(書籍翻譯)第四次十字軍東征1202–04:對(duì)拜占庭的背叛(七)


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Structurally, the Byzantine army still consisted of indigenous units recruited on regional and often linguistic grounds, plus similarly ‘ethnic’ units of foreign mercenaries and elite palace or guard regiments. The cavalry were divided into heavily armoured close-combat troopers in a traditional Middle Eastern rather than Western European style, and lightly equipped horse archers, the majority of whom now seem to have been pagan Turks from the steppes or Muslim Turks from Anatolia.
? ? ? ? ? 從結(jié)構(gòu)上看,拜占庭軍隊(duì)仍然由基于地區(qū)和語(yǔ)言緣故而招募的本土部隊(duì)組成,加上外國(guó)雇傭兵和精英宮殿(或衛(wèi)隊(duì))的“民族”部隊(duì)。騎兵被分為重裝近戰(zhàn)部隊(duì),具有傳統(tǒng)的中東而非西歐風(fēng)格,以及裝備簡(jiǎn)陋的馬弓手,其中大部分人是來(lái)自草原的異教土耳其人或來(lái)自安納托利亞的穆斯林土耳其人。

The most famous elite palace regiment was, of course, the Varangian Guard. Originally recruited from Scandinavians and Rus of largely Scandinavian origin, the Varangian Guard now largely consisted of Englishmen of Anglo-Saxon rather than Anglo-Norman origin, plus Frisians, Germans and others. Their duties were remarkably similar to those of the Kievan Russian Druzhina, the Scandinavian vikinge-lag and the pre-1066 Anglo-Saxon huscarls. Each of these was a mercenary company that served as a ruler’s personal bodyguard and the core of a larger army.
? ? ? ? ? 最著名的宮廷精英軍團(tuán)當(dāng)屬瓦蘭吉亞衛(wèi)隊(duì)?。瓦蘭吉亞衛(wèi)隊(duì)最初從斯堪的納維亞人和羅斯人中招募,主要是斯堪的納維亞血統(tǒng);后來(lái)衛(wèi)隊(duì)由來(lái)自盎格魯-撒克遜而不是盎格魯-諾曼的英格蘭人組成,加上弗里斯蘭人、日耳曼人等人組成。他們的職責(zé)與基輔俄羅斯的Druzhina、斯堪的納維亞的vikinge-lag(維京軍團(tuán))和1066年前的盎格魯-撒克遜的 huscarls非常相似。這些都是雇傭兵集團(tuán),他們常常作為統(tǒng)治者的私人保鏢或軍隊(duì)的核心。
?瓦蘭吉亞衛(wèi)隊(duì):(希臘語(yǔ):Τ?γμα τ?ν Βαρ?γγων,Tágma tōn Varángōn)是十世紀(jì)至十四世紀(jì)拜占庭軍隊(duì)的一支精英部隊(duì)。其成員擔(dān)任拜占庭皇帝的私人保鏢。瓦蘭吉亞衛(wèi)隊(duì)以主要由來(lái)自北歐的新兵組成而聞名,其中主要包括來(lái)自斯堪的納維亞半島的諾森人,但也包括來(lái)自英格蘭的盎格魯-撒克遜人。從拜占庭以外招募遙遠(yuǎn)的外國(guó)人擔(dān)任皇帝的私人衛(wèi)隊(duì)是一項(xiàng)刻意的政策,因?yàn)樗麄內(nèi)狈Φ胤秸沃艺\(chéng)度,皇帝可以依靠他們來(lái)鎮(zhèn)壓不忠于拜占庭的叛亂。
Druzhina:在基輔羅斯和早期波蘭的中世紀(jì)歷史中,druzhina、dru?yna或dru?yna(斯洛伐克和捷克語(yǔ):dru?ina;波蘭語(yǔ):dru?yna;俄語(yǔ)和烏克蘭語(yǔ):дружи?на,druzhyna字面意思是 "伙伴")是為斯拉夫酋長(zhǎng)服務(wù)的隨從,也叫knyaz。該名稱源自斯拉夫語(yǔ)的藥物(друг),意思是 "伙伴、朋友"。
huscarls:侍衛(wèi)(舊北歐語(yǔ):húskarl,舊英語(yǔ):huscarl)是中世紀(jì)北歐的一種非奴隸制的男仆或家庭保鏢。
??? 這種制度起源于斯堪的納維亞半島的諾森人,并在11世紀(jì)被丹麥人征服后被帶到了盎格魯-撒克遜英格蘭。他們訓(xùn)練有素,并像全職士兵一樣獲得報(bào)酬。在英格蘭,王室斗篷人在軍事和行政方面都有一些作用,他們?cè)诠_德-戈德溫森手下參加了黑斯廷斯之戰(zhàn)。

In other respects Byzantine military recruitment remained traditional. Emperor Manuel had, for example, settled large numbers of prisoners of war as paroikoi peasants with military obligations. Emperor Isaac II then continued his Comnenid predecessors’ policy of trying to rebuild a ‘national’ but not necessarily aristocratic army. Then there were the Armenians. Mistrust between Greeks and Armenians within the Byzantine Empire had been a source of weakness for centuries, but although the Armenians were often politically unreliable, they were regarded as good soldiers. Despite their importance declining during the 12th century, significant numbers of militarily active Armenians were still present in the early 13th century, in both Anatolia and Thrace. Presumably this reflected a traditional Byzantine habit of settling Armenian military colonies close to vulnerable frontiers; those based in the Troad (Troy) region of north-western Anatolia were wellplaced to face a continuing Saljuq threat.
? ? ? ? ? 在其他方面,拜占庭的征兵工作仍然保持傳統(tǒng)模式。例如,曼努埃爾皇帝曾將大量戰(zhàn)俘作為承擔(dān)軍事義務(wù)的準(zhǔn)農(nóng)民安置在一起。隨后,伊薩克二世皇帝繼續(xù)執(zhí)行科穆寧王朝前輩們的政策,試圖重建一支屬于“國(guó)家”但不屬于貴族的軍隊(duì)。關(guān)于亞美尼亞人,幾個(gè)世紀(jì)以來(lái),拜占庭帝國(guó)內(nèi)部的希臘人和亞美尼亞人之間的不信任一直是帝國(guó)的弱點(diǎn),盡管亞美尼亞人在政治上往往不可靠,但他們是優(yōu)秀的戰(zhàn)士。盡管他們的重要性在12世紀(jì)有所下降,但在13世紀(jì)初,在安納托利亞和色雷斯仍有大量活躍的亞美尼亞人。據(jù)推測(cè),這反映了拜占庭在脆弱的邊界附近安置亞美尼亞軍事殖民地的傳統(tǒng)習(xí)慣;那些駐扎在安納托利亞西北部的特羅伊(Troad)地區(qū)的亞美尼亞人有能力面對(duì)塞爾柱的持續(xù)威脅。

Given the parlous state of the Byzantine economy at the start of the 13th century, it is hardly surprising that the number of Western European mercenaries had shrunk. There were still some, perhaps including survivors of those ‘Franks’ who had defended Varna against Bulgar and Vlach rebels in 1193. However, most of those Westerners who would fight alongside Byzantine troops in defence of Constantinople against the Fourth Crusade seem to have been resident merchants and perhaps ships’ crews. The most significant group were the Pisans, who felt a vested interest in supporting the current Emperor against what probably looked to them like an invasion by their Venetian commercial rivals.
? ? ? ? ? 鑒于13世紀(jì)初拜占庭經(jīng)濟(jì)的窘迫狀況,西歐雇傭軍的數(shù)量縮減也就不足為奇了。還有一些人,也許包括那些在1193年保衛(wèi)瓦爾納對(duì)抗保加利亞和Vlach叛軍的‘法蘭克人’的幸存者。然而,那些在第四次十字軍東征中與拜占庭軍隊(duì)并肩作戰(zhàn),保衛(wèi)君士坦丁堡的西方人中,大多數(shù)都是常駐商人,或者是船只的船員。最重要的群體是比薩人,他們覺得支持現(xiàn)任皇帝而反對(duì)在他們看來(lái)可能是威尼斯商業(yè)對(duì)手的入侵,是一種既得利益。
?
By the time of the Fourth Crusade, Turkish mercenaries were almost certainly more numerous and more important. They included substantial numbers from the semi-nomadic Turkish peoples of the western steppes, most notably Kipchaqs, who came from the same areas as those Kipchaqs who, with the Vlachs, had instigated the anti-Byzantine revolt that resulted in the recreation of a Bulgarian kingdom.
? ? ? ? ? 第四次十字軍東征時(shí),土耳其雇傭兵變得更多、更重要。他們中包括大量來(lái)自西部草原的半游牧土耳其人,最明顯的是基普查克人,他們與那些基普查克人來(lái)自同一地區(qū),與Vlach人一起煽動(dòng)了反拜占庭的起義,這導(dǎo)致了保加利亞王國(guó)的重建。

Other Turkish mercenaries came from Anatolia, including the Saljuq Sultanate of Rum, though the numbers of such troops are believed to have declined after the Byzantine disaster at Myriokephalon in 1176. Perhaps the Byzantine army could no longer afford them. A smaller number arrived as aristocratic political refugees, perhaps with their own military followings. The most important Turkish refugee at the time of the Fourth Crusade was Ghiyath al-Din Kaykhusraw I, youngest son of Sultan Kilij Arslan II by a Christian wife. In 1194–05 he had briefly ruled the Saljuq Sultanate and carried out successful raids against Byzantine territory, but he was then overthrown by one of his half-brothers, Rukn al-Din Sulayman. After wandering around the Middle East, Ghiyath al-Din sought refuge in Constantinople. This was granted by Alexios III, although the Emperor refused to help the refugee Saljuq prince regain his throne. Ghiyath al-Din was still living in Constantinople when the Fourth Crusade arrived.
? ? ? ? ?其他土耳其雇傭軍來(lái)自安納托利亞,包括魯姆的塞爾柱蘇丹國(guó),不過(guò),1176年拜占庭在米里奧克法隆的災(zāi)難之后,這類部隊(duì)的數(shù)量有所下降。也許拜占庭的軍隊(duì)再也負(fù)擔(dān)不起了。少數(shù)人是作為貴族政治難民抵達(dá)的,也許有他們自己的軍事追隨者。第四次十字軍東征時(shí)最特殊的土耳其難民是基里亞特-丁-凱胡斯勞一世(Ghiyath al-Din Kaykhusraw I),他是蘇丹基里吉·阿爾斯蘭二世與基督徒妻子所生的最小兒子。1194-05年,他曾短暫地統(tǒng)治過(guò)塞爾柱蘇丹國(guó),并對(duì)拜占庭領(lǐng)土進(jìn)行過(guò)成功的突襲,但他隨后被其同父異母的兄弟魯克恩·丁·蘇萊曼推翻了。在中東地區(qū)游蕩后,吉雅特·丁前往君士坦丁堡尋求庇護(hù)。這事由阿萊克修斯三世批準(zhǔn),盡管皇帝拒絕幫助避難的塞爾柱王子重新獲得王位。第四次十字軍東征到達(dá)時(shí),吉雅特·?。℅hiyath al-Din)仍住在君士坦丁堡。

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