Scepticism?

懷疑論?

The English language preserves traces of both Epicureanism and Stoicism, but with different degrees of accuracy.?

英語語言保留了伊壁鳩魯主義和斯多葛主義的痕跡，但準(zhǔn)確度不同。

An epicure would find little satisfaction in the bread and cheese diet of Epicurus; but a stoic attitude to suffering and death fairly reflects one aspect of Stoic philosophy.?

一個(gè)享樂主義者在伊壁鳩魯?shù)拿姘湍汤绎嬍持姓也坏绞裁礉M足感；但是一個(gè)堅(jiān)忍的態(tài)度對(duì)于苦難和死亡相當(dāng)反映了斯多葛哲學(xué)的一個(gè)方面。

A third contemporary school, however, made its mark on the language unambiguously: the basic meaning of Scepticism has not changed since the Sceptics of the third century bc.

然而，另一個(gè)同時(shí)代的學(xué)派，卻在語言上留下了明確的印記：懷疑論的基本含義自公元前三世紀(jì)的懷疑者以來就沒有改變。

The founder of Scepticism was Pyrrho of Elis, a soldier in Alexander’s army, who was an older contemporary of Epicurus.?

懷疑論的創(chuàng)始人是埃利斯的皮浪，他是亞歷山大軍隊(duì)中的一名士兵，也是伊壁鳩魯?shù)哪觊L(zhǎng)同時(shí)代人。

Pyrrho taught that nothing could be known and, consistently with that view, wrote no books; but his teaching was brought to Athens in the early years of the third century by his pupils Timon and Arcesilaus.?

皮浪教導(dǎo)說沒有什么是可以知道的，并且與這個(gè)觀點(diǎn)一致地，他沒有寫任何書籍；但是他的教導(dǎo)在公元前三世紀(jì)初期由他的學(xué)生提摩和阿爾西拉烏斯帶到了雅典。

Timon denied the possibility of finding any self-evident principles to serve as the foundation of sciences: and in the absence of such axioms, all lines of reasoning must be either circular or endless.?

提摩否認(rèn)了找到任何自明的原則作為科學(xué)的基礎(chǔ)的可能性：并且在缺乏這樣的公理的情況下，所有的推理都必須是循環(huán)的或無窮的。

Arcesilaus became head of the Platonic Academy about 273 and turned its attention from the later dogmatic works of Plato to the earlier Socratic dialogues.?

阿爾西拉烏斯在公元前273年左右成為柏拉圖學(xué)院的院長(zhǎng)，并將其注意力從柏拉圖后期的教條主義作品轉(zhuǎn)向早期的蘇格拉底對(duì)話。

He himself, like Socrates, used to demolish theses put forward by his pupils; the proper attitude for the philosopher was to suspend judgement on all important topics.

他自己，像蘇格拉底一樣，用來駁倒他的學(xué)生提出的論題；哲學(xué)家適當(dāng)?shù)膽B(tài)度是對(duì)所有重要的話題暫停判斷。

Arcesilaus’ impact on the Academy was great, and it remained the home of Scepticism for two hundred years.?

阿爾西拉烏斯對(duì)學(xué)院的影響是巨大的，它在兩百年內(nèi)一直是懷疑論的家園。?

The Sceptics of the Academy took the Stoic system as their major target for attack.?

學(xué)院的懷疑者把斯多葛體系作為他們主要的攻擊目標(biāo)。

The Stoics were empiricists; that is to say, they claimed that all knowledge derived from sensory experience of concrete individuals.?

斯多葛派是經(jīng)驗(yàn)主義者；也就是說，他們聲稱所有的知識(shí)都來自對(duì)具體個(gè)體的感官經(jīng)驗(yàn)。

The appearances which things present to our senses are the foundation of all science; but appearances may mislead, and we need a test, or ‘criterion’, to decide which appearances are reliable and justify us in assenting to them.?

事物呈現(xiàn)給我們感官的現(xiàn)象是所有科學(xué)的基礎(chǔ)；但是現(xiàn)象可能會(huì)誤導(dǎo)我們，我們需要一個(gè)測(cè)試或“標(biāo)準(zhǔn)”來決定哪些現(xiàn)象是可靠的，并且使我們同意它們。

The Sceptics insisted that things appear differently to different species (woodlice taste good to bears but not to people), and differently to different members of the same species (honey seems bitter to some and sweet to others), and differently to the same person at different times (wine tastes sour after figs and sweet after nuts).?

懷疑者堅(jiān)持認(rèn)為，事物對(duì)不同種類的生物（木虱對(duì)熊來說味道好，但對(duì)人來說不好），對(duì)同一種類的不同成員（蜂蜜對(duì)一些人來說是苦的，對(duì)另一些人來說是甜的），以及對(duì)同一個(gè)人在不同時(shí)間（酒在吃無花果后味道酸，在吃堅(jiān)果后味道甜）都有不同的呈現(xiàn)。

How can conflicts between them be resolved?

這些沖突如何解決呢？

The Stoics say that knowledge must be based not just on any old appearance, but upon appearance of a particular kind, a ‘cognitive appearance’ ( phantasia kataleptike) – an appearance of the kind which comes from a real object and compels our assent.

斯多葛派說，知識(shí)不僅僅要基于任何舊的現(xiàn)象，而且要基于一種特殊的表象，一種“認(rèn)知的表象”（phantasia kataleptike）——一種來自真實(shí)對(duì)象并強(qiáng)迫我們同意的表象。

The Sceptic counters by asking how we can tell which appearances are cognitive appearances. It is no good defining them as ones which compel assent, since people often feel compelled to assent to appearances which turn out to have been misleading.

懷疑者反駁說，我們?nèi)绾文軌蚍直婺男┍硐笫钦J(rèn)知的現(xiàn)象。把它們定義為強(qiáng)迫我們同意的那些表象是沒有用的，因?yàn)槿藗兘?jīng)常感到被迫同意那些最終證明是誤導(dǎo)性的表象。

The Stoics respond that a truly wise person can just tell which appearances are cognitive and which are not. But how can you tell whether you are a truly wise person? The Stoic search for a criterion seems doomed to failure: even if we found a criterion which worked, how would we know we had found it?

斯多葛派回應(yīng)說，一個(gè)真正智慧的人可以直接分辨哪些表象是認(rèn)知的，哪些不是。但是你如何能夠分辨你是否是一個(gè)真正智慧的人呢？斯多葛派尋找一個(gè)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)似乎注定要失?。杭词刮覀冋业搅艘粋€(gè)有效的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，我們?cè)趺粗牢覀円呀?jīng)找到了它呢？

The debate between Scepticism and Stoicism continued for several centuries, and most of our knowledge of the arguments used on either side comes from the works of a leading Sceptic of the second century ad, the physician Sextus Empiricus. Sextus presented the Sceptical system in his Outlines of Pyrrhonism and set out refute the non-sceptical, or ‘dogmatic’, schools in the eleven books of his Against the Professors.

懷疑論和斯多葛主義之間的辯論持續(xù)了幾個(gè)世紀(jì)，我們對(duì)雙方使用的論證的大部分知識(shí)都來自于公元二世紀(jì)一位領(lǐng)先的懷疑者、醫(yī)生塞克斯都·恩披里柯的作品。塞克斯都在他的《皮浪主義概論》中介紹了懷疑論體系，并在他的《Against the Professors》的十一本書中駁斥了非懷疑論或“教條主義”的學(xué)派。

Pardoned by Caesar, he returned to Italy and spent the period of the Dictatorship writing philosophy.

被凱撒赦免后，他回到意大利，并在獨(dú)裁統(tǒng)治時(shí)期寫作哲學(xué)。

Cicero was not of the first rank as a philosopher, but he is important in the history of philosophy in several ways. He set himself the task of creating a Latin philosophical vocabulary, so that Romans could study philosophy in their own language.?

西塞羅并不是一流的哲學(xué)家，但他在哲學(xué)史上有幾方面的重要性。他給自己設(shè)定了一個(gè)任務(wù)，就是創(chuàng)造一種拉丁語的哲學(xué)詞匯，這樣羅馬人就可以用自己的語言學(xué)習(xí)哲學(xué)。

He wrote voluminous accounts of the teaching of Greek and Hellenistic philosophers which have ever since been one of the major sources of instruction in their doctrines. His works On the Nature of the Gods and On Fate contain interesting discussions of philosophical theology and the issue of determinism. His De Finibus was an encyclopedia of the opinions of philosophers on the nature of the supreme good.

他寫了大量關(guān)于希臘和希臘化時(shí)期哲學(xué)家的教導(dǎo)的敘述，這些敘述從那以后一直是他們的教義的主要教導(dǎo)來源之一。他的《論神的本性》和《論命運(yùn)》包含了有趣的關(guān)于哲學(xué)神學(xué)和決定論問題的討論。他的《論終極》是一個(gè)關(guān)于哲學(xué)家對(duì)最高善本性的看法的百科全書。

In his own opinions, Cicero was eclectic. In epistemology, he adopted a moderate Sceptical position which he had learnt from Philo of Larissa, the last head of the Academy.?

在他自己的觀點(diǎn)中，西塞羅是折衷主義者。在認(rèn)識(shí)論上，他采用了一種溫和的懷疑主義立場(chǎng)，這是他從拉里薩的費(fèi)羅那里學(xué)到的，他是學(xué)院的最后一任院長(zhǎng)。

In ethics, he favoured the Stoic rather than the Epicurean teaching. Writing in a time of unpheaval and stress, he looked to philosophy for consolation and reassurance. He wrote without great profundity, but with warmth and elegance, and his essays on friendship and old age have been popular through the ages. His main work on moral philosophy, On Duties ( De Officiis), was addressed to his son just after Caesar’s death; it was, during various periods of history, regarded as an essential item in the education of a gentleman.

在倫理學(xué)上，他傾向于斯多葛主義而不是伊壁鳩魯主義的教導(dǎo)。 在一個(gè)動(dòng)蕩和壓力的時(shí)代寫作，他尋求哲學(xué)來安慰和保證。他寫作沒有很深刻，但是有溫暖和優(yōu)雅，他關(guān)于友誼和老年的散文在各個(gè)時(shí)代都很受歡迎。他關(guān)于道德哲學(xué)的主要作品，《論職責(zé)》（De Officiis），是在凱撒死后寫給他兒子的；它在歷史上的不同時(shí)期被認(rèn)為是紳士教育中必不可少的一項(xiàng)。

Cicero rejoiced at Caesar’s death, and returned to politics with a series of bitter attacks on the Caesarian consul Mark Antony. For a while he found a political ally in Caesar’s adopted son Octavian. But Antony and Octavian went into partnership to defeat Caesar’s murderers Brutus and Cassius at Philippi in 42 bc. By the time of the battle, Cicero was already dead, executed on the orders of Antony.

西塞羅為凱撒之死而歡欣鼓舞，并以一系列對(duì)凱撒派執(zhí)政官馬克·安東尼的猛烈攻擊重返政壇。有一段時(shí)間，他在凱撒的養(yǎng)子屋大維那里找到了一個(gè)政治盟友。但是安東尼和屋大維合作，在公元前42年的菲利比戰(zhàn)役中擊敗了凱撒的殺手布魯圖斯和卡西烏斯。在戰(zhàn)斗的時(shí)候，西塞羅已經(jīng)死了，是被安東尼下令處決的。

The alliance between Antony and Octavian did not last. Antony, having married Octavian’s sister, deserted her for the last of the Ptolemies, Queen Cleopatra of Egypt. Influential Romans switched their allegiance to Octavian, and having defeated Antony and Cleopatra at Actium in 31 bc he became the first Roman Emperor, changing his name to Augustus.

安東尼和屋大維之間的聯(lián)盟沒有持續(xù)多久。安東尼娶了屋大維的妹妹，但為了托勒密王朝的最后一位，埃及女王克利奧帕特拉而拋棄了她。有影響力的羅馬人轉(zhuǎn)而效忠于屋大維，并在公元前31年的阿克提翁戰(zhàn)役中擊敗了安東尼和克利奧帕特拉，成為第一位羅馬皇帝，改名為奧古斯都。

Jesus of Nazareth?

拿撒勒的椰絲

Augustus reigned as Emperor for forty-five years, until ad 14. It was in his reign that Jesus of Nazareth was born, and under the reign of his successor Tiberius that Jesus was crucified, probably about ad 30. This Jewish teacher, living in a remote province of the Empire far from the centres of Greek learning, and unconcerned with issues which had preoccupied Plato and Aristotle, was to have an effect on the history of philosophy no less decisive than theirs. But the impact of his teaching was delayed and indirect.

奧古斯都統(tǒng)治了四十五年，直到公元14年。就在他的統(tǒng)治時(shí)期，拿撒勒的椰絲出生了，并在他的繼任者提庇略的統(tǒng)治下被釘死在十字架上，大概是在公元30年左右。這位猶太教師，生活在帝國(guó)的一個(gè)偏遠(yuǎn)省份，遠(yuǎn)離希臘學(xué)問的中心，不關(guān)心那些曾經(jīng)困擾柏拉圖和亞里士多德的問題，對(duì)哲學(xué)史的影響卻不亞于他們。但是他的教導(dǎo)的影響是延遲和間接的。

Jesus’ own moral doctrine, as reported in the Gospels, was not without precedent. In the Sermon on the Mount, he taught that we should not render evil for evil; but that had been the teaching of Socrates in the Republic. He urged 100 his hearers to love their neighbours as themselves; but he was quoting from the Hebrew book of Leviticus, written many centuries earlier. He insisted that we must refrain not just from wrongdoing, but from the thoughts and desires which lead to wrongdoing; in this he was in accord with Aristotle’s teaching that virtue concerns passion as well as action, and that the truly virtuous person is not just continent but temperate. He taught his disciples to despise the pleasures and honours of the world; but so, in their different ways, did the Epicureans and the Stoics.

椰絲自己的道德教義，如Gospels所記載的，并非沒有先例。在登山寶訓(xùn)中，他教導(dǎo)我們不要以惡報(bào)惡；但這是蘇格拉底在《理想國(guó)》中的教導(dǎo)。他敦促他的聽眾要愛鄰人如己；但他是引用了幾個(gè)世紀(jì)前寫成的希伯來典籍《Leviticus》。他堅(jiān)持我們不僅要避免做錯(cuò)事，而且要避免導(dǎo)致做錯(cuò)事的思想和欲望；在這一點(diǎn)上，他與亞里士多德的教導(dǎo)一致，即美德關(guān)乎情感和行為，而真正有美德的人不僅是節(jié)制的，而且是溫和的。他教導(dǎo)他的門徒要輕視世界上的快樂和榮譽(yù)；但伊壁鳩魯派和斯多葛派也是如此，只是方式不同。

The framework of Jesus’ teaching was the world-view of the Hebrew Bible, according to which the Lord God Yahweh had created heaven and earth and all that was in them. The Jews were Yahweh’s chosen people, uniquely privileged by the possession of a divine Law, revealed to Moses when Israel had first become a nation.?

椰絲教導(dǎo)的框架是希伯來圣經(jīng)的世界觀，根據(jù)這一觀點(diǎn)Yahweh創(chuàng)造了天地和其中的萬物。猶太人是Yahweh的選民，因?yàn)閾碛幸徊可袷サ穆煞ǘ碛歇?dú)特的特權(quán)，這部律法是在以色列第一次成為一個(gè)國(guó)家時(shí)向摩西啟示的。

Like Heraclitus, and other Greek and Jewish thinkers, Jesus predicted that there would be a divine judgement on the world, to take place amid catastrophe on a cosmic scale. What made him different was that he saw that judgement as an imminent and localized event, in which he would himself play a crucial role; he was the Messiah, the divinely appointed liberator for whose coming devout Jews had been looking for centuries. When, after his death, heaven and earth continued on their accustomed courses, his followers had to come to terms with a problem which was not faced by others such as the Stoics who placed the end of the cosmic drama in the indefinite and distant future.

像赫拉克利特和其他希臘和猶太思想家一樣，椰絲預(yù)言世界將會(huì)受到神的審判，這將發(fā)生在宇宙規(guī)模的災(zāi)難之中。使他與眾不同的是，他認(rèn)為那個(gè)審判是一個(gè)即將到來的和局部的事件，他自己將在其中扮演一個(gè)關(guān)鍵的角色；他是彌賽亞，神所指定的解放者，虔誠(chéng)的猶太人已經(jīng)期待了幾個(gè)世紀(jì)。當(dāng)他死后，天地仍然按照慣常的方式運(yùn)行，他的追隨者不得不面對(duì)一個(gè)問題，這個(gè)問題是其他人，比如斯多葛派，沒有面對(duì)過的，他們把宇宙戲劇的落幕放在了無限和遙遠(yuǎn)的未來。

Paul’s understanding of the death on the cross became indissolubly linked with the ceremonial meal instituted by Jesus on the night before his death and repeated in his memory by his followers from that day to this.

保羅對(duì)十字架上的死亡的理解與耶穌在他死前的那一夜設(shè)立的儀式性的飯食不可分割地聯(lián)系在一起，并且為了紀(jì)念他，他的追隨者從那一天起就一直重復(fù)著這個(gè)飯食。

According to Paul, a blessed afterlife awaited those whom God had chosen out, as objects of his grace and favour, to be faithful followers of the Saviour.

根據(jù)保羅，一個(gè)有福的來世在等待著那些被神揀選出來的人，他們是神恩典和恩惠的對(duì)象，是救世主忠實(shí)的追隨者。

The future life promised by Paul was not the immortal life of a Platonic soul, but a glorified bodily existence such as Jesus himself had enjoyed when he had risen from the tomb three days after his death on the Cross. Paul’s letters were to be quoted for centuries to come whenever theologians and philosophers debated the problems of sin and grace, fate and predestination, and the nature of the world to come.

保羅所許諾的未來生活不是柏拉圖式靈魂的不朽生命，而是一種榮耀的肉身存在，就像椰絲自己在十字架上死后三天從墳?zāi)估飶?fù)活時(shí)所享受的那樣。保羅的書信在今后幾個(gè)世紀(jì)里將被引用，無論神學(xué)家和哲學(xué)家何時(shí)討論罪惡和恩典、命運(yùn)和預(yù)定以及未來世界的本質(zhì)。

The Acts of the Apostles tells us that St Paul, on a preaching journey, visited Athens and held a debate with Epicurean and Stoic philosophers. The sermon St Luke places in his mouth is skilfully crafted, and shows an awareness of matters at issue between the philosophical sects.

使徒行傳告訴我們，圣保羅在一個(gè)傳道旅程中訪問了雅典，并與伊壁鳩魯派和斯多葛派哲學(xué)家進(jìn)行了辯論。圣路加把自己的話當(dāng)作圣保羅的布道，這是巧妙地構(gòu)思出來的，并顯示出對(duì)哲學(xué)派別之間有爭(zhēng)議的問題有所了解。

As I passed by and beheld the manner how ye worship your gods, I found an altar wherein was written: unto the unknown god. Whom ye then ignorantly worship, him shew I unto you. God that made the world and all that are in it, seeing that he is Lord of heaven and earth, he dwelleth not in temples made with hands, neither is worshipped with men’s hands, as though he needed of any thing, seeing he himself giveth life and breath to all men everywhere and hath made of one blood all nations of men, for to dwell on all the face of the earth, and hath assigned, before now long time, and also the ends of their inhabitation, that they should seek God, if they might feel and find him, though he be not far from every one of us.?

當(dāng)我經(jīng)過并看到你們敬拜你們神的方式時(shí)，我發(fā)現(xiàn)了一個(gè)祭壇，上面寫著：獻(xiàn)給未知之神。你們無知地敬拜的神，我現(xiàn)在向你們顯明。創(chuàng)造天地和其中萬物的神，既然他是天地的主，他不住在人手所造的殿里，也不用人手來敬拜，好像他缺少什么，他自己賜生命和氣息給各處的眾人，并且用一血造了萬國(guó)的人，使他們住在全地上，并且預(yù)先定準(zhǔn)他們的年限和所住之地，要叫他們尋求神，或者可以揣摩而得，其實(shí)他離我們各人并不遠(yuǎn)。

For in him we live, move, and have our being as certain of your own poets said. For we are also his generation. Forasmuch then as we are the generation of God, we ought not to think that the godhead is like unto gold, silver or stone, graven by craft and imagination of men.

因?yàn)槲覀冊(cè)谒锩嫔?、行?dòng)、存在，正如你們自己的詩(shī)人所說：我們也是他的子孫。既然我們是神的子孫，就不當(dāng)以為神性像人用手藝和心思所雕刻的金、銀、石頭一樣。

Later legend imagined Paul in philosophical discourse with the Stoic philosopher Seneca. The idea was not wholly fanciful; St Paul once appeared in court before Seneca’s brother Gallio, and he had friends in the palace of Nero where Seneca was long influential. Both men died at about the same time, Paul probably in the persecution of Christians which followed the Great Fire of Rome in 64, and Seneca by Socratic suicide in 65.

后來的傳說想象保羅與斯多葛哲學(xué)家塞內(nèi)卡進(jìn)行了哲學(xué)對(duì)話。這個(gè)想法并不完全是幻想；圣保羅曾經(jīng)在塞內(nèi)卡的兄弟加利奧面前出庭，他在尼祿的宮殿里有朋友，塞內(nèi)卡在那里長(zhǎng)期有影響力。兩人大約在同一時(shí)間死去，保羅可能是在公元64年羅馬大火后對(duì)基督徒的迫害中死去，塞內(nèi)卡是在公元65年以蘇格拉底式的自殺方式死去。

It was probably around this time that the Christian gospels began to be written. All the gospels represent Jesus as the Son of God. The gospel of St John calls Jesus also the Word of God, the instrument of divine creation. John’s language resembles that of the Jewish philosopher Philo, a contemporary of Jesus who had written treatises reconciling Platonism with the Hebrew Bible. But John’s fundamental message is very different from Philo’s: the Word of God, one with God before the world began, is the very same as the human being Jesus who had lived and died in Galilee and Judea. Greek mythology knew incarnate gods aplenty, and Alexander persuaded himself that he was the son of Zeus. But there was no precedent for the idea that the God of monotheistic Judaism, a transcendent God as far from anthropomorphism as the God of Xenophanes, Parmenides, and Plato, could take flesh and live among men. This Christian doctrine of the Incarnation, as we shall see, provided fertile ground for the development of subtle new philosophical concepts which affected people’s thinking not only about divinity but about human nature itself.

大概就在這個(gè)時(shí)候，喵咪教的gospels?開始被寫下來。所有的gospels?都把椰絲描述為神的兒子。約翰日記還稱椰絲為神的道，神創(chuàng)造萬物的工具。約翰的語言類似于猶太哲學(xué)家費(fèi)羅，他是椰絲的同時(shí)代人，他寫了一些論文，試圖把柏拉圖主義與希伯來圣經(jīng)相協(xié)調(diào)。但約翰的基本信息與費(fèi)羅的非常不同：神的道，在世界開始之前與神同在，就是那個(gè)在加利利和猶太生活和死亡的人類椰絲。希臘神話知道很多化身為人的神，亞歷山大也說服自己他是宙斯的兒子。但是沒有先例可以說明單一神論的猶太教的神，一個(gè)遠(yuǎn)離擬人化的超越神，就像色諾芬尼、巴門尼德和柏拉圖的神一樣，能夠化身為肉體并與人同住。這個(gè)喵咪教關(guān)于道成肉身的教義，正如我們將看到的，為發(fā)展微妙的新哲學(xué)概念提供了肥沃的土壤，這些概念不僅影響了人們對(duì)神性的思考，也影響了人們對(duì)人性本身的思考。

Christianity and Gnosticism?

喵咪教和諾斯底主義

In the second and third centuries Christianity, now organized into a disciplined Church, spread across the Roman Empire. It took hold mainly in the cities, in communities presided over by bishops: the Christian word for non-Christians, ‘pagan’, was originally just the Latin word for a countryman. During this period Christian attitudes to philosophy varied. Some of the early Christian writers, such as Justin Martyr, a convert to the new religion from Platonism, used texts from Plato’s dialogues to Christian purposes, claiming that Plato had been influenced by the Hebrew Bible. Others, such as the African writer Tertullian, claimed that Athens and Jerusalem had nothing in common, and condemned all attempts to produce a Stoic, Platonic, or dialectical Christianity.

在公元二三世紀(jì)，喵咪教現(xiàn)在組織成一個(gè)有紀(jì)律的教會(huì)，遍布羅馬帝國(guó)。它主要在城市里扎根，由主教主持的社區(qū)：喵咪徒對(duì)非喵咪徒的稱呼“異教徒”，原本只是拉丁語中鄉(xiāng)下人的意思。在這個(gè)時(shí)期，喵咪徒對(duì)哲學(xué)的態(tài)度各不相同。一些早期的喵咪教作家，比如從柏拉圖主義改變信仰的新宗教的殉道賈斯丁者，用柏拉圖對(duì)話錄中的文本來達(dá)到喵咪教的目的，聲稱柏拉圖受到了希伯來圣經(jīng)的影響。另一些人，比如非洲作家德爾圖良，聲稱雅典和耶路撒冷沒有任何共同之處，并譴責(zé)所有試圖產(chǎn)生一個(gè)斯多葛、柏拉圖或辯證的喵咪教的企圖。

Orthodox Christian theologians in the second century, however, were engaged in battle less with hostile systems of pagan philosophy than with groups within the Church who devised heady mixtures of Platonic cosmology, Jewish prophecy, Christian theology, and Oriental mystery-mongering. Whereas both Jesus and Paul had preached a message that was available to the poor and unlearned no less than to scholarly rabbis or erudite philosophers, the members of these groups, known collectively as Gnostics, claimed to be in possession of special mysterious knowledge (‘ Gnosis’) which had been handed down in secret by the first apostles and which set its possessors in a privileged position apart from the simple faithful.

然而，在公元二世紀(jì)，正統(tǒng)的喵咪教神學(xué)家所從事的戰(zhàn)斗不是與敵對(duì)的異教哲學(xué)體系，而是與教會(huì)內(nèi)部那些設(shè)計(jì)了柏拉圖宇宙論、猶太預(yù)言、喵咪教神學(xué)和東方神秘主義的醉人混合物的團(tuán)體斗爭(zhēng)。雖然椰絲和保羅都傳講了一種信息，這種信息對(duì)于窮苦和無知的人來說并不比對(duì)于博學(xué)的拉比或博學(xué)的哲學(xué)家來說少，但是這些團(tuán)體的成員，統(tǒng)稱為諾斯底派，聲稱他們擁有特殊的神秘知識(shí)（“諾斯”），這種知識(shí)是由第一批使徒秘密傳下來的，并且使其擁有者處于一個(gè)與簡(jiǎn)單信徒不同的特權(quán)地位。

Gnostics did not believe that the material world was created by the good God; it was the work of lesser, malevolent powers, and its creation was an utter disaster.

諾斯底派不相信物質(zhì)世界是由善良的神創(chuàng)造的；它是次等、惡毒的力量所做的，它的創(chuàng)造是一場(chǎng)徹底的災(zāi)難。

The cosmos was governed by evil powers living in the planetary spheres, and during life a good Gnostic should shun any involvement in the business of the world. At death the soul, if properly purified by Gnostic ritual, would fly to God’s heaven, armed with incantations which would open the barriers placed in its way by the evil powers. Because the world was evil, it was sinful to marry and beget children. Some Gnostics practised an ascetic discipline, others were riotously promiscuous; in both cases the basic premise was that sex was contemptible.

宇宙是由居住在行星領(lǐng)域的邪惡力量所統(tǒng)治的，在生活中，一個(gè)好的諾斯底派應(yīng)該避免任何與世俗事務(wù)的牽連。在死亡時(shí)，如果靈魂經(jīng)過諾斯底派的儀式得到了適當(dāng)?shù)膬艋?，就?huì)飛向神的天堂，帶著咒語，這些咒語會(huì)打開邪惡力量在它前面設(shè)置的障礙。因?yàn)槭澜缡切皭旱?，所以結(jié)婚和生育子女是有罪的。一些諾斯底派實(shí)行了一種禁欲的紀(jì)律，另一些則放蕩不羈；在兩種情況下，基本的前提都是性是可鄙的。

Mainstream Christian writers denounced Gnosticism as heresy (using the word ‘ hairesis’ – the Greek word for a philosophical sect). They were more at ease with philosophers totally outside the Church, such as members of the Stoic school, which had returned to popularity under the rule of the Roman Emperors. However, the adherents of such classical philosophical traditions commonly despised Christianity, which they did not always clearly distinguish from Gnostic heresy or traditional Judaism. When the Stoic philosopher Marcus Aurelius became Emperor in 161 he proved himself a callous persecutor of the Christians.

主流的喵咪教作家譴責(zé)諾斯底主義為異端（使用“hairesis”這個(gè)詞——希臘語中哲學(xué)派別的詞）。他們更容易與完全在教會(huì)之外的哲學(xué)家相處，比如斯多葛學(xué)派的成員，他們?cè)诹_馬皇帝統(tǒng)治下重新受到歡迎。然而，這些古典哲學(xué)傳統(tǒng)的信徒通常輕視喵咪教，他們并不總是清楚地區(qū)分諾斯底異端或傳統(tǒng)猶太教。當(dāng)斯多葛哲學(xué)家馬庫(kù)斯·奧勒留在公元161年成為皇帝時(shí)，他證明自己是一個(gè)冷酷無情的喵咪徒迫害者。

The Roman Empire had now reached its greatest extent. By the death of Augustus its northern frontier had been consolidated along the Danube and the Rhine; under his immediate successors the province of Britain had been added to the Empire and imperial rule extended along the whole of the North African coast so that the Mediterranean became a Roman Sea. Under Marcus Aurelius himself its eastern frontier was extended to the Euphrates.

羅馬帝國(guó)現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)達(dá)到了它最大的范圍。在奧古斯都死后，它的北部邊界沿著多瑙河和萊茵河鞏固了；在他的直接繼承者之下，不列顛省被加入到帝國(guó)中，帝國(guó)的統(tǒng)治沿著整個(gè)北非海岸延伸，使地中海成為一個(gè)羅馬海。在馬庫(kù)斯·奧勒留本人之下，它的東部邊界被擴(kuò)展到了幼發(fā)拉底河。

For a hundred years after the defeat of Mark Antony the Empire had been ruled by members of the family of Caesar and Augustus. Successive Emperors had illustrated in their persons, in varying degrees, the adage that absolute power corrupts absolutely. For those within the immediate reach of the Emperors the greek philosophy after aristotle age was one of captious cruelty, interspersed with periods of clemency, torpidity, and lunacy. But while the court of Rome was a cauldron of vice, hatred, and terror, the imperial peace brought unprecedented blessings to the millions living in the far-flung provinces. Europe, North Africa, and the Near East enjoyed centuries of tranquillity such as they never experienced before or after. This was achieved with a standing army of no more than 120,000, assisted by local auxiliaries. Roman civic and legal institutions maintained order in communities across three continents, and Roman roads provided a network over which travellers brought Latin literature and Greek philosophy to remote corners of the Empire.

在馬克·安東尼被擊敗后的一百年里，帝國(guó)一直由凱撒和奧古斯都的家族成員統(tǒng)治。連續(xù)的皇帝們?cè)谒麄兊纳砩?，以不同的程度，說明了絕對(duì)權(quán)力導(dǎo)致絕對(duì)腐敗的格言。對(duì)于那些在皇帝直接影響范圍內(nèi)的人來說，這個(gè)時(shí)代是一個(gè)挑剔的殘酷時(shí)代，夾雜著寬厚、遲鈍和瘋狂的時(shí)期。但是，當(dāng)羅馬的宮廷是一個(gè)罪惡、仇恨和恐怖的大鍋時(shí)，帝國(guó)的和平給生活在遙遠(yuǎn)省份的數(shù)百萬人帶來了前所未有的福祉。歐洲、北非和近東享受了幾個(gè)世紀(jì)的安寧，這是他們以前或以后從未經(jīng)歷過的。這是用不超過12萬人的常備軍，得到當(dāng)?shù)剌o助軍的協(xié)助實(shí)現(xiàn)的。羅馬的市民和法律制度維持了三大洲社區(qū)的秩序，羅馬道路提供了一個(gè)網(wǎng)絡(luò)，使旅行者把拉丁文學(xué)和希臘哲學(xué)帶到了帝國(guó)的偏遠(yuǎn)角落。

The Caesarian dynasty had come to an end with the death of Nero in 69. After a year in which three Emperors siezed power and died after brief inglorious reigns, stability was restored by Vespasian, a general who had spent the last years of Nero’s reign suppressing a Jewish revolt in Palestine. Vespasian’s son Titus, who was later to succeed him as Emperor, sacked Jerusalem in 70 and dispersed its inhabitants. Henceforth, throughout the Empire, it was the Christians who were the main preservers of Jewish traditions and Jewish values.

凱撒王朝在公元69年尼祿的死后結(jié)束了。在一年的時(shí)間里，三位皇帝奪取了權(quán)力，但在短暫而不光彩的統(tǒng)治后死去，穩(wěn)定局面由維斯帕先恢復(fù)，他是一個(gè)將軍，他在尼祿統(tǒng)治的最后幾年里鎮(zhèn)壓了巴勒斯坦的猶太人起義。維斯帕先的兒子提多，后來繼承他成為皇帝，在公元70年攻陷了耶路撒冷，并驅(qū)散了它的居民。從此，在整個(gè)帝國(guó)，喵咪徒成為了猶太傳統(tǒng)和猶太價(jià)值觀的主要保護(hù)者。

Though Titus’ brother and successor, Domitian, rivalled Nero in vanity and cruelty, he was followed by a series of comparatively admirable Emperors who presided, between the years 96 and 180, over the greatest period of the Roman Empire. It was at the end of this period that the first substantial attempt was made to harmonize Christianity with Greek philosophy. Clement of Alexandria, at the turn of the century, published a set of Miscellanies ( Stromateis), written in the style of table talk, in which he argues that the study of philosophy is not only permissible, but necessary, for the educated Christian. The Greek thinkers were pedagogues for the world’s adolescence, divinely appointed to bring it to Christ in its maturity. Clement enrolled Plato as an ally against the dualism of the Gnostics, he experimented with Aristotelian logic, and he praised the Stoic ideal of freedom from passion. He explained away, as allegorical, aspects of the Bible and especially the Old Testament which educated Greeks found crude and offens-ive. In this he founded a tradition which was to have a long history in Alexandria.

雖然提多的弟弟和繼承者多米提安在虛榮和殘忍方面與尼祿不相上下，但他之后是一系列相對(duì)令人欽佩的皇帝，他們?cè)诠?6年到180年之間主持了羅馬帝國(guó)最輝煌的時(shí)期。就在這個(gè)時(shí)期的末尾，第一次有了一個(gè)實(shí)質(zhì)性的嘗試，試圖使喵咪教與希臘哲學(xué)相協(xié)調(diào)。亞歷山大的革利免，在世紀(jì)之交，出版了一套《雜文集》（Stromateis），以餐桌談話的風(fēng)格寫成，他認(rèn)為對(duì)于受過教育的喵咪徒來說，學(xué)習(xí)哲學(xué)不僅是允許的，而且是必要的。希臘思想家是世界青春期的教育者，被神圣地任命在將世界的思想教育成熟，等候救世主的到來。革利免把柏拉圖作為反對(duì)諾斯底派二元論的盟友，他試驗(yàn)了亞里士多德的邏輯，并贊揚(yáng)了斯多葛派擺脫激情的理想。他以寓言的方式解釋了圣經(jīng)，特別是舊約中的一些方面，受過教育的希臘人認(rèn)為這些方面是粗俗和令人反感的。在這方面，他創(chuàng)立了一個(gè)傳統(tǒng)，這個(gè)傳統(tǒng)在亞歷山大有著悠久的歷史。

Clement was an anthologist and a popularizer; his younger Alexandrian contemporary, Origen (185–254), was an original thinker. The son of a Christian martyr, Origen felt less at home than Clement in the cultural world of his time. Though massively learned in Greek philosophy, which he had learnt at the feet of the Alexandrian Platonist Ammonius Saccas, he saw himself first and foremost as a student of the Bible, whose authentic text he took great scholarly pains to establish.

革利免是一個(gè)選集編者和一個(gè)普及者；他年輕的亞歷山大同時(shí)代人奧利根（185-254）是一個(gè)原創(chuàng)的思想家。作為一個(gè)基督徒殉道者的兒子，奧利根比革利免更不適應(yīng)他所處時(shí)代的文化世界。雖然他在希臘哲學(xué)方面有著淵博的學(xué)識(shí)，他是在亞歷山大柏拉圖主義者阿蒙尼烏斯·薩卡斯的腳下學(xué)習(xí)的，但他首先把自己看作是圣經(jīng)的學(xué)生，他花了很大的學(xué)術(shù)努力來確立圣經(jīng)的真實(shí)文本。

None the less, Origen incorporated into his system many philosophical ideas which mainstream Christians regarded as heretical. For instance, he believed, with Plato, that human souls existed before birth or conception. God’s first creation had been a world of free spirits; when these became bored with endless worship, he created the present world, in which embodied human souls were in their turn given freedom which they could use to ascend, aided by the grace of Christ, to a heavenly destiny. Origen also maintained, in conflict with Christian orthodoxy, that all rational beings, sinners as well as saints, and devils as well as angels, would finally be saved and find blessedness. He modified St Paul’s doctrine of the resurrection of the body, teaching, according to some of his disciples, that the dead would rise in an ethereal form, and according to others, that the resurrection body would take the form of a sphere, which, so Plato had said, was the most perfect of all shapes.

然而，奧利根把許多哲學(xué)思想納入了他的體系中，這些思想被主流喵咪徒視為異端。例如，他相信，與柏拉圖一樣，人類的靈魂在出生或受孕之前就存在了。神最初創(chuàng)造的是一個(gè)自由精神的世界；當(dāng)這些精神對(duì)無盡的崇拜感到厭倦時(shí)，他創(chuàng)造了現(xiàn)在的世界，在這個(gè)世界里，有形體的人類靈魂依次被賦予了自由，他們可以利用這種自由，在救世主的恩典的幫助下，升到天堂的命運(yùn)。奧利根還堅(jiān)持認(rèn)為，與喵咪教正統(tǒng)相沖突的是，所有理性的存在，無論是罪人還是圣徒，無論是魔鬼還是天使，最終都會(huì)得救并找到幸福。他修改了保羅關(guān)于身體復(fù)活的教義，根據(jù)他一些門徒的說法，他教導(dǎo)死者會(huì)以一種空靈的形式復(fù)活，根據(jù)另一些門徒的說法，他教導(dǎo)復(fù)活的身體會(huì)呈現(xiàn)球形，因?yàn)榘乩瓐D曾說過，球形是所有形狀中最完美的。

On a visit to Athens Origen proclaimed his vision of final universal salvation. Condemned as a heretic by a synod of Egyptian bishops, he went into exile in Palestine, saying that he would not wish to speak evil of the devil any more than of the bishops who condemned him. In his exile he wrote a vindication of Christianity against his pagan fellow-Platonist, Celsus. Against Celsus uses philosophical arguments in support of Christian belief in God, freedom, and the afterlife, and appeals to the fulfilment of prophecy and the working of miracles as testimony to the authenticity of the Christian revelation. Origen died in 254 after repeated torture during the persecution under the Emperor Decius.

在訪問雅典時(shí)，奧利根宣布了他對(duì)最終普遍救贖的愿景。他被埃及主教的一個(gè)會(huì)議定為異端，他流亡到巴勒斯坦，說他不希望說魔鬼的壞話，也不希望說譴責(zé)他的主教的壞話。在流亡中，他寫了一本為喵咪教辯護(hù)的書，反對(duì)他的異教同門柏拉圖主義者塞爾蘇斯?！斗磳?duì)塞爾蘇斯》使用哲學(xué)論證來支持喵咪教對(duì)神、自由和來世的信仰，并以預(yù)言的實(shí)現(xiàn)和奇跡的發(fā)生為證據(jù)，證明喵咪教啟示的真實(shí)性。奧利根在公元254年死去，他在皇帝德謨修斯的迫害中遭受了反復(fù)的折磨。

新柏拉圖主義?

Neo-Platonism

?Contemporary with Origen, and a fellow pupil of Ammonius Saccas, was the last great pagan philosopher, Plotinus (205–70). Plotinus was an admirer of Plato, but gave his philosophy such a novel cast that he is known not as a Platonist, but as the founder of Neo-Platonism. After a brief military career he settled in Rome, toying with the idea of founding, with imperial support, a Platonic Republic in Campania. His works were edited after his death, in six groups of nine treatises ( Enneads), by his disciple and biographer Porphyry. Written in a taut and difficult style, they cover a wide variety of philosophical topics: ethics and aesthetics, physics and cosmology, psychology, metaphysics, logic, and epistemology.

與奧利根同時(shí)代，并且是阿蒙尼烏斯·薩卡斯的同門學(xué)生，是最后一位偉大的異教哲學(xué)家普羅提諾（205-70）。普羅提諾是柏拉圖的崇拜者，但他給他的哲學(xué)賦予了一種新穎的色彩，使他不是作為一個(gè)柏拉圖主義者而聞名，而是作為新柏拉圖主義的創(chuàng)始人。在短暫的軍事生涯之后，他定居在羅馬，玩味著在卡姆帕尼亞建立一個(gè)柏拉圖式共和國(guó)的想法，并得到皇帝的支持。他的作品在他死后由他的門徒和傳記作者波菲利編輯成六組九篇論文（Enneads）。這些論文寫得緊湊而艱深，涵蓋了廣泛的哲學(xué)主題：倫理學(xué)和美學(xué)、物理學(xué)和宇宙學(xué)、心理學(xué)、形而上學(xué)、邏輯學(xué)和認(rèn)識(shí)論。

The dominant place in Plotinus’ system is occupied by ‘the One’. ‘One’, in ancient philosophy, is not to be thought of as a name for the first of the natural numbers in the series 1,2,3,4; rather, it is an adjective meaning ‘united’ or ‘a(chǎn)ll in one piece’. Plotinus’ use derives, through Plato, from Parmenides, where Oneness is a key property of Being. We cannot, strictly, utter any true sentences about the One, because the use of a subject distinct from a predicate would imply division and plurality. In a way which remains mysterious, The One is identical with the Platonic Idea of the Good. As The One, it is the basis of all reality; as The Good, it is the standard of all value; but it is itself beyond being and beyond goodness.

在普羅提諾的體系中，占據(jù)主導(dǎo)地位的是“一”。在古代哲學(xué)中，“一”不是指自然數(shù)序列1,2,3,4中的第一個(gè)數(shù)的名字；而是一個(gè)形容詞，意思是“統(tǒng)一的”或“完整的”。普羅提諾的用法是通過柏拉圖，從巴門尼德那里得來的，在那里，一性是存在的一個(gè)關(guān)鍵屬性。我們不能嚴(yán)格地說出關(guān)于一的任何真實(shí)的句子，因?yàn)槭褂靡粋€(gè)與謂語不同的主語會(huì)暗示分裂和多樣性。以一種仍然神秘的方式，一與柏拉圖的善的理式相同。作為一，它是所有現(xiàn)實(shí)的基礎(chǔ)；作為善，它是所有價(jià)值的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)；但它本身超越了存在和善。

Below this supreme and ineffable summit, the next level of reality is occupied by Mind or Intellect ( nous). This is the product of the One’s reflection on itself. It is the locus of the Platonic Ideas, which both depend on it for their existence and form an essential part of its own structure. In contemplating the Ideas, Mind knows itself, not by a discursive process, but in a timeless intuition.

在這個(gè)至高無上而不可言喻的頂點(diǎn)之下，現(xiàn)實(shí)的下一個(gè)層次是由心靈或理智（nous）所占據(jù)的。這是一對(duì)自身的反思所產(chǎn)生的。它是柏拉圖理式的所在地，這些理式既依賴于它來存在，又構(gòu)成了它自身結(jié)構(gòu)的重要部分。在沉思理式時(shí)，心靈認(rèn)識(shí)自己，不是通過一個(gè)推理過程，而是通過一個(gè)永恒的直覺。

The next place below Mind is occupied by Soul. Soul, unlike Mind, operates in time; indeed, it is the creator of time and space. Soul looks in two directions: it looks upward to Mind, and it looks downward to Nature, where it sees its own reflection. Nature in turn creates the physical world, full of wonder and beauty even though its substance is such as dreams are made of. At the lowest level of all is bare matter, the outermost limit of reality.

在心靈之下的下一個(gè)位置是由靈魂所占據(jù)的。靈魂不像心靈，在時(shí)間中運(yùn)作；事實(shí)上，它是時(shí)間和空間的創(chuàng)造者。靈魂向兩個(gè)方向看：它向上看向心靈，它向下看向自然，那里它看到了自己的映像。自然反過來創(chuàng)造了物質(zhì)世界，充滿了奇跡和美麗，即使它的物質(zhì)是像夢(mèng)一樣制造出來的。在所有層次中最低的是赤裸裸的物質(zhì)，現(xiàn)實(shí)的最外層極限。

These levels of reality are not independent of each other. Each level is dependent, causally but not temporally, on the level above it. Everthing has its place in a single downward progress of successive emanations from the One.

這些現(xiàn)實(shí)層次并不相互獨(dú)立。每個(gè)層次都依賴于它上面的層次，因果地而不是時(shí)間地。每件事都有它在從一發(fā)出的連續(xù)流出中單一向下降的進(jìn)程中的位置。

The system is impressive: but how ever, we may wonder, did Plotinus convince his hearers of the truth of these mysterious, if exalted, docrines? To see how he attempted to do so, we must retrace our steps and follow the upward path from base matter to the supreme One.

這個(gè)體系是令人印象深刻的：但是，我們可能會(huì)想，普羅提諾是如何說服他的聽眾相信這些神秘的，即使是崇高的，教義的呢？要看到他是如何嘗試這樣做的，我們必須回溯我們的步驟，沿著從低級(jí)物質(zhì)到至高無上的一的向上的道路前進(jìn)。

Plotinus takes as his starting point Platonic and Aristotelian arguments which we have already met. The ultimate substratum of change, Aristotle had argued, must be something which, of itself, possesses none of the properties of the changeable bodies we see and handle. But a matter which possesses no material properties, Plotinus argued, is inconceivable, like the Unbeing of Parmenides. We must dispense, therefore, with Aristotelian matter; we are left with Aristotelian forms. The most important of these was the soul, which was the form of the human being; and it is natural for us to think that there are as many souls as there are individual people. But here Plotinus appeals to another Aristotelian thesis: the principle that forms are individuated by matter. If we have given up matter, there is nothing to distinguish Socrates’ soul from Xanthippe’s soul; and so we conclude that there is only one single soul.

普羅提諾以我們已經(jīng)遇到過的柏拉圖和亞里士多德的論證為他的出發(fā)點(diǎn)。變化的最終基質(zhì)，亞里士多德曾經(jīng)論證過，必須是一種本身不具有我們看到和觸摸的可變物體的任何屬性的東西。但是，普羅提諾認(rèn)為，一種不具有物質(zhì)屬性的質(zhì)料是不可思議的，就像巴門尼德的非存在一樣。因此，我們必須摒棄亞里士多德的質(zhì)料；我們只剩下亞里士多德的形式。其中最重要的是靈魂，它是人類的形式；而且我們自然會(huì)認(rèn)為，有多少個(gè)人就有多少個(gè)靈魂。但是在這里，普羅提諾訴諸于另一個(gè)亞里士多德的命題：形式是由物質(zhì)個(gè)別化的原則。如果我們放棄了質(zhì)料，就沒有什么可以區(qū)分蘇格拉底的靈魂和桑提佩的靈魂了；所以我們得出結(jié)論，只有一個(gè)單一的靈魂。

To prove that this soul exists before and after being linked to any particular body, and is independent of body, Plotinus uses very much the same arguments as Plato used in the Phaedo. He neatly reverses the argument of those who claim that soul is dependent on body because it is nothing more than an attunement of the body’s sinews. When a musician plucks the strings of a lyre, he says, it is the strings, not the melody, that he acts upon; but the strings would not be plucked unless the melody called for it.

為了證明這個(gè)靈魂在與任何特定的身體聯(lián)系之前和之后都存在，并且獨(dú)立于身體，普羅提諾使用了與柏拉圖在《斐多篇》中使用的非常相同的論證。他巧妙地反轉(zhuǎn)了那些聲稱靈魂依賴于身體，因?yàn)樗徊贿^是身體筋脈的和諧之音的人的論點(diǎn)。當(dāng)一個(gè)音樂家彈撥琴弦時(shí)，他說，他所作用的是琴弦，而不是旋律；但如果沒有旋律的要求，琴弦就不會(huì)被彈撥。

But now the problem arises: how can a world soul, transcendent and incorporeal, be in any way present to individual corruptible and composite bodies? To solve the problem, Plotinus says, we have to reverse the question, and ask not how soul can be in body, but how body can be in soul? The answer is that body is in soul by depending upon it for its organization and continued existence.

但現(xiàn)在問題出現(xiàn)了：一個(gè)超越和非肉體的世界靈魂如何能以任何方式存在于個(gè)別腐敗和復(fù)合的身體中呢？為了解決這個(gè)問題，普羅提諾說，我們必須反過來問這個(gè)問題，不是問靈魂如何能在身體中，而是問身體如何能在靈魂中？答案是，身體依賴于靈魂來維持它的組織和持續(xù)的存在，所以身體就在靈魂中。

Soul, then, governs and orders the world of bodies. It does so wisely and well. But the wisdom which it exercises in the governance of the world is not native to it: it must come from outside. It cannot come from the material world, since that is what it shapes; it must come from something which is by nature linked to the Ideas which are the models or patterns for intelligent activity. This can only be the World-Mind, which both constitutes and is constituted by the Ideas, which are the objects of its thought.

然后，靈魂統(tǒng)治和安排物質(zhì)世界的秩序。它這樣做是明智和良好的。但它在統(tǒng)治世界中所運(yùn)用的智慧不是它本身的：它必須來自外部。它不能來自物質(zhì)世界，因?yàn)槟鞘撬茉斓?；它必須來自一種本質(zhì)上與理式相聯(lián)系的東西，理式是智能活動(dòng)的模型或模式。這只能是世界理智，它既構(gòu)成也被理式構(gòu)成，理式是它思想的對(duì)象。

In all thinking, Plotinus continues, there must be a distinction between the thinker and what he is thinking of; even when a thinker is thinking of himself there remains this duality of subject and object. Moreover, the Ideas which are the objects of Mind are many in number. In more than one way, then, Mind contains multiplicity and is therefore composite. Like many other ancient philosophers, Plotinus accepted as a principle that whatever was composite must depend on something more simple. And thus we reach, at the end of our journey upward from formless matter, the one and only One.

在所有的思考中，普羅提諾繼續(xù)說，必須有一個(gè)區(qū)別，區(qū)分思想者和他所思考的東西；即使當(dāng)一個(gè)思想者在思考他自己時(shí)，主體和客體的二元性仍然存在。而且，作為心靈對(duì)象的理式是復(fù)數(shù)的。因此，在不止一種方式上，心靈包含了多樣性，因此是復(fù)合的。像許多其他古代哲學(xué)家一樣，普羅提諾接受了一個(gè)原則：任何復(fù)合的東西都必須依賴于更簡(jiǎn)單的東西。于是我們到達(dá)了我們從無形物質(zhì)向上旅行的終點(diǎn)，唯一的一。

Though Plotinus’ school in Rome did not survive his death, his pupils and their pupils carried his ideas elsewhere. Porphyry’s pupil Iamblichus inspired a NeoPlatonic school in Athens. There the industrious and erudite Proclus (410– 85), who each day gave five lectures and wrote seven hundred lines, kept Plotinus’ memory green with a detailed commentary on the Enneads. Proclus was famous in his time as the author of eighteen separate refutations of the Christian doctrine of creation.

雖然普羅提諾在羅馬的學(xué)派沒有在他死后存活下來，但他的學(xué)生和他們的學(xué)生把他的思想帶到了別處。波菲利的學(xué)生亞姆布利庫(kù)斯在雅典啟發(fā)了一個(gè)新柏拉圖主義的學(xué)派。在那里，勤奮而博學(xué)的普羅克洛斯（410-85），每天做五次講座，寫七百行，用一部詳細(xì)的《九篇集》注釋，保持了普羅提諾的記憶。普羅克洛斯在他的時(shí)代以十八個(gè)對(duì)喵咪教創(chuàng)造論的反駁的作者而聞名。

This Neo-Platonic school of Athens was the last flowering of pagan Greek philosophy, and one of the most encyclopaedic commentators on Aristotle, Simplicius, was working there when the school came to an end in 529, forty-four years after Proclus’ death. An edict of the Christian Emperor Justinian, in the words of Gibbon, ‘imposed a perpetual silence on the schools of Athens and excited the grief and indignation of the few remaining votaries of Grecian science and superstition’.

這個(gè)雅典的新柏拉圖主義學(xué)派是異教希臘哲學(xué)的最后一次繁榮，也是對(duì)亞里士多德最全面的注釋者之一，Simplicius，就是在那里工作，當(dāng)學(xué)校在公元529年結(jié)束時(shí)，距離普羅克洛斯死去已經(jīng)四十四年了。喵咪教皇帝查士丁尼的一道法令，用愛德華·吉本的話說，“對(duì)雅典的學(xué)校施加了永久的沉默，并激起了少數(shù)剩下的希臘科學(xué)和迷信的崇拜者的悲哀和憤怒”。