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Phase three: arrival in the New World

Numbers and destinations

The Dutch were not the first Europeans to be involved in the transatlantic slave trade. At

the outset, the Dutch were against slave trade and thought of it as ‘morally wrong’. Theystrongly condemned the Portuguese and the Spanish for being engaged in this kind of

trade, although one could argue that this was merely out of anti-Iberian sentiments

rather than ideological and moral reasons (Table 3).

However, it may come as no surprise that the people in the Dutch Republic rapidly

changed their mind when the Dutch first set foot in the New World in 1609. Especially

after expelling the Portuguese from northeastern Brazil in 1630, it became clear that it

was impossible to cultivate the plantations in these overseas territories without a continuous influx of cheap labour. It was not long before the Dutch were also transporting

slaves across the ocean. Table 4 presents the main colonies to which the Dutch transported slaves over the Atlantic Ocean during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Between 1630 and 1654, Brazil was an important colony to which a fairly large

number of slaves was transported. The Dutch were leading the transatlantic slave

trade between 1655 and 1675. This was not the WIC, however, which was almost

bankrupt. In that period the Dutch slave trade was mainly in the hands of private merchants from Amsterdam.58 After 1654, the Dutch involvement in the slave trade to

Brazil stopped completely, owing to the fact that the Portuguese recaptured this

colony from the Dutch.59Postma argues that between 1662 and 1689 the Republic was the major slave-trading

nation.60 In these years, the Spanish Crown granted the asiento de negros only indirectly

and for a very short time to the Dutch merchant Balthasar Coymans in the 1680s. The

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

第三階段：抵達(dá)新大陸

數(shù)字和目的地

荷蘭人并不是第一批參與跨大西洋奴隸貿(mào)易的歐洲人。起初，荷蘭人反對奴隸貿(mào)易，并認(rèn)為其“在道德上是錯誤的”。他們強烈譴責(zé)葡萄牙人和西班牙人從事這種貿(mào)易，盡管可以說這僅僅是出于對伊比利亞半島的敵意，而不是意識形態(tài)和道德原因（表3）。

然而，當(dāng)荷蘭人于1609年首次踏上新大陸時，荷蘭共和國的人民很快改變了想法。特別是在1630年將葡萄牙人從巴西東北部驅(qū)逐出去后，很明顯，在這些海外領(lǐng)土上，如果沒有持續(xù)的廉價勞動力流入，是不可能種植種植園的。荷蘭人很快也開始將奴隸運送過大西洋。表4列出了17世紀(jì)和18世紀(jì)荷蘭人在大西洋上運輸奴隸的主要殖民地。1630年到1654年間，巴西是一個重要的殖民地，其中運輸了相當(dāng)數(shù)量的奴隸。在1655年到1675年間，荷蘭人領(lǐng)導(dǎo)了跨大西洋奴隸貿(mào)易。然而，這并不是由西印度公司主導(dǎo)的，后者幾乎破產(chǎn)了。在這個時期，荷蘭的奴隸貿(mào)易主要由阿姆斯特丹的私人商人掌握。1654年之后，荷蘭人對巴西的奴隸貿(mào)易完全停止，因為葡萄牙人從荷蘭人手中奪回了這個殖民地。Postma認(rèn)為，1662年到1689年間，荷蘭共和國是主要的奴隸貿(mào)易國家。在這些年里，西班牙皇冠只間接地并且只在短時間內(nèi)授予了荷蘭商人巴爾塔薩爾·科伊曼斯的奴隸貿(mào)易經(jīng)營權(quán)（asiento de negros）。

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Postma argues that between 1662 and 1689 the Republic was the major slave-trading

nation.60 In these years, the Spanish Crown granted the asiento de negros only indirectly

and for a very short time to the Dutch merchant Balthasar Coymans in the 1680s. TheDutch delivered slaves to Cura?ao to hand them over to agents of the asentistas. The

Dutch were able to manoeuvre into this position as they could utilise their previously

acquired knowledge and experience in the slave trade. Moreover, they had a very important asset that the Spanish did not have: their settlements in Africa that could provide them

with slaves.

Another development to notice is the explosive increase in the number of slaves being

transported to Suriname in the eighteenth century, primarily in the period 1745–1774.

Inikori and Engerman consider the advent of stable governments and the subsequent

growth of the Surinamese colony as an important reason for this increase. More plantations appeared, requiring substantial numbers of slaves. After they lost most of their contracts with the Spanish American colonies, Suriname became the most important market

for Dutch slave traders.

At first glance one might conclude from the numbers presented above that the Atlantic

region was of major importance to the Dutch colonial activities. Emmer and Klooster,

however, point out that it played a relatively modest role. Already 50 years after their

initial arrival, the influence of the Dutch maritime presence in the Atlantic was declining

and the English, Spanish and Portuguese took over the leading position.

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

Postma認(rèn)為，在1662年至1689年間，荷蘭共和國是主要的奴隸貿(mào)易國。在這些年份里，西班牙王室間接地把asiento de negros授予了17世紀(jì)80年代的荷蘭商人Balthasar Coymans，但只有為期很短的時間。荷蘭人把奴隸運到庫拉索，再交給asentistas的代理商。荷蘭人之所以能夠摸到這個位置，是因為他們能夠利用他們在奴隸貿(mào)易中所獲得的知識和經(jīng)驗。此外，他們還擁有西班牙人沒有的非洲定居點，可以為他們提供奴隸。

還有一個需要注意的發(fā)展是在18世紀(jì)，特別是1745年至1774年期間，運往蘇里南的奴隸數(shù)量急劇增加。Inikori和Engerman認(rèn)為穩(wěn)定政府的出現(xiàn)以及隨之而來的蘇里南殖民地的增長是這一增加的重要原因。越來越多的植園出現(xiàn)，需要大量的奴隸。在荷蘭失去與西班牙美洲殖民地的大部分合約之后，蘇里南成為荷蘭奴隸貿(mào)易的最重要市場。

初看上去，人們可能會從上述數(shù)字中得出結(jié)論，大西洋地區(qū)對于荷蘭殖民活動非常重要。然而，Emmer和Klooster指出它在這方面的地位相對較低。在最初到達(dá)50年后，荷蘭在大西洋的海上存在的影響力正在減弱，而英國、西班牙和葡萄牙則取得了主導(dǎo)地位。

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Keeping the purpose of this article in mind, some information can be found on the

treatment of slaves in Suriname. As this colony has been the most important Atlantic

overseas territory for the Netherlands for a long period, looking at the life of slaves in

Suriname will provide important insights. Therefore, we try to create a broader context

for the treatment of slaves on plantations in general, based on the case of this single

country – of course knowing that policies could vary between different colonies.

Living and working conditions on the plantations in Suriname

Sickness and health cover a broad range of aspects. Working conditions had an important

influence on the health situation of slaves, since they spent most of their time working – itwas the sole reason their owner had bought them. There may be no doubt that these conditions were poor. Child labour was not uncommon, and slaves had to work at night,

without being compensated for this. Moreover, until the eighteenth century, women

had to continue working even if they were pregnant. Alex van Stipriaan points to quantitative data that suggests that conditions improved during the nineteenth century.61

However, these improvements were not yet introduced in the period discussed in this

paper and thus working conditions would have been severe in those years.

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

鑒于本文的目的，可以在蘇里南找到有關(guān)奴隸待遇的一些信息。由于蘇里南是荷蘭在大西洋海外領(lǐng)地中最重要的殖民地很長一段時間，研究蘇里南奴隸的生活將提供重要的見解。因此，我們試圖根據(jù)這個單一國家的情況來創(chuàng)建種植園奴隸待遇的更廣泛背景，當(dāng)然要知道政策可能在不同的殖民地之間有所不同。

在蘇里南的種植園上的生活和工作條件

生病和健康涵蓋了廣泛的方面。工作條件對奴隸的健康狀況有重要影響，因為他們大部分時間都在工作 - 這是主人購買他們的唯一原因。毫無疑問，這些條件很差。童工并不罕見，奴隸必須在夜間工作，而無償勞動。此外，直到18世紀(jì)，即使懷孕，婦女也必須繼續(xù)工作。Alex van Stipriaan指出定量數(shù)據(jù)表明19世紀(jì)的條件有所改善。然而，在本文討論的時期，這些改進(jìn)尚未引入，因此那些年份的工作條件必然是嚴(yán)峻的。

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Reports in Surinaams Contrast by Alex van Stipriaan shed light on the differences in

working conditions between three plantation sectors (coffee, cotton and sugar).62 These indicate that slaves were treated best on cotton plantations and worst in the sugar sector. This was

caused by a range of factors, including the fact that cotton cultivation did not require much

night work, and the work was physically also relatively light. The difference between sectors

can also be identified by the quality of nutrition, a second key element for the health of slaves.

Cotton plantations were often situated near the sea, and slaves were therefore provided with

seafood. This type of food contains high levels of protein, which made for a healthy diet compared with those in other sectors where slaves were deployed.63

Nevertheless, in general, nutrition was often ignored. A study by X.G.J. Mulder, professor of chemistry, in 1846 found that slaves in these years only received around 40% of

what was considered to be the minimum nutritional value that a soldier should get.64 In

general, slaves received food from their owners. However, it was also common for them

to have small pieces of arable land where they could cultivate some crops themselves. Not

only did this enable them to (partially) take care of their own food supply, but it could also

prove beneficial for their self-esteem, as they had some private property and something to

be responsible for.

The supply of food was organised, although it was not available in great quantities.

This relative scarcity also applied to safe water. In addition, the infrastructure for

water was also badly taken care of. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, only a

few plantations had water reservoirs installed, resulting in a limited and often unhealthy

water supply for the rest of the colony. The Societeit van Suriname, a private Dutch

company, was aware of the problems that could arise as a result of food and water scarcity

– in the worst case a revolt could break out – and therefore urged plantation owners to

provide slaves with sufficient food and water.

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

據(jù)Alex van Stipriaan在《蘇里南對比》一書中的報道揭示了咖啡、棉花和糖三個種植園部門之間工作條件的差異。這些報告表明，在棉花種植園中奴隸受到最好的對待，而在糖業(yè)部門中最差。這是由一系列因素造成的，包括棉花種植不需要夜間工作，并且工作量相對較輕。不同部門之間的差異也可以通過營養(yǎng)質(zhì)量來識別，這是奴隸健康的第二個關(guān)鍵因素。棉花種植園經(jīng)常位于海邊，因此奴隸們得到了海鮮的供應(yīng)。這種食物含有高比例的蛋白質(zhì)，與其他部門的奴隸相比，這樣的飲食更加健康。盡管如此，總體而言，營養(yǎng)經(jīng)常被忽視?；瘜W(xué)教授X.G.J. Mulder在1846年的一項研究中發(fā)現(xiàn)，當(dāng)時奴隸們只獲得了被認(rèn)為是士兵最低營養(yǎng)價值40%的食物。通常情況下，奴隸們的食物由主人提供。然而，他們也常常擁有小塊可耕地，可以自己種植一些農(nóng)作物。這不僅使他們能夠（部分地）照顧自己的食物供應(yīng)，還可以對他們的自尊心有益，因為他們擁有一些私人財產(chǎn)和責(zé)任。食物的供應(yīng)是有組織的，盡管量不多。這種相對的匱乏也適用于安全水源。此外，水的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施也糟糕。在17世紀(jì)和18世紀(jì)，只有少數(shù)種植園安裝了水庫，導(dǎo)致殖民地其他地區(qū)的水供應(yīng)有限，而且經(jīng)常不太健康。荷蘭私人公司蘇里南協(xié)會意識到食物和水源匱乏可能導(dǎo)致的問題——在最糟糕的情況下可能爆發(fā)暴動——因此敦促種植園主提供奴隸足夠的食物和水源。

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In addition to food and water, slaves were often also provided with some additional

items. However, expectations should be low; according to Blom, who wrote about this

topic in 1787, slaves only received a few items and they completely depended on the

plantation owners for the supply.65 In general, the basic goods that were given included

a few pieces of fabric, which slaves had to use for a whole year as clothing and sheets.Plantation slaves only wore clothes that covered small parts of their body and small children walked around naked. It was only after the end of the eighteenth century that the

supply of goods to slaves somewhat improved.

It was not until the nineteenth century that the quality of housing also positively

changed. Before this shift took place, slaves often lived in a small ‘village’ on the plantation, which consisted of simple huts that were built and maintained by the slaves themselves. Primarily because of the wet ground, sleeping in these huts could certainly be

considered unhealthy and the transition to houses of better quality was perceived as a

positive development. Just like the small pieces of arable land mentioned before, the

primitive housing was also valued for the relative degree of freedom and space that it provided. Judging from a sickness and health point of view, living conditions were undoubtedly worse before these housing improvements were carried out.

In addition to the quality of housing, the spatial location of a plantation could also have

contributed to the better health of slaves. In this respect, it may have been favourable to be

situated near the sea, since the relatively dry climate is generally healthier and makes it

difficult for many diseases to thrive. As mentioned before, cotton plantations in Surinam

were often situated near the coast, which might have contributed to the relatively low

mortality rates in this sector.

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

除了食物和水之外，奴隸通常還會得到一些額外的物品。然而，期望值應(yīng)該很低；根據(jù)Blom在1787年對此進(jìn)行的研究，奴隸只能得到一些物品，完全依賴于種植園主提供的供給?？偟膩碚f，奴隸得到的基本物品包括一些布料，他們必須將其用作一整年的衣物和床單。種植園奴隸只穿著遮蓋身體少部分部位的衣物，小孩子們赤身裸體地四處跑。直到18世紀(jì)末期，奴隸的物品供應(yīng)稍微有所改善。

直到19世紀(jì)，住房質(zhì)量也才得到積極改變。在這個轉(zhuǎn)變發(fā)生之前，奴隸經(jīng)常住在種植園上的一個小“村子”里，這個村子由奴隸自己建造和維護(hù)，簡單的小屋構(gòu)成。由于濕地的原因，住在這些小屋里的睡眠肯定是不健康的，而轉(zhuǎn)向更好質(zhì)量的房屋被認(rèn)為是一個積極的發(fā)展。與之前提到的小塊可耕地一樣，原始的住房也因為提供了相對自由和空間而受到重視。從疾病和健康的角度來看，居住條件在進(jìn)行這些住房改進(jìn)之前無疑更差。

除了住房質(zhì)量外，種植園的空間位置也可能對奴隸的健康有所幫助。在這方面，靠近海洋可能是有利的，因為相對干燥的氣候通常更健康，也更難讓許多疾病滋生。如前所述，蘇里南的棉花種植園常常位于海岸附近，這可能有助于在這個行業(yè)中相對較低的死亡率。

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The previous paragraphs all describe situations in which preventive care was used to

influence sickness and health amongst the slaves. However, people did get sick, and thus

required medical treatment. This so-called curative care was available in the colonies, but

it was often of bad quality. In the eighteenth century, many plantations did not have their

own clinic and professional treatment could not be given. Furthermore, even if a clinic

was present, these were likely to be unhygienic – and according to some reports even

bad for one’s health.66

When a slave got sick, they were first handed to another slave who was responsible for

medical issues. Only if their sickness lasted for a few days were they were redirected to a

‘professional’ doctor – whose abilities were often also questionable. However, since the

plantation owner needed all slaves to work on the plantations, he would not always

acknowledge a slave to be sick. As a result, not all slaves received the medical care

that they required, worsening the situation for some.

Owing to the differences in working conditions in different sectors (e.g. sugar, coffee,

cotton), mortality rates could vary across plantations. When all resulting values are combined, one finds that the average annual mortality in the period 1780–1862 ranges

between 35 and 50 deaths per 1,000 slaves.

Even prominent Dutch representatives in Suriname recognised that the poor treatment

of slaves negatively influenced mortality rates amongst them. Although commissionergeneral of the Dutch East Indies Johannes van den Bosch (1780–1844) stated that the

slaves’ way of living was a major cause of the many deaths, he also acknowledged

that demanding working conditions and malnutrition were detrimental to the growth ofthe total slave population, and in his Nederlandsche bezittingen (1818) he urged the

drawing up of policy on this subject.67

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

上述段落描述了預(yù)防保健在影響奴隸的疾病和健康方面的應(yīng)用情況。然而，人們還是會生病，因此需要醫(yī)療治療。所謂的治療性護(hù)理在殖民地是可得到的，但通常質(zhì)量較差。在18世紀(jì)，許多種植園沒有自己的診所，無法提供專業(yè)治療。此外，即使有診所存在，它們很可能不衛(wèi)生，根據(jù)一些報告甚至對健康有害。

當(dāng)奴隸生病時，首先交給另一個負(fù)責(zé)醫(yī)療問題的奴隸。只有當(dāng)他們的病情持續(xù)數(shù)天時，才會轉(zhuǎn)向“專業(yè)”醫(yī)生，而這些醫(yī)生的能力常常也值得懷疑。然而，由于種植園主需要所有奴隸在種植園工作，他并不總是承認(rèn)奴隸病情。因此，并非所有奴隸都得到了他們需要的醫(yī)療護(hù)理，使得情況變得更糟。

由于不同領(lǐng)域（例如糖、咖啡、棉花）的工作條件不同，各種植園的死亡率可能有所不同。當(dāng)將所有結(jié)果值結(jié)合起來時，發(fā)現(xiàn)1780年至1862年期間的平均年死亡率在每1,000名奴隸中為35到50人之間。

甚至荷蘭在蘇里南的知名代表也認(rèn)識到對奴隸的不良待遇會對他們的死亡率產(chǎn)生負(fù)面影響。雖然荷蘭東印度的總督約翰內(nèi)斯·范登·博斯（1780年-1844年）表示奴隸的生活方式是死亡人數(shù)眾多的主要原因，但他也承認(rèn)苛刻的工作條件和營養(yǎng)不良對整個奴隸人口的增長有害，并在他的《Nederlandsche bezittingen》（1818）中敦促就這個問題制定政策。

## 來自你的消息:

It has often been recognised that the treatment of slaves, at least to some extent, caused

high mortality rates. However, no continuous, synchronous decline in mortality rates

could be observed once living conditions improved. Therefore, other factors could

have influenced mortality rates too; Van Stipriaan identifies two of these elements – creolisation and epidemics.68

Firstly, the process of creolisation could have decreased mortality rates. Creolisation

can be described as the mixing of different cultures, which in Suriname created a mixture

of people from African and European descent. Evidence suggests that this process, combined with the end of the influx of African slaves in 1827, resulted in a significantly lower

proportion of Africans in the total Surinamese population. Since Africans were most susceptible to diseases and performed most heavy tasks, creolisation may have had an effect

on the decreasing mortality rates.

Secondly, and probably more influential, epidemics have caused periods of high mortality. The inhabitants of Suriname regularly faced these epidemics, of which pokken

(smallpox) has been reported most often. Table 5 provides an overview of outbreaks

of different diseases in Suriname between 1764 and 1857, often resulting in many

deaths. In the nineteenth century however, doctors began experimenting withvariolation’, a treatment of pokken that could be considered the predecessor of what is

currently known as vaccination. Although the adoption of variolation was slow since

people were initially reluctant to adhere to this unknown method, the efforts eventually

paid off.

In general, it can be concluded that slaves’ living conditions improved over time,

reaching their highest levels towards the end of slavery. In the last period (1840–1863)

before the abolition, the percentage of slaves dying a natural death was 43% (which

was already a 9% increase in comparison with the period between 1815 and 1839).70

The fact that other death causes were predominant earlier suggests that living conditions

were poor enough for sickness to thrive.

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

眾所周知，奴隸的待遇在一定程度上導(dǎo)致死亡率居高不下。然而，一旦生活條件改善，就無法觀察到死亡率的持續(xù)同步下降。因此，其他因素也可能影響死亡率；范斯蒂普里安(Van Stipriaan)確定了其中的兩個因素，即克里奧利化和流行病。首先，克里奧利化的過程可能降低了死亡率?？死飱W利化可描述為不同文化的融合，而在蘇里南，這導(dǎo)致了非洲和歐洲血統(tǒng)的人群混合。有證據(jù)表明，這一過程與1827年非洲奴隸流入的結(jié)束相結(jié)合，導(dǎo)致蘇里南總?cè)丝谥蟹侵奕吮壤@著降低。由于非洲人最容易感染疾病并從事最重的工作，克里奧利化可能對降低死亡率產(chǎn)生了影響。其次，而且可能更具影響力的是，流行病導(dǎo)致了高死亡率的時期。蘇里南居民經(jīng)常面臨這些流行病，其中天花被報道得最多。表5概述了1764年至1857年間蘇里南不同疾病爆發(fā)的情況，往往導(dǎo)致許多人死亡。然而，在19世紀(jì)，醫(yī)生開始嘗試“痘苗接種”，這可以被認(rèn)為是目前所稱的疫苗的前身。盡管最初人們對這種未知的方法持懷疑態(tài)度，但接種痘苗的努力最終取得了成果?？偟膩碚f，可以得出結(jié)論，奴隸的生活條件隨著時間的推移得到改善，并在奴隸制結(jié)束之前達(dá)到頂峰。在奴隸制廢止之前的最后一個時期（1840年至1863年），死于自然原因的奴隸占43%（與1815年至1839年的時期相比，已經(jīng)增加了9%）。而早期主導(dǎo)死亡原因的事實表明，生活條件不佳，使疾病盛行。

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Conclusion

This article deals with the treatment of slaves during the time of the Dutch West India

Company’s existence. This treatment was approached in a twofold manner – with a

focus on both moral and medical grounds. Moreover, it provides an analysis of the

medical treatment of slaves before, during and after their transport from Africa to the

New World and the Caribbean on board Dutch West India Company ships in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. There seems to have been significant changes in attitude

amongst the slavers regarding their interest in the slaves’ health whilst still residing in

Africa as opposed to crossing the Atlantic.

We have discussed the abominable living conditions the slaves were subjected to prior

to their departure. Although it seems fair to state that these conditions did not improve

while sailing westward, preventive and curative medical measures were taken by

ships’ surgeons – and to a lesser extent by ziekentroosters (comforters of the sick) in

attempts to ensure that the major part of the armazoen (the cargo) would make it alive

to the plantations in America and the Caribbean. Assessing the results of the surgeons’

attempts we need to keep in mind that it has been acknowledged by contemporary

doctors that those responsible for the slaves’ physical (and to a certain extent also

mental) health more often than not were facing diseases unknown to them. In times of

high demand, ziekentroosters were assigned but not particularly well-educated by the

Dutch Reformed Church before entering the service of the Dutch West India

Company. Surgeons moved between moral dogmata and state of the art research and publications by renowned doctors like David Henri Gallandat. Gallandat, although arriving

on the scene at a rather late stage (1769), is quite remarkable in that he published some

sort of medical guide for surgeons who faced the challenges of coping with diseases

amongst the slaves unbeknown to the western medical profession. He seemed to have

cared for black lives, albeit operating within the parameters of what – at least according

to the standards used in early modern times – was morally and medically acceptable. As

such, he stands out as one of few champions for those many hundreds of thousands who

were forced to traverse the Atlantic Ocean among others under the flags of the Dutch

West India Company

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結(jié)論

本文介紹了荷蘭西印度公司存在期間對待奴隸的方式。這種對待是從道德和醫(yī)學(xué)兩個方面來考慮的。此外，它還分析了奴隸在從非洲到新世界和加勒比地區(qū)搭乘荷蘭西印度公司船只的途中和途中的醫(yī)療治療情況。在販奴者在非洲時與越過大西洋時在奴隸的健康問題上的態(tài)度似乎發(fā)生了顯著變化。

我們已經(jīng)討論了奴隸在啟航前所經(jīng)受的可怕生活條件。盡管可以說這些條件在向西航行時沒有改善，但船醫(yī)和部分ziekentroosters（病人安慰員）采取了防治醫(yī)療措施，以確保大部分的armazoen（貨物）活著到達(dá)美國和加勒比的種植園。評估這些船醫(yī)措施的結(jié)果時，我們需要記住，當(dāng)代醫(yī)生承認(rèn)，那些負(fù)責(zé)奴隸身體（在某種程度上也包括心理）健康的人往往面臨著他們不熟悉的疾病。在需求旺盛的時期，荷蘭改革宗教會讓ziekentroosters進(jìn)入荷蘭西印度公司服務(wù)，但他們的教育程度并不高。船醫(yī)們在道德觀念和當(dāng)代著名醫(yī)生（如大衛(wèi)·亨利·加朗達(dá)）的最新研究和出版物之間徘徊。加朗達(dá)雖然出現(xiàn)得很晚（1769年），但他發(fā)布了一本針對那些面對西方醫(yī)學(xué)界所不熟悉的奴隸疾病挑戰(zhàn)的醫(yī)學(xué)指南。他似乎關(guān)心黑人的生命，盡管他的行為僅限于在早期現(xiàn)代的道德和醫(yī)學(xué)可接受的參數(shù)內(nèi)。因此，他成為為成千上萬被迫在荷蘭西印度公司的旗幟下穿越大西洋的人中的少數(shù)奮斗者之一。

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Declaration of conflicting interests

The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or

publication of this article.

Funding

The author received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this

article.

ORCID iD

Leon van den Broeke https:orcid.org/0000-0003-1384-5099

Author biographies

Joost Schokkenbroek is professor emeritus at Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam and Director of the

Hong Kong Maritime Museum.

Leon van den Broeke is Associate Professor Religion, Law and Society/Church Polity, and Chair of

the Centre for Religion and Law at the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam and Extraordinary Professor

Church Polity at the Theological University Kampen, the Netherlands.

## 來自ChatAI的消息:

沖突利益聲明

作者聲明在此文章的研究、作者身份和/或發(fā)布方面不存在潛在的沖突利益。

資助

作者在此文章的研究、作者身份和/或發(fā)布方面未獲得任何財務(wù)支持。

ORCID iD

Leon van den Broeke https:orcid.org/0000-0003-1384-5099

作者簡介

Joost Schokkenbroek是阿姆斯特丹自由大學(xué)的名譽教授，也是香港海事博物館的館長。

Leon van den Broeke是阿姆斯特丹自由大學(xué)宗教、法律與社會/教會政體的副教授，也是荷蘭坎彭神學(xué)大學(xué)的特聘教授教會政體研究中心主任。