乎注定要失敗。 然而紀(jì)律、訓(xùn)練和領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力告訴了我們,Skieros 最終下令發(fā)出預(yù)先安排好的信號(hào),讓整個(gè)部隊(duì)陷入癱瘓。 與此同時(shí),西奧多的部隊(duì),作為埋伏的兩個(gè)軍團(tuán)之一,做好了準(zhǔn)備:下令保持絕對(duì)沉默,將所有多余的行李動(dòng)物和他們的服務(wù)員放在后面,檢查他們的武器,并部署到一個(gè) 適合地形的戰(zhàn)斗順序。 一名隨同部隊(duì)的牧師快速祈禱——這是戰(zhàn)斗前的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)做法。當(dāng)先鋒師接近、拉平然后撤退時(shí),一聲號(hào)角命令他們打破掩護(hù)并沖向毫無(wú)戒心的敵人的側(cè)翼。 佩切涅格人是一個(gè)來(lái)自歐亞草原的好戰(zhàn)的突厥人,在近距離戰(zhàn)斗中陷入空地,他們沒有機(jī)會(huì)在適合使用射箭的距離進(jìn)行部署,并且在被阻止后——此時(shí) 范師轉(zhuǎn)頭反擊——他們轉(zhuǎn)身逃跑。 與此同時(shí),本來(lái)以為羅馬人已經(jīng)潰敗,急于追趕的羅斯和保加利亞軍隊(duì),卻突然陷入了恐慌之中。隨著潰敗變得普遍,羅馬軍隊(duì)將他們的優(yōu)勢(shì)推回了原處,逃跑的敵軍傷亡慘重。 一個(gè)同時(shí)代的消息來(lái)源評(píng)論說(shuō),羅馬人損失了大約 550 人,許多人受傷,還有大量的馬匹,這是佩切涅格人可怕的射箭的直接結(jié)果。 然而,聯(lián)合敵軍損失了數(shù)千人。 短暫的遭遇為約翰皇帝贏得了重要的喘息空間,也為他提供了有關(guān)敵人的組成、戰(zhàn)斗能力和士氣的重要信息。)

????????? After any encounter with the enemy the commanding officers held a muster to establish casualties. Specially detailed soldiers were deputed to check the fallen, to carry or help the wounded back to the temporary Roman camp, where the divisional medical attendants and surgeons tried to deal with those wounds that were not likely to be fatal. Far more men died of wounds than in battle itself, of course. In a contemporary treatise instructions are given that the wounded were to be taken back towards imperial territory with a section of the rearguard, transported on the pack-animals no longer required for the army's supplies. Occasional references in the chronicles of the period bear this out. There survives a medical treatise, certain sections of which deal with the problems of extracting arrowheads, with fractured or broken bones, and related injuries. Chronicles dating from the 6th to 12th centuries give accounts of the treatment of various wounds: the removal of an arrowhead from the face (the victim survived), of a javelin from the skull (survived the extraction, but died as a result of the infection which followed), and the treatment of deep slashes in the back and thigh (the victim died from blood loss).

(與敵人發(fā)生任何遭遇后,指揮官們都會(huì)召集一次會(huì)議來(lái)確定傷亡人數(shù)。特別細(xì)心的士兵被派去檢查倒下的人,運(yùn)送或幫助傷員回到臨時(shí)羅馬營(yíng)地,在那里師醫(yī)和外科醫(yī)生試圖處理那些不太可能致命的傷口。當(dāng)然,死于傷口的人數(shù)遠(yuǎn)多于戰(zhàn)斗本身。在同時(shí)代的一篇論文中給出了這樣的指示,傷員將與一部分后衛(wèi)一起帶回帝國(guó)領(lǐng)土,用不再需要軍隊(duì)補(bǔ)給的動(dòng)物運(yùn)輸。該時(shí)期編年史中的偶然參考資料證實(shí)了這一點(diǎn)。有一本醫(yī)學(xué)論文幸存下來(lái),其中某些部分涉及提取箭頭、骨折或骨折以及相關(guān)傷害的問題。 6 世紀(jì)到 12 世紀(jì)的編年史記載了各種傷口的治療:從臉上取下箭頭(受害者幸存),從頭骨上取下標(biāo)槍(提取后幸存,但因感染而死亡) 隨后),以及背部和大腿深切傷的治療(受害者死于失血)。)

????????? Theodore was lucky - not only was he not injured, but his officer had noted how he had dashed in to rescue a comrade from the spear of an attacking Pecheneg, and he was cited for his bravery. He was given a golden arm-ring (taken from one of the dead enemy horsemen), and promoted to drakonarios bearer of the unit banner, a considerable honour, and bringing with it some extra privileges in camp and a small rise in his roga - his pay.

(西奧多很幸運(yùn)——他不僅沒有受傷,而且他的軍官還注意到他是如何沖進(jìn)去救出一名戰(zhàn)友的,他被佩切內(nèi)格的長(zhǎng)矛襲擊了,他因勇敢而受到表彰。 他獲得了一個(gè)金臂環(huán)(從一名死去的敵方騎兵身上取下),并被提升為部隊(duì)旗幟的 drakonarios 持有者,這是一項(xiàng)相當(dāng)大的榮譽(yù),并帶來(lái)了一些額外的營(yíng)地特權(quán)和他的 roga 小幅上升 - 他的工資。)

????????? The defeat of the enemy force gave the emperor time to organise a major offensive, an offensive which was, in the event, far more successful than was originally planned.

Theodore's unit was involved too, and fought on the left wing at the second battle of Dorostolon in July 971. Theodore eventually retired to his family holding in Thrace where, with his savings from his salary and his promotions - he eventually reached the rank of drouggarios, roughly equivalent to brigadier - he invested in an imperial title, that of kandidatos, which brought with it a decent annuity, and expanded his property. He ended his days as an important local notable - and his grandchildren enjoyed his tales of bravery and fierce barbarians!

敵軍的失敗使皇帝有時(shí)間組織一次重大攻勢(shì),這次攻勢(shì)最終比原計(jì)劃成功得多。西奧多的部隊(duì)也參與其中,并在 971 7 月的第二次多羅斯托隆戰(zhàn)役中在左翼作戰(zhàn)。西奧多最終退休回到他在色雷斯的家人手中,在那里,他憑借薪水和晉升的積蓄-他最終達(dá)到了 drouggarios 的軍銜 ,大致相當(dāng)于準(zhǔn)將——他的一個(gè)帝國(guó)頭銜,即 kandidatos,帶來(lái)了可觀的年金,并擴(kuò)大了他的財(cái)產(chǎn)。他結(jié)束了他作為當(dāng)?shù)刂匾说娜兆?/span>-他的孫子們喜歡他的勇敢和兇猛的野蠻人的故事!

Byzantium at War:AD600-1453

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Byzantium at War AD 600-1453(戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中的拜占庭:公元600-1453年)(14)的評(píng)論 (共 條)

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