John the Scot?

?約翰·司各脫

For two centuries after the death of Philoponus there is nothing for the historian of philosophy to record.

在菲洛波努斯去世后的兩個(gè)世紀(jì)里，哲學(xué)史學(xué)家沒(méi)有什么可記錄的。

During that period, however, two events altered beyond recognition the world which had fostered classical and patristic philosophy.

然而，在那段時(shí)期，有兩件事情改變了培育了古典和教父哲學(xué)的世界，使之無(wú)法被認(rèn)出。

The first was the spread of Islam; the second was the emergence of the Holy Roman Empire.

第一件事是易思藍(lán)教的傳播；第二件事是神圣羅馬帝國(guó)的出現(xiàn)。

Within ten years of the death of the Prophet Muhammad in 633 the religion of Islam had spread by conquest from its native Arabia throughout the neighbouring Persian Empire and the Roman provinces of Syria, Palestine, and Egypt.

在先知穆罕默德于633年去世后的十年內(nèi)，易思藍(lán)教通過(guò)征服從其本土阿拉伯傳播到了鄰近的波斯帝國(guó)和羅馬的敘利亞、巴勒斯坦和埃及省。

In 698 the Muslims captured Carthage, and ten years later they were masters of all North Africa.

在698年，慕斯琳占領(lǐng)了迦太基，十年后他們成為了整個(gè)北非的主人。

In 711 they crossed the Straits of Gibraltar, easily defeated the Gothic Christians, and flooded through Spain.

在711年，他們?cè)竭^(guò)直布羅陀海峽，輕易地?fù)魯×烁缣剡鬟渫?，并涌入西班牙?/p>

By 717 their empire stretched from the Atlantic to the Great Wall of China.

到717年，他們的帝國(guó)從大西洋一直延伸到中國(guó)的長(zhǎng)城。

Their advance into Northern Europe was halted only in 732, when they were defeated at Poitiers by the Frankish leader Charles Martel.

他們進(jìn)入北歐的進(jìn)軍只在732年才被阻止，當(dāng)時(shí)他們?cè)谄胀呓荼环ㄌm克領(lǐng)袖查理·馬特爾（Charles Martel）擊敗。

Charles Martel’s grandson, Charlemagne, who became king of the Franks in 768, drove the Muslims back to the Pyrenees, but he did no more than nibble at their Spanish dominions.

查理·馬特爾的孫子，查理曼大帝（Charlemagne），于768年成為法蘭克王，把慕斯琳趕回了比利牛斯山脈，但他對(duì)他們的西班牙領(lǐng)土只是稍作侵?jǐn)_。

His military and political ambitions for France were more concerned with its Eastern frontier.

他對(duì)法國(guó)的軍事和政治野心更關(guān)注其東部邊界。

He conquered Lombardy, Bavaria, and Saxony and had his son proclaimed king of Italy.

他征服了倫巴第、巴伐利亞和撒克遜，并讓他的兒子被宣布為意大利國(guó)王。

After rescuing Pope Leo III from a revolution in Rome, he had himself crowned Roman Emperor in St Peter’s on Christmas Day 800.

在從羅馬一場(chǎng)革命中救出教皇利奧三世（Pope Leo III）后，他在800年圣誕節(jié)那天在圣彼得大教堂（St Peter’s）加冕為羅馬皇帝。

When Charlemagne died in 814 almost all the Christian inhabitants of continental Western Europe were united under his rule.

當(dāng)查理曼大帝于814年去世時(shí)，幾乎所有歐洲大陸西部的喵咪徒居民都在他的統(tǒng)治下團(tuán)結(jié)起來(lái)。

Formidable as a general, and ruthless when provoked, he had a high ideal of his vocation as ruler of Christendom, and one of his favourite books was The City of God.

作為一位將軍，他令人敬畏，而且在被激怒時(shí)無(wú)情，他對(duì)自己作為喵咪教世界統(tǒng)治者的職責(zé)有著高尚的理想，他最喜歡的書(shū)之一就是《神之城》。

He was anxious to revive the study of letters, and brought scholars from all over Europe to join the learned Alcuin of York in a school, based at Aachen, whose members, though mainly concerned with other disciplines, sometimes displayed an amateur interest in philosophy.

他渴望恢復(fù)文學(xué)的研究，他從全歐洲各地招來(lái)了學(xué)者，加入了以亞琛為基地的一所學(xué)校，與約克的博學(xué)者阿爾昆（Alcuin）一起，這所學(xué)校的成員雖然主要關(guān)注其他學(xué)科，但有時(shí)也表現(xiàn)出對(duì)哲學(xué)的業(yè)余興趣。

It was at the court of Charles’s grandson, Charles the Bald, that we find the most significant Western philosopher of the ninth century, John the Scot.

正是在查理的孫子，禿頭查理（Charles the Bald）的宮廷里，我們發(fā)現(xiàn)了九世紀(jì)最重要的西方哲學(xué)家，約翰·司各脫（John the Scot）。

John was born not in Charles’s dominions, but in Ireland, and for the avoidance of doubt he added to his name ‘Scottus’ the surname ‘Eriugena’, which means Son of Erin.

約翰不是出生在查理的領(lǐng)地，而是在愛(ài)爾蘭，為了避免混淆，他在他的名字“司各脫”（Scottus）后面加上了姓氏“愛(ài)留根納”（Eriugena），意思是愛(ài)爾蘭之子。

He first engaged in philosophy in 852 when invited by the Archbishop of Rheims to write a treatise to prove heretical the ideas of a learned and pessimistic monk, Gottschalk.

他第一次從事哲學(xué)是在852年，當(dāng)時(shí)被蘭斯的大主教邀請(qǐng)寫(xiě)一篇論文，以證明一個(gè)博學(xué)而悲觀的僧侶戈特施爾克（Gottschalk）的思想是異端的。

Gottschalk’s alleged offence was to have maintained that there was a double divine predestination, one of the saints to heaven, and one of the damned to hell; a doctrine which he claimed, reasonably enough, to have found implicit in Augustine.

戈特施爾克所謂的罪過(guò)是堅(jiān)持認(rèn)為有一種雙重的神圣預(yù)定，一種是圣徒到天堂，另一種是被詛咒者到地獄；這是一種他聲稱，足夠合理地，在奧古斯丁那里隱含地發(fā)現(xiàn)的教義。

Archbishop Hincmar, like the monks of Augustine’s time, thought this a doctrine inimical to good discipline; hence his invitation to Eriugena.

大主教欣克馬爾（Hincmar），像奧古斯丁時(shí)代的僧侶們一樣，認(rèn)為這是一種有害于良好紀(jì)律的教義；因此他邀請(qǐng)了愛(ài)留根納。

Eriugena’s refutation ( On Predestination) was, from Hincmar’s point of view, a remedy worse than the disease.

從欣克馬爾的角度來(lái)看，愛(ài)留根納的反駁（《論預(yù)定》）是一種比病情更糟糕的治療方法。

In the first place, his arguments against Gottschalk were silly: there could not be a double predestination, because God was simple and undivided, and there was no such thing as pre destination because God was eternal.

首先，他反對(duì)戈特施爾克的論據(jù)是愚蠢的：不能有雙重預(yù)定，因?yàn)槔咸鞝斒呛?jiǎn)單和不可分割的，并且沒(méi)有預(yù)定這樣的東西，因?yàn)槔咸鞝斒怯篮愕摹?/p>

Secondly, he tried to draw the sting out of the destiny of the damned by maintaining that there was no physical hell; the wicked want to flee from God to Unbeing, and God punishes them only by preventing their annihilation.

其次，他試圖通過(guò)堅(jiān)持沒(méi)有物質(zhì)地獄來(lái)減輕被詛咒者命運(yùn)的刺痛；邪惡者想要逃離老天爺?shù)椒谴嬖谥腥?，而老天爺只是通過(guò)阻止他們的湮滅來(lái)懲罰他們。

The fire of judgement spoken of in the Gospels is common to both good and bad; the difference between them is that the blessed turn into ether and the damned into air.

福音日記中所說(shuō)的審判之火是善惡共有的；他們之間的區(qū)別是，有福的人變成了以太，而被詛咒的人變成了空氣。

Gottschalk and Eriugena both found themselves condemned by Church Councils, one at Quiersy in 853, the other at Valence in 855. 戈

特施爾克和愛(ài)留根納都發(fā)現(xiàn)自己被教會(huì)會(huì)議所譴責(zé)，一個(gè)是在853年的基耶西（Quiersy），另一個(gè)是在855年的瓦朗斯（Valence）。

Despite this, Charles the Bald commissioned Eriugena to translate into Latin the works of Dionysius the Areopagite.

盡管如此，禿頭查理還是委托愛(ài)留根納把狄?jiàn)W尼修斯·亞略巴古斯（Dionysius the Areopagite）的作品翻譯成拉丁文。

These were four treatises, Neo-Platonic in content and probably written in the sixth century, which were wrongly believed to be the work of an Athenian convert of the Apostle Paul.

這些是四篇論文，內(nèi)容是新柏拉圖主義的，可能是在六世紀(jì)寫(xiě)的，錯(cuò)誤地被認(rèn)為是使徒保羅的一個(gè)雅典皈依者的作品。

Eriugena, whose knowledge of Greek indicates the high level of Irish culture in the ninth century, went to work with a will, and produced a commentary as well as translation.

愛(ài)留根納，他的希臘語(yǔ)知識(shí)表明了九世紀(jì)愛(ài)爾蘭文化的高水平，他懷著一顆意志去工作，并且產(chǎn)生了一篇注釋和翻譯。

These tasks whetted his appetite to produce his own system, which he did in the five books of his Periphyseon, or On Nature.

這些任務(wù)激發(fā)了他創(chuàng)造自己的體系的欲望，他在他的《論自然》或《周物論》（Periphyseon）的五卷中做到了這一點(diǎn)。

Nature is divided into four: nature creating and uncreated; nature created and creating; nature created and uncreating; and nature uncreated and uncreating.

自然被分為四個(gè)：創(chuàng)造中和未創(chuàng)造的自然；被創(chuàng)造和創(chuàng)造中的自然；被創(chuàng)造和未在創(chuàng)造中的自然；未創(chuàng)造和未創(chuàng)造中的自然。

The first, obviously enough, is God.

第一個(gè)，顯然是老天爺。

The second, nature created and creating, is the world of intellect, the home of the Platonic Ideas, which are created in God the Son.

第二個(gè)，被創(chuàng)造和創(chuàng)造中的自然，是理性的世界，柏拉圖式理念的家園，它們是在老天爺之子中被創(chuàng)造出來(lái)的。

This second nature creates the third, nature created and uncreating; that is the everyday world of the things we can see and feel in space and time, such as animals, plants, and rocks.

這第二個(gè)自然創(chuàng)造了第三個(gè)，被創(chuàng)造和未在創(chuàng)造中的自然；那就是我們?cè)诳臻g和時(shí)間中可以看到和感覺(jué)到的事物的日常世界，比如動(dòng)物、植物和巖石。

The fourth, nature uncreated and uncreating, is once again the uncreated God, conceived now not as the creator but as the ultimate end to which all things return.

第四個(gè)，未創(chuàng)造和未創(chuàng)造中的自然，又一次是未創(chuàng)造的老天爺，現(xiàn)在不是被認(rèn)為是創(chuàng)造者，而是所有事物歸還的最終目標(biāo)。

Eriugena’s language about God is highly agnostic.

愛(ài)留根納關(guān)于老天爺?shù)恼Z(yǔ)言是高度不可知論的。

God cannot be described in human language; he does not fit into any of Aristotle’s ten categories.

老天爺不能用人類語(yǔ)言來(lái)描述；他不適合亞里士多德的十個(gè)范疇中的任何一個(gè)。

God therefore is beyond all being, and so it is more correct to say that He does not exist than that He exists.

因此老天爺超越了一切存在，所以說(shuō)他不存在比說(shuō)他存在更正確。

Eriugena tries to save himself from sheer atheism by saying that what God is doing is something better than existing.

愛(ài)留根納試圖通過(guò)說(shuō)老天爺所做的是比存在更好的事情來(lái)使自己免于純粹的無(wú)神論。

What the Bible says of God, he says, is not to be taken literally; but in every verse there are innumerable meanings, like the colours in a peacock’s tail.

他說(shuō)，圣經(jīng)所說(shuō)的關(guān)于老天爺?shù)脑挷皇且置嫔侠斫獾?；但是在每一?jié)里都有無(wú)數(shù)的意義，就像孔雀尾巴上的顏色一樣。

It is not easy to see where human beings fit into Eriugena’s fourfold scheme.

不容易看出人類在愛(ài)留根納的四重方案中屬于哪里。

They seem to straddle uneasily between the second and the third.

他們似乎不安地跨越在第二和第三之間。

Our animal bodies seem clearly to belong with the third; but they are created by our souls, which have more affinity with the objects in the second.

我們的動(dòng)物身體似乎明顯地屬于第三；但它們是由我們的靈魂創(chuàng)造出來(lái)的，而我們的靈魂與第二中的對(duì)象有更多的親和力。

And at one point Eriugena seems to suggest that the entire human being has its home in the second: ‘Man is a certain intellectual notion, eternally made in the divine mind’.

而在某一點(diǎn)上，愛(ài)留根納似乎暗示整個(gè)人類都屬于第二：“人是一種特定的智性概念，在神圣的心靈中永恒地被造出來(lái)?！?/p>

He must be thinking of the Idea of Man; systematically, in Platonic style, he insists that species are more real than their members, universals more real than individuals.

他一定是在想人的理型；系統(tǒng)地，以柏拉圖的風(fēng)格，他堅(jiān)持認(rèn)為種類比其成員更真實(shí)，普遍性比個(gè)體更真實(shí)。

When the world ends, place and time will disappear, and all creatures will find salvation in the nature that is uncreated and uncreating.

當(dāng)世界結(jié)束時(shí)，空間和時(shí)間將消失，所有的生靈都將在未創(chuàng)造和未創(chuàng)造中的自然中找到救贖。

Despite the influence of Greek sources, Eriugena’s ideas are often original and imaginative; but his teaching is obviously difficult to reconcile with Christian orthodoxy, and it is unsurprising that On Nature was repeatedly condemned.

盡管受到了希臘文獻(xiàn)的影響，愛(ài)留根納的思想往往是原創(chuàng)和富有想象力的；但他的教導(dǎo)顯然很難與喵咪教正統(tǒng)相協(xié)調(diào)，因此《論自然》被反復(fù)譴責(zé)也不足為奇。

Three and a half centuries after its publication a Pope ordered, ineffectively, that all copies of it should be burnt.

在它出版后的三個(gè)半世紀(jì)里，一位教皇無(wú)效地命令所有的副本都應(yīng)該被燒毀。

Alkindi and Avicenna Paradoxically, the Christian Eriugena was a much less important precursor of Western medieval philosophy than a series of Muslim thinkers in the countries that are now Iraq and Iran.

矛盾的是，喵咪教的愛(ài)留根納比一系列現(xiàn)在是伊拉克和伊朗的國(guó)家里的慕斯琳思想家更不重要的西方中世紀(jì)哲學(xué)的先驅(qū)。

Besides being significant philosophers in their own right, these Muslims provided the route through which much Greek learning was made available to the Latin West.

除了在自己的權(quán)利上是重要的哲學(xué)家之外，這些慕斯琳還提供了一條途徑，使得許多希臘學(xué)問(wèn)可以為拉丁西方所利用。

In the fourth century a group of Syrian Christians had made a serious study of Greek philosophy and medicine.

在四世紀(jì)，一群敘利亞喵咪徒對(duì)希臘哲學(xué)和醫(yī)學(xué)進(jìn)行了認(rèn)真的研究。

Towards the end of the fifth century the Emperor Zeno closed their school as heretical and they moved to Persia.

在五世紀(jì)末期，皇帝澤諾（Zeno）關(guān)閉了他們被視為異端的學(xué)校，他們搬到了波斯。

After the Islamic conquest of Persia and Syria, they were taken under the patronage of the enlightened Caliphs of Baghdad in the era of the Arabian Nights.

在易思藍(lán)征服波斯和敘利亞之后，他們?cè)凇兑磺Я阋灰埂返臅r(shí)代受到了巴格達(dá)開(kāi)明的哈里發(fā)（Caliphs）的庇護(hù)。

Between 750 and 900 these Syrians translated Aristotle into Arabic, and made available to the Muslim world the scientific and medical works of Euclid, Archimedes, Hippocrates, and Galen.

在750年到900年之間，這些敘利亞人把亞里士多德翻譯成阿拉伯語(yǔ)，并向慕斯琳世界提供了歐幾里得、阿基米德、希波克拉底和伽林（Galen）的科學(xué)和醫(yī)學(xué)著作。

At the same time, mathematical and astronomical works were imported from India and ‘Arabic’ numerals were adopted.

同時(shí)，數(shù)學(xué)和天文學(xué)的著作也從印度引進(jìn)，并采用了“阿拉伯”數(shù)字。

Arabic thinkers were quick to exploit the patrimony of Greek learning. Alkindi, a contemporary of Eriugena’s, wrote a commentary on Aristotle’s De Anima.

阿拉伯思想家很快就利用了希臘學(xué)問(wèn)的遺產(chǎn)。阿爾金迪（Alkindi），愛(ài)留根納的同時(shí)代人，寫(xiě)了一篇關(guān)于亞里士多德《論靈魂》的注釋。

He offered a remarkable interpretation of the baffling passage in which Aristotle speaks of the two minds, a mind to make things and a mind to become things.

他提供了一個(gè)引人注目的解釋，解釋了亞里士多德談到兩種心靈的令人困惑的段落，一種是創(chuàng)造事物的心靈，一種是成為事物的心靈。

The making mind, he said, was a single super-human intelligence; this operated upon individual passive intelligences (the minds ‘to become’) in order to produce human thought.

他說(shuō)，創(chuàng)造性的心靈是一種單一的超人類智力；這種智力作用于個(gè)體的被動(dòng)智力（成為事物的心靈），以產(chǎn)生人類的思想。

Alfarabi, who died in Baghdad in 950, followed this interpretation; as a member of the sect of Sufis he gave it a mystical flavour.

阿爾法拉比（Alfarabi），于950年在巴格達(dá)去世，他遵循了這種解釋；作為蘇非派（Sufis）教派的一員，他給它增添了一種神秘的色彩。

The most significant Muslim philosopher of the time was Ibn Sina or Avicenna (980 –1037).

當(dāng)時(shí)最重要的慕斯琳哲學(xué)家是伊本·西那或阿維森納（Avicenna）（980-1037）。

Born near Bokhara, he was a precocious student who mastered logic, mathematics, physics, medicine and metaphysics in his teens, and published an encyclopedia of these disciplines when he was twenty.

他出生在布哈拉附近，他是一個(gè)早熟的學(xué)生，在十幾歲時(shí)就掌握了邏輯、數(shù)學(xué)、物理、醫(yī)學(xué)和形而上學(xué)，并在二十歲時(shí)出版了這些學(xué)科的百科全書(shū)。

His medical skill was unrivalled and much in demand: he spent the latter part of his life as court physician to the ruler of Isfahan.

他的醫(yī)術(shù)無(wú)與倫比，非常受歡迎：他把后半生作為伊斯法罕統(tǒng)治者的宮廷醫(yī)生度過(guò)。

He wrote a few works in Persian and many in Arabic; over one hundred have survived, in the original or in Latin translations.

他用波斯語(yǔ)寫(xiě)了幾部作品，用阿拉伯語(yǔ)寫(xiě)了許多；有一百多部在原文或拉丁文翻譯中保存下來(lái)。

His Canon of Medicine, which adds his own observations to a careful assembly of Greek and Arabic clinical material, was used by practitioners in Europe until the seventeenth century.

他的《醫(yī)學(xué)典范》（Canon of Medicine），在對(duì)希臘和阿拉伯臨床材料進(jìn)行仔細(xì)整理的基礎(chǔ)上加入了他自己的觀察，直到十七世紀(jì)還被歐洲的醫(yī)生使用。

It was through Avicenna that they learnt the theory of the four humours, or bodily fluids (blood, phlegm, choler, and black bile) which were supposed to determine people’s health and character, making them sanguine, phlegmatic, choleric, or melancholic as the case might be.

正是通過(guò)阿維森納，他們才學(xué)到了四種體液或身體液體（血液、痰液、膽汁和黑膽汁）的理論，這些體液被認(rèn)為決定了人們的健康和性格，使他們變得多血、冷漠、易怒或憂郁，具體情況可能各不相同。

Avicenna’s metaphysical system was based on Aristotle’s, but he modified it in ways which were highly significant for later Aristotelianism.

阿維森納的形而上學(xué)體系是基于亞里士多德的，但他以對(duì)后來(lái)的亞里士多德主義有極大意義的方式修改了它。

He took over the doctrine of matter and form and elaborated it in his own manner: any bodily entity consisted of matter under a substantial form, which made it a body (a ‘form of corporeality’).

他接受了質(zhì)料和形式的教義，并以自己的方式闡述了它：任何身體實(shí)體都由處于物質(zhì)形式下的質(zhì)料組成，這使它成為一個(gè)身體（一種“身體性的形式”）。

All bodily creatures belonged to particular species, but any such creature, e.g. a dog, had not just one but many substantial forms, such as animality, which made it an animal, and caninity, which made it a dog.

所有的身體生靈都屬于特定的種類，但任何這樣的生靈，比如一只狗，不僅有一個(gè)而是有許多實(shí)質(zhì)形式，比如動(dòng)物性，使它成為一種動(dòng)物，和犬性，使它成為一只狗。

Since souls, for an Aristotelian, are forms, a human being, on this theory, has three souls: a vegetative soul (responsible for nutrition, growth, and reproduction), an animal soul (responsible for movement and perception), and a rational soul (responsible for intellectual thought).

由于對(duì)于亞里士多德來(lái)說(shuō)，靈魂是形式，在這個(gè)理論上，一個(gè)人類有三個(gè)靈魂：一個(gè)植物靈魂（負(fù)責(zé)營(yíng)養(yǎng)、生長(zhǎng)和繁殖），一個(gè)動(dòng)物靈魂（負(fù)責(zé)運(yùn)動(dòng)和感知），和一個(gè)理性靈魂（負(fù)責(zé)智力思維）。

None of the souls exist prior to the body, but while the two inferior souls are mortal, the superior one is immortal and survives death in a condition either of bliss or of frustration, in accordance with the life it has led.

沒(méi)有一個(gè)靈魂在身體之前存在，但是當(dāng)兩個(gè)低等的靈魂是不朽的時(shí)候，高等的那一個(gè)是不朽的，并且在死后以幸?；虼煺鄣臓顟B(tài)存活下來(lái)，這取決于它所過(guò)的生活。

Following Alfarabi’s interpretation of Aristotle, he distinguished between two intellectual faculties: the receptive human intellect which absorbs information received through the senses, and a single superhuman active intellect which communicates to humans the ability to grasp universal concepts and principles.

遵循阿爾法拉比對(duì)亞里士多德的解釋，他區(qū)分了兩種智力能力：接受性的人類智力，它吸收通過(guò)感官接收到的信息，和一種單一的超人類主動(dòng)智力，它向人類傳達(dá)了把握普遍概念和原則的能力。

The active intellect plays a central role in Avicenna’s system: it not only illuminates the human soul, but is the cause of its existence. The matter and the varied forms of the world are emanations of the active intellect, which is itself the last member of a series of intellectual emanations of the unchanging and eternal First Cause, namely God.

主動(dòng)智力在阿維森納的體系中扮演著中心角色：它不僅照亮了人類的靈魂，而且是其存在的原因。世界上的物質(zhì)和各種形式都是主動(dòng)智力的流露，而主動(dòng)智力本身是不變和永恒的第一因的一系列智力流露的最后一個(gè)成員，即老天爺。

In describing the unique nature of God, Avicenna introduces a celebrated distinction, that between essence and existence. This arises out of his account of universal terms such as ‘horse’. In the material world, there are only individual horses; the term ‘horse’, however, can be applied to many different individuals. Different from both of these is the essence horseness, which in itself is neither one nor many, and is neutral between the existence and non-existence of any actual horses.

在描述老天爺?shù)莫?dú)特本性時(shí)，阿維森納引入了一個(gè)著名的區(qū)別，即本質(zhì)和存在之間的區(qū)別。這源于他對(duì)諸如“馬”這樣的普遍術(shù)語(yǔ)的敘述。在物質(zhì)世界中，只有個(gè)別的馬；然而，“馬”這個(gè)術(shù)語(yǔ)可以應(yīng)用于許多不同的個(gè)體。不同于這兩者的是馬性（horseness）的本質(zhì)，它本身既不是一也不是多，而是在任何實(shí)際馬的存在和不存在之間保持中立。

Whatever kind of creature we take, we will find nothing in its essence which will account for the existence of things of that kind. Not even the fullest investigation into what kind of thing something is will show that it exists. If we find, then, things of a certain kind existing, we must look for an external cause which added existence to essence. There may be a series of such causes, but it cannot go on for ever. The series must come to an end with an entity whose essence does account for its existence, something whose existence is derived from nothing outside itself, but is entailed by its essence. Such a being is called by Avicenna a necessary existent: and of course only God fills the bill. It is God who gives existence to the essences of all other beings.

無(wú)論我們?nèi)∈裁礃拥纳`，我們都不會(huì)在它的本質(zhì)中找到任何能解釋那種生靈存在的東西。即使是最充分的對(duì)某物是什么樣的東西的調(diào)查也不會(huì)顯示它存在。如果我們發(fā)現(xiàn)，有一定種類的事物存在，我們必須尋找一個(gè)外部原因，它把存在加到了本質(zhì)上。可能有一系列這樣的原因，但它不能永遠(yuǎn)持續(xù)下去。這個(gè)系列必須以一個(gè)實(shí)體結(jié)束，它的本質(zhì)能解釋它的存在，某種其存在不依賴于它之外的任何東西，而是由其本質(zhì)所蘊(yùn)含的東西。阿維森納稱這樣的存在為必然存在者：當(dāng)然只有老天爺才符合條件。是老天爺給所有其他生靈的本質(zhì)賦予了存在。

Since God’s existence depends upon nothing but his essence, his existence is eternal; and since God is eternal, Avicenna concluded, so is the world which emanates from him.

由于老天爺?shù)拇嬖谥灰蕾囉谒约旱谋举|(zhì)，他的存在是永恒的；而且由于老天爺是永恒的，阿維森納得出結(jié)論，從他創(chuàng)造出來(lái)的世界也是永恒的。

Avicenna was a sincere Muslim, and he was careful to reconcile his philosophical scheme with the teaching and commands of the Prophet, which he regarded as a unique enlightenment from the Active Intellect.

阿維森納是一個(gè)虔誠(chéng)的慕斯琳，他小心地使他的哲學(xué)體系與先知的教導(dǎo)和命令相協(xié)調(diào)，他認(rèn)為這是來(lái)自主動(dòng)智力的獨(dú)特的啟示。

Just as Greek philosophy operated within the context of the Homeric poems, and the stage is set for Jewish and Christian philosophy by the Old and New Testaments, so Muslim philosophy takes as its backdrop the Koran.

正如希臘哲學(xué)在荷馬史詩(shī)的背景下運(yùn)作，而舊約和新約為猶太和喵咪教哲學(xué)奠定了舞臺(tái)，慕斯琳哲學(xué)也以古蘭經(jīng)為其背景。

But Avicenna’s interpretations of the sacred book were taken by conservatives to be unorthodox, and his influence was to be greater among Christians than among Muslims.

但是阿維森納對(duì)圣書(shū)的解釋被保守派認(rèn)為是非正統(tǒng)的，他的影響在喵咪徒中要比在慕斯琳中更大。

The Feudal System At the time of Avicenna’s death great changes were taking place in Christendom.

在阿維森納去世的時(shí)候，喵咪教世界發(fā)生了巨大的變化。

Charlemagne’s unification of Europe did not last long, and few of his successors as Holy Roman Emperors were able to exercise effective rule outside the bounds of Germany.

查理曼大帝對(duì)歐洲的統(tǒng)一沒(méi)有持續(xù)很久，他作為神圣羅馬皇帝的繼承者中很少有人能夠在德國(guó)之外有效地統(tǒng)治。

They occupied, however, the highest point of an elaborate pyramidal social and political structure, the feudal system.

然而，他們占據(jù)了一個(gè)復(fù)雜的金字塔形社會(huì)和政治結(jié)構(gòu)的最高點(diǎn)，即封建制度。

Throughout Europe, smaller or larger manors were ruled by local lords with their own courts and soldiers, who pledged their allegiance to greater lords, promising, in return for their protection, military and financial support.

在整個(gè)歐洲，大小不一的莊園由擁有自己的法院和士兵的地方領(lǐng)主統(tǒng)治，他們向更高級(jí)的領(lǐng)主宣誓效忠，承諾以軍事和財(cái)政支持作為換取他們保護(hù)的回報(bào)。

These greater lords in turn were the subordinates, or vassals, of kings.

這些更高級(jí)的領(lǐng)主反過(guò)來(lái)又是國(guó)王的下屬或附庸。

While the feudal system, for much of the time, preserved the peace in a fragmented Europe, warfare often broke out over contested issues of vassalage.

盡管封建制度在大部分時(shí)間里維持了一個(gè)分裂的歐洲的和平，但戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)經(jīng)常因?yàn)橛袪?zhēng)議的附庸問(wèn)題而爆發(fā)。

When the Norman William the Conqueror invaded England in 1066, he justified his conquest on the grounds that the last Saxon king, Harold, had sworn allegiance to him and then broken his oath by assuming the crown of England.

當(dāng)諾曼人征服者威廉（William the Conqueror）于1066年入侵英格蘭時(shí)，他以最后一位撒克遜國(guó)王哈羅德（Harold）曾向他宣誓效忠，然后違背誓言篡奪英格蘭王冠為理由，為他的征服辯護(hù)。

While local land ownership and the personal engagement of vassal to overlord were the foundations of secular society, the organization of the Church was becoming more centralized.

盡管地方土地所有權(quán)和附庸對(duì)領(lǐng)主的個(gè)人承諾是世俗社會(huì)的基礎(chǔ)，但教會(huì)的組織卻變得越來(lái)越集中。

?

True, the abbeys in which monks lived in community were great landowners, and abbots and bishops were powerful feudal lords;

的確，僧侶們共同生活的修道院是大地主，而修道院長(zhǎng)和主教是強(qiáng)大的封建領(lǐng)主；

but as the eleventh century progressed, they were brought to an ever greater degree under the control of the Holy See in Rome.

但隨著十一世紀(jì)的進(jìn)展，他們?cè)絹?lái)越受到羅馬教廷的控制。

A line of unedifying and ineffective Popes in the tenth and early eleventh century gave way to a series of reformers, who sought to eradicate the ignorance, intemperance and corruption of many of the clergy, and to end clerical concubinage by enforcing a rule of celibacy.

十世紀(jì)和十一世紀(jì)初一系列不堪入目和無(wú)能的教皇讓位于一系列改革者，他們?cè)噲D根除許多神職人員的無(wú)知、放縱和腐敗，并通過(guò)執(zhí)行獨(dú)身規(guī)則來(lái)結(jié)束神職人員的妾妻制。

Chief among the reformers was Pope Gregory VII, whose high view of the Papal calling brought him into conflict with the equally energetic German Emperor, Henry IV.

改革者中最重要的是教皇格雷戈里七世（Pope Gregory VII），他對(duì)教皇使命的高度看法使他與同樣精力充沛的德國(guó)皇帝亨利四世（Henry IV）發(fā)生了沖突。

According to almost all medieval thinkers, Church and State were each, independently, of divine origin, and neither institution derived its authority from the other.

根據(jù)幾乎所有的中世紀(jì)思想家，教會(huì)和國(guó)家都是各自獨(dú)立地來(lái)自神圣的起源，而沒(méi)有一種機(jī)構(gòu)從另一種機(jī)構(gòu)獲得其權(quán)威。

Despite the great variety of institutions at lower levels – feudal lordships and monarchies in the State, bishoprics, abbeys, and religious orders in the Church – each institution acknowledged a universal head: the Holy Roman Emperor and the Pope.

盡管在較低層次上有各種各樣的機(jī)構(gòu)——國(guó)家中的封建領(lǐng)主和君主制，教會(huì)中的主教區(qū)、修道院和宗教團(tuán)體——每個(gè)機(jī)構(gòu)都承認(rèn)一個(gè)普遍的首領(lǐng)：神圣羅馬皇帝和教皇。

The purposes of the two institutions were distinct: the State was to provide for the security and well-being of citizens in this world, the Church to minister to the spiritual needs of believers on their journey towards heaven.

這兩個(gè)機(jī)構(gòu)的目的是不同的：國(guó)家是為了在這個(gè)世界上提供公民的安全和福祉，教會(huì)是為了在他們向天堂進(jìn)發(fā)的旅程中服侍信徒的精神需要。

The jurisdictions, therefore, were in principle complementary rather than competing.

因此，這些管轄權(quán)在原則上是互補(bǔ)而不是競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的。

But there were many areas where in fact they overlapped and could conflict.

但實(shí)際上有許多領(lǐng)域是他們重疊和可能發(fā)生沖突的。

The quarrel between Gregory and Henry concerned the nomination and confirmation of bishops.

格雷戈里和亨利之間的爭(zhēng)吵涉及了主教的提名和確認(rèn)。

This was obviously the concern of the Church, since a bishopric was a spiritual office;

這顯然是教會(huì)的關(guān)切，因?yàn)橹鹘搪毷且粋€(gè)精神職務(wù)；

but bishops were often also substantial landowners with a feudal following, and lay rulers often took a keen interest in their appointment.

但主教往往也是擁有封建隨從的大地主，而俗人統(tǒng)治者經(jīng)常對(duì)他們的任命非常感興趣。

Disregarding a Papal prohibition, the Emperor Henry IV personally appointed bishops in Germany;

不顧教皇的禁令，皇帝亨利四世親自任命了德國(guó)的主教；

Pope Gregory, who claimed the power to depose all princes, excommunicated him, that is to say, banned him from participation in the activities of the Church.

聲稱有權(quán)罷免所有王子的教皇格雷戈里（Pope Gregory）將他逐出教會(huì)，也就是說(shuō)，禁止他參與教會(huì)的活動(dòng)。

This had the effect of absolving the Emperor’s vassals from their allegiance, and to restore it, he had to abase himself before the Pope in the snow at Canossa.

這樣做的效果是解除了皇帝的附庸對(duì)他的效忠，為了恢復(fù)它，他不得不在卡諾薩（Canossa）的雪地里在教皇面前屈辱自己。

Saint Anselm In England too, under William the Conqueror’s successors relations between Church and State were often strained;

在英格蘭，威廉征服者（William the Conqueror）的繼承者統(tǒng)治下，教會(huì)和國(guó)家之間的關(guān)系也經(jīng)常緊張；

and the quarrels between Pope and King played an important part in the life of the most important philosopher of the eleventh century, St Anselm of Canterbury.

而教皇和國(guó)王之間的爭(zhēng)吵在十一世紀(jì)最重要的哲學(xué)家坎特伯雷圣安瑟倫（St Anselm of Canterbury）的生活中扮演了重要角色。

Anselm, who was born just before Avicenna’s death, resembled him as a philosopher in several ways, but began from a very different starting point.

安瑟倫出生在阿維森納去世之前不久，作為哲學(xué)家與他有幾方面的相似之處，但從一個(gè)非常不同的起點(diǎn)開(kāi)始。

An Italian by birth, he studied the works of Augustine at the Norman abbey of Bec, under Lanfranc, who later became William the Conqueror’s Archbishop of Canterbury.

他生于意大利，在諾曼人貝克（Bec）修道院學(xué)習(xí)奧古斯?。ˋugustine）的著作，師從蘭弗蘭克（Lanfranc），后者后來(lái)成為威廉征服者（William the Conqueror）的坎特伯雷大主教。

As a monk, prior, and finally Abbot of Bec, Anselm wrote a series of brief philosophical and meditative works.

作為一個(gè)僧侶、修道院副院長(zhǎng)和最后貝克修道院院長(zhǎng)，安瑟倫寫(xiě)了一系列簡(jiǎn)短的哲學(xué)和冥想作品。

In On the Grammarian he reflected on the interface between grammar and logic, and the relationships between signifiers and signified; he explored, for instance, the contrast between a noun and an adjective, and the contrast between a substance and a quality, and wrote on the relationship between the two contrasts.

在《論語(yǔ)法學(xué)家》（On the Grammarian）中，他思考了語(yǔ)法和邏輯之間的界面，以及能指和所指之間的關(guān)系；他探討了，例如，名詞和形容詞之間的對(duì)比，以及實(shí)體和性質(zhì)之間的對(duì)比，并寫(xiě)了關(guān)于這兩種對(duì)比之間的關(guān)系。

In his soliloquy Monologion he offered a number of arguments for the existence of God, including one which goes as follows.

在他的獨(dú)白《Monologion》中，他提出了一些關(guān)于老天爺存在的論證，其中一個(gè)如下。

Everything which exists exists through something or other.

任何存在的東西都是通過(guò)某種東西而存在的。

But not everything can exist through something else;

但并不是所有的東西都能通過(guò)別的東西而存在；

therefore there must be something which exists through itself.

因此，必然有某種東西是通過(guò)自身而存在的。

This argument would have interested Avicenna, but Anselm did not find it wholly satisfactory, and in a meditation addressed to God entitled Proslogion he offered a different argument, which was the one that made him famous in the history of philosophy.

這個(gè)論證可能會(huì)引起阿維森納的興趣，但安瑟倫并不認(rèn)為它完全令人滿意，于是他在一篇題為《神學(xué)論》（Proslogion）的對(duì)老天爺?shù)内は胫刑岢隽艘粋€(gè)不同的論證，這個(gè)論證使他在哲學(xué)史上名垂青史。

Anselm addresses God thus:

安瑟倫這樣對(duì)老天爺說(shuō)：

We believe that thou art a being than which nothing greater can be conceived. Or is there no such nature, since the fool hath said in his heart, there is no God? (Psalm 14: 1)

我們相信你是一個(gè)沒(méi)有什么比你更偉大的存在?；蛘哒f(shuō)，沒(méi)有這樣的本性嗎，因?yàn)橛奕诵睦镎f(shuō)，沒(méi)有老天爺？（詩(shī)篇14:1）

But at any rate, this very fool, when he hears of this being of which I speak – a being than which nothing greater can be conceived – understands what he hears, and what he understands is in his understanding; although he does not understand it to exist.

但無(wú)論如何，這個(gè)愚人，當(dāng)他聽(tīng)到我所說(shuō)的這個(gè)存在——一個(gè)沒(méi)有什么比它更偉大的存在——他理解了他所聽(tīng)到的，而他所理解的在他的理解中；盡管他不理解它是否存在。

For, it is one thing for an object to be in the understanding, and another to understand that the object exists. . . .

因?yàn)?，一個(gè)對(duì)象在理解中是一回事，理解這個(gè)對(duì)象是否存在是另一回事。. . .

Even the fool is convinced that something exists in the understanding, at least, than which nothing greater can be conceived.

即使愚人也相信，在理解中至少存在著某種東西，沒(méi)有什么比它更偉大。

For, when he hears of this, he understands it. And whatever is understood, exists in the understanding.

因?yàn)椋?dāng)他聽(tīng)到這個(gè)時(shí)，他理解了它。而任何被理解的東西，都存在于理解中。

And assuredly that, than which nothing greater can be conceived, cannot exist in the understanding alone.

而且可以肯定的是，那個(gè)沒(méi)有什么比它更偉大的東西，不能只存在于理解中。

For, suppose it exists in the understanding alone: then it can be conceived to exist in reality; which is greater.

因?yàn)?，假設(shè)它只存在于理解中：那么它可以被想象成在現(xiàn)實(shí)中存在；這是更偉大的。

Therefore, if that, than which nothing greater can be conceived, exists in the understanding alone, the very being than which nothing greater can be conceived is one than which a greater can be conceived.

因此，如果那個(gè)沒(méi)有什么比它更偉大的東西只存在于理解中，那么這個(gè)沒(méi)有什么比它更偉大的存在就是一個(gè)可以想象出比它更偉大的東西。

But obviously this is impossible.

但顯然這是不可能的。

Hence there is no doubt that there exists a being than which nothing greater can be conceived, and it exists both in the?understanding and in reality.?

因此毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)地，有一個(gè)沒(méi)有什么比它更偉大的存在存在著，并且它同時(shí)存在于理解和現(xiàn)實(shí)中。

Whereas Avicenna was the first to say that God’s essence entailed his existence, Anselm claims that the very concept of God shows that he exists.

阿維森納是第一個(gè)說(shuō)老天爺?shù)谋举|(zhì)蘊(yùn)含了他的存在的人，而安瑟倫則聲稱老天爺?shù)母拍畋旧砭捅砻髁怂拇嬖凇?/p>

If we know what we mean when we talk about God, then we automatically know there is a God;

如果我們知道我們?cè)谡務(wù)摾咸鞝敃r(shí)的意思，那么我們就自動(dòng)地知道有一個(gè)老天爺；

if you deny his existence you do not know what you are talking about.

如果你否認(rèn)他的存在，你就不知道你在說(shuō)什么。

Is Anselm’s argument valid? The answer has been debated from his day to ours.

安瑟倫的論證有效嗎？這個(gè)問(wèn)題從他的時(shí)代到我們的時(shí)代一直在爭(zhēng)論。

A neighbouring monk, Gaunilo, said that one could prove by the same route that the most fabulously beautiful island must exist, otherwise one would be able to imagine one more fabulously beautiful.

一個(gè)鄰近的僧侶高尼羅（Gaunilo）說(shuō)，人們可以用同樣的方法證明，最神奇美麗的島嶼必須存在，否則人們就能想象出一個(gè)更神奇美麗的島嶼。

Anselm replied that the cases were different, because even the most beautiful imaginable island could be conceived not to exist, since we can imagine it going out of existence, whereas God cannot in that way be conceived not to exist.

安瑟倫回答說(shuō)，這兩種情況是不同的，因?yàn)榧词故亲蠲利惪上胂蟮膷u嶼也可以被想象成不存在，因?yàn)槲覀兛梢韵胂笏Я?，而老天爺卻不能以那種方式被想象成不存在。

It is important to note that Anselm is not saying that God is the greatest conceivable thing.

重要的是要注意，安瑟倫并不是說(shuō)老天爺是最可想象的東西。

Indeed, he expressly says that God is not conceivable; he is greater than anything that can be conceived.

事實(shí)上，他明確地說(shuō)老天爺是不可想象的；他比任何可以想象的東西都更偉大。

On the face of it, there is nothing self-contradictory in saying that that than which no greater can be conceived is itself too great for conception.

表面上看，說(shuō)沒(méi)有什么比它更偉大的東西本身就太偉大而無(wú)法被想象，并沒(méi)有什么自相矛盾的。

I can say that my copy of the Proslogion is something than which nothing larger will fit into my pocket.

我可以說(shuō)我的《神學(xué)論》（Proslogion）副本是一樣沒(méi)有什么比它更大能裝進(jìn)我的口袋里的東西。

That is true, but it does not mean that my copy of the Proslogion will itself fit into my pocket; in fact it is far too big to do so.

這是真的，但這并不意味著我的《神學(xué)論》（Proslogion）副本本身就能裝進(jìn)我的口袋里；事實(shí)上它太大了，做不到這一點(diǎn)。

The real difficulty for Anselm is in explaining how something which cannot be conceived can be in the understanding at all.

安瑟倫真正的困難在于解釋無(wú)法被想象的東西如何能夠在理解中存在。

To be sure, we understand each of the words in the phrase ‘that than which no greater can be conceived’.

當(dāng)然，我們理解“沒(méi)有什么比它更偉大”的這個(gè)短語(yǔ)中的每一個(gè)詞。

But is this enough to ensure that we grasp what the whole phrase means?

但這足以保證我們理解整個(gè)短語(yǔ)的意思嗎？

If so, then it seems that we can indeed conceive God, even though of course we have no exhaustive understanding of him.

如果是這樣，那么看來(lái)我們確實(shí)可以想象老天爺，即使我們當(dāng)然沒(méi)有對(duì)他的全面理解。

If not, then we have no guarantee that that than which no greater can be conceived exists even in the intellect, or that ‘that than which no greater can be conceived’ expresses an intelligible thought.

如果不是這樣，那么我們就沒(méi)有保證沒(méi)有什么比它更偉大的東西甚至在理智中存在，或者“沒(méi)有什么比它更偉大”表達(dá)了一個(gè)可理解的思想。

Philosophers in the twentieth century have discussed the expression ‘The least natural number not nameable in fewer than twenty-two syllables’.

二十世紀(jì)的哲學(xué)家們討論過(guò)“不能用少于二十二個(gè)音節(jié)命名的最小自然數(shù)”這個(gè)表達(dá)。

This sounds a readily intelligible designation of a number – until the paradox dawns on us that the expression itself names the number in twenty-one syllables.

這聽(tīng)起來(lái)是一個(gè)容易理解的數(shù)字的指稱——直到我們意識(shí)到這個(gè)表達(dá)本身就用二十一個(gè)音節(jié)命名了這個(gè)數(shù)字的悖論。

However, even philosophers who have agreed with each other that Anselm’s proof is invalid have rarely agreed what is wrong with it, and whenever it appears finally refuted, someone revives it in a new guise.

然而，即使是那些認(rèn)為安瑟倫的證明是無(wú)效的哲學(xué)家們也很少能就它出了什么問(wèn)題達(dá)成一致，而且每當(dāng)它看起來(lái)最終被駁倒時(shí)，總有人以一種新的形式重新提出它。

?Equally original and influential was Anselm’s attempt, in his book Cur Deus Homo, to give a reasoned justification for the Christian doctrine of the incarnation.

安瑟倫在他的書(shū)《為什么老天爺成為人》（Cur Deus Homo）中試圖為喵咪教的道成肉身教義提供一個(gè)合理的辯護(hù)，這也是同樣原創(chuàng)和有影響力的。

The title of the book means ‘Why did God become man?’

這本書(shū)的標(biāo)題意思是“為什么老天爺成為人？”

Anselm’s answer turns on the principle that justice demands that where there is an offence, there must be satisfaction.

安瑟倫的回答依賴于一個(gè)原則，即正義要求在有罪過(guò)的地方，必須有贖罪。

Satisfaction must be made by an offender, and it must be a recompense which is equal and opposite to the offence.

贖罪必須由罪犯來(lái)做，而且必須是與罪過(guò)相等和相反的補(bǔ)償。

The magnitude of an offence is judged by the importance of the person offended; the magnitude of satisfaction is judged by the importance of the person making the recompense.

罪過(guò)的大小由被冒犯者的重要性來(lái)判斷；贖罪的大小由做出補(bǔ)償者的重要性來(lái)判斷。

So Adam’s sin was an infinite offence, since it was an offence against God; but any satisfaction that mere human beings can make is only finite, since it is made by finite creatures.

所以亞當(dāng)?shù)淖锸且粋€(gè)無(wú)限的罪過(guò)，因?yàn)樗菍?duì)老天爺?shù)拿胺?；但任何單純的人類能做出的贖罪只是有限的，因?yàn)樗怯捎邢薜纳`做出的。

It is impossible, therefore, for the human race, unaided, to make up for Adam’s sin.

因此，對(duì)于沒(méi)有外援的人類來(lái)說(shuō)，彌補(bǔ)亞當(dāng)?shù)淖锸遣豢赡艿摹?/p>

Satisfaction can only be adequate if it is made by one who is human (and therefore an heir of Adam) and one who is divine (and can therefore make infinite recompense).

贖罪只有在由一個(gè)既是人類（因此是亞當(dāng)?shù)暮笠幔┯质巧袷ィㄒ虼四軌蜃龀鰺o(wú)限的補(bǔ)償）的人來(lái)做時(shí)才能足夠。

Hence, the incarnation of God is necessary if original sin is to be wiped out and the human race is to be redeemed.

因此，如果要消除原罪并拯救人類，老天爺?shù)牡莱扇馍砭褪潜匾摹?/p>

Anselm’s theory influenced theologians until long after the Reformation; but his notion of satisfaction was also incorporated into some philosophical theories of the justification of punishment.

安瑟倫的理論影響了改革運(yùn)動(dòng)之后很久的神學(xué)家們；但他關(guān)于贖罪的概念也被納入了一些關(guān)于懲罰合理性的哲學(xué)理論中。

By the time he wrote Cur Deus Homo Anselm had succeeded Lanfranc as Archbishop of Canterbury. 在

他寫(xiě)《為什么老天爺成為人》（Cur Deus Homo）時(shí)，安瑟倫已經(jīng)繼承了蘭弗蘭克（Lanfranc）成為坎特伯雷大主教。

His last years were much occupied with the quarrels over jurisdiction between king William II and Pope Urban II, which in some ways recapitulated that between Gregory VII and Henry IV a few years before.

他最后幾年主要忙于處理國(guó)王威廉二世（William II）和教皇烏爾班二世（Urban II）之間關(guān)于管轄權(quán)的爭(zhēng)吵，這在某些方面重復(fù)了幾年前格雷戈里七世（Gregory VII）和亨利四世（Henry IV）之間的爭(zhēng)吵。

Anselm died in Canterbury in 1109 and is buried in the Cathedral there.

安瑟倫于1109年在坎特伯雷去世，并被埋葬在那里的大教堂里。