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原網(wǎng)址：https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hephaestion#Modern_sources

Relationships關(guān)系

Little is known of Hephaestion's personal relationships beyond his close friendship with Alexander. Alexander was an outgoing, charismatic man who had many friends but his dearest and closest friend and confidant was Hephaestion. Theirs was a friendship which had been forged in boyhood. It endured through adolescence, through Alexander's becoming king, and through the hardships of campaigning and the flatteries of court life and their marriages. Apart from Diogenes of Sinope's alleged letter quoted below, heavily hinting at Alexander's yielding to Hephaestion's thighs, ancient sources do not generally mention that Hephaestion and Alexander may have been lovers, as some modern scholars have theorized. Overall direct evidence is non-existent and, at least according to Thomas R. Martin, this was a practice which was uncommon by majority Greek standards of their time.

除了他和亞歷山大的親密友誼以外，人們對赫菲斯蒂安的人際關(guān)系知之甚少。亞歷山大是一個外向而充滿魅力的男子，但他眾多朋友中最親愛的、最親密的朋友和知己是他的赫菲斯蒂安。他們的友誼從孩提時代就開始了。這段感情經(jīng)歷了青春期、，經(jīng)歷了亞歷山大繼位，經(jīng)歷了艱難的競選，經(jīng)歷了諂媚的宮廷生活，經(jīng)歷了他們的婚姻。第歐根尼（注：希臘的哲學(xué)家）寫于錫諾普的信被引用，亞歷山大一生中只敗在赫菲斯蒂安的大腿之間，這是一種強烈暗示，很多古代文獻一般沒有提到亞歷山大和赫菲斯蒂安是情人關(guān)系，而這正是很多現(xiàn)代學(xué)者秉承的觀點?？偠灾疀]有明確的證據(jù)，至少在托馬斯·R·馬丁看來，這種情況在當(dāng)時的希臘人中是一種不尋常且不常見的做法。

Their tutor Aristotle described friendship as "... one soul abiding in two bodies". That they themselves considered their friendship to be of such a kind is shown by the stories of the morning after the battle of Issus. Diodorus, Arrian and Curtius all describe the scene when Alexander and Hephaestion went together to visit the captured Persian royal family. Its senior member, the queen Sisygambis, knelt to Hephaestion to plead for their lives, having mistaken him for Alexander because he was taller, and both young men were wearing similar clothes. When she realized her mistake she was acutely embarrassed, but Alexander pardoned her, saying "You were not mistaken, Mother; this man too is Alexander." Their love for each other was no secret, as is borne out by their own words. Hephaestion, when replying to a letter to Alexander's mother, Olympias, said "... you know that Alexander means more to us than anything." Arrian says that Alexander, after Hephaestion's death, described him as "... the friend I valued as my own life." Paul Cartledge describes their closeness when he says: "Alexander seems actually to have referred to Hephaestion as his alter ego."

他們的導(dǎo)師亞里士多德將這段關(guān)系描述為“……一個靈魂住在兩個身體里……”他們也認為這段關(guān)系正是如此，這在伊蘇斯戰(zhàn)役之后的一個早上中體現(xiàn)了這個觀點。狄奧多羅斯、阿里安、庫爾修斯都描述了亞歷山大和赫菲斯蒂安一起去拜訪被俘虜?shù)牟ㄋ雇跏业膱雒?。其中地位最高的王后西緒甘碧斯跪在赫菲斯蒂安面前請求他寬恕他們的性命，她誤將赫菲斯蒂安認成了亞歷山大，因為兩個年輕人穿著近似的衣服，而赫菲斯蒂安更高一些。當(dāng)王后意識到自己的錯誤時，感到非常局促不安，但亞歷山大原諒了她，并說：“你沒有錯，王后，這個人也是亞歷山大?！彼麄儗Ρ舜说膼蹚膩聿皇敲孛?，并顯示在他們的言語中。赫菲斯蒂安，當(dāng)他給亞歷山大的母親奧林匹亞斯回信時，寫到“……你知道亞歷山大對我們來說意味著一切。”阿里安記載道，赫菲斯蒂安死后，亞歷山大稱呼赫菲斯蒂安為“……我愛逾性命的朋友?！北Ａ_·卡特里奇描述他們的親密關(guān)系為“亞歷山大似乎真的將赫菲斯蒂安看做另一個自己?！?/p>

Their friendship was also a working partnership; in all that Alexander undertook, Hephaestion was at his side. They worked well together; it is possible to discern a pattern, when studying Hephaestion's career, of Alexander's constant trust in, and increasing reliance on, Hephaestion. By the time of the advance into India, after the deaths of senior generals from the older generation, there had been worrying instances among senior officers of their own generation of treachery, a lack of sympathy with Alexander's aims of further integration of Persians into the army, and of sheer incompetence. Time after time, when Alexander needed to divide his forces he entrusted half to Hephaestion, knowing that in him he had a man of unquestionable loyalty who understood and sympathized with his aims and, above all, who got the job done.

他們的友誼也是一種共事關(guān)系；在亞歷山大所做的一切事情中，赫菲斯蒂安都堅定的支持著他。他們合作的很好；在研究赫菲斯蒂安職業(yè)生涯的時候可以看到，亞歷山大越來越信任和依賴著赫菲斯蒂安。進軍印度期間，在老一輩的高級將領(lǐng)死亡后，在他們自己一輩的高級軍官中出現(xiàn)了令人擔(dān)憂的背叛的例子，對亞歷山大融合波斯軍隊的目標(biāo)，他們即不理解又缺乏能力。一次又一次，當(dāng)亞歷山大需要拆分軍隊時都會選擇赫菲斯蒂安，因為他知道對方對自己絕對的忠誠，對自己目標(biāo)的理解和同理心，最重要的是，赫菲斯蒂安每次都完成了自己的任務(wù)。

Hephaestion played a full part in Alexander's regular consultations with senior officers, but he was the one to whom Alexander would also talk in private, sharing his thoughts, hopes and plans. Curtius states that Hephaestion was the sharer of all his secrets. And Plutarch describes an occasion when Alexander had a controversial change to impose and implies that Hephaestion was the one with whom Alexander discussed it and who arranged for the change to be implemented. According to the painting done by Aetion of Alexander's first wedding, Hephaestion was his torch bearer (best man), showing by this not only his friendship, but also his support for Alexander's policies as Alexander's choice of an Asian bride had not been a popular one. By the time they returned to Persia Hephaestion was officially, by title, Alexander's second-in-command, as he had long been in practice, and also his brother-in-law. Hammond sums up their public relationship well: "It is not surprising that Alexander was as closely attached to Hephaestion as Achilles was to Patroclus", and "At the time of his death Hephaestion held the highest single command, that of the Companion Cavalry; and had been repeatedly second in command to Alexander in the hierarchy of the Asian court, holding the title of Chiliarch, which had been held by Nabarzanes under Darius. Thus Alexander honoured Hephaestion both as the closest of his friends and the most distinguished of his Field Marshals."

在亞歷山大和高級將領(lǐng)的定期磋商中，赫菲斯蒂安有一個完整的形象，但他是唯一一個亞歷山大私下交談、分享想法、分享夢想和計劃的人。庫爾修斯說赫菲斯蒂安共享亞歷山大所有的秘密。普魯塔克暗示了亞歷山大一次有爭議的融合舉措，是與赫菲斯蒂安商議過并由對方安排實施的。根據(jù)亞歷山大第一場婚禮所做的畫作來看，赫菲斯蒂安是他的火炬手（伴郎），這不僅體現(xiàn)了他的友誼，更表現(xiàn)了他對亞歷山大政策的支持，因為亞歷山大娶一個亞洲新娘的行為并不被看好。當(dāng)他們回到波斯的時候，赫菲斯蒂安被正式任命為亞歷山大的二把手，正如他長期所做的那樣，同時他的妹夫也被這么培養(yǎng)著。哈蒙德很好地總結(jié)了他們的公開關(guān)系：“毋庸置疑，亞歷山大對赫菲斯蒂安的密切關(guān)注就像阿克琉斯對帕特克洛斯一樣?！辈⑶摇霸谒赖臅r候，赫菲斯蒂安擁有對皇家騎兵的最高統(tǒng)率權(quán)。在亞洲的法律制度中，赫菲斯蒂安擁有僅次于亞歷山大的統(tǒng)治權(quán)，即最高的千夫長一職，這是在大流士統(tǒng)治時期納巴扎尼所擁有的待遇。因此，亞歷山大很高興自己最親密的朋友擔(dān)任國家最重要的陸軍元帥?！?/p>

It has been suggested by some modern scholars that as well as being close friends Alexander and Hephaestion were also lovers despite the fact that hardly any of Alexander's extant ancient Greek or Roman biographers ever refers to Hephaestion as anything but Alexander's friend, consistent with Hephaestion's epithet “Philalexandros” which was given to him by Alexander himself. The ancient sources generally name Hephaestion only as a good and loyal friend of Alexander's.

一些現(xiàn)代學(xué)者認為，赫菲斯蒂安不止是亞歷山大最為親密的朋友同時也是他的愛人，盡管這一事實很難在古希臘和羅馬的亞歷山大傳記作品中找到，它們只將赫菲斯蒂安稱為亞歷山大的朋友，符合赫菲斯蒂安被亞歷山大賦予的稱呼“Philalexandros”（注：意為亞歷山大摯友）。古代文獻在提到赫菲斯蒂安的名字時，僅僅說他是一個忠于亞歷山大的朋友。

However, Arrian describes the occasion when Alexander and Hephaestion publicly identified themselves with close friends Achilles and Patroclus. It happened right at the beginning of the campaign in Asia when Alexander led a contingent of the army to visit Troy, scene of the events in his beloved Iliad. He laid a wreath on the tomb of Achilles and Hephaestion laid a wreath on the tomb of Patroclus and they ran a race, naked, to honour their dead heroes. Arrian discreetly draws no conclusions from this, but, according to Thomas R. Martin, by no means does the identification of Alexander and Hephaestion with Achilles and Patroclus equate to their being homosexuals as Homer, author of the Iliad, never suggested that Achilles and his close friend Patroclus were homosexual or that they had sexual relations. Martin further suggests this concept was theorized by unspecified "later authors", who include however such eminent writers as Aeschylus and Plato that had lived before Alexander and Hephaestion's time. Thus, according to Robin Lane Fox quite different conclusions can be drawn: "It was a remarkable tribute, uniquely paid, and it is also Hephaestion's first mention in Alexander's career. Already the two were intimate, Patroclus and Achilles even to those around them; the comparison would remain to the end of their days and is proof of their life as lovers, for by Alexander's time, Achilles and Patroclus were agreed to have enjoyed the relationship which Homer himself had never directly mentioned."

然而，阿里安描述了亞歷山大和赫菲斯蒂安公開宣稱他們的關(guān)系就像阿克琉斯和帕特克洛斯的關(guān)系一樣。這是在遠征亞洲初期發(fā)生的，亞歷山大率領(lǐng)一支軍隊拜訪特洛伊，那個他心愛的史詩伊利亞特的發(fā)生地。亞歷山大像阿克琉斯的墓獻了花環(huán)，而赫菲斯蒂安則向帕特克洛斯的墓獻了花環(huán)，他們赤身賽跑以此紀念逝去的英雄們。對此，阿里安謹慎的沒有留下任何論斷，但是托馬斯·R·馬丁認為，亞歷山大和赫菲斯蒂安的祭祀和認證阿克琉斯和帕特克洛斯的行為并不意味著他們有同性戀情，因為《伊利亞特》的作者荷馬從來沒有明確說過阿克琉斯和他最親密帕特克洛斯之間有同性戀情或者是性關(guān)系。馬丁進一步指出，這一概念（注：指阿克琉斯和帕特克洛斯是戀人關(guān)系）是由未指明的“后來的作家”提出的，包括埃斯庫羅斯和柏拉圖等知名作者，他們生活在亞歷山大和赫菲斯蒂安的時代之前。因此，根據(jù)羅賓·萊恩·福克斯的說法，可以得出截然不同的結(jié)論：“這是一種非凡的致敬，獨特的禮物，也是赫菲斯蒂安首次在亞歷山大的生涯中被提起。首先相比于他們的同伴，兩人已經(jīng)無比親密了，宛如密不可分的阿克琉斯和帕特克洛斯；這一對比的戀人關(guān)系將會一直持續(xù)到他們生命的盡頭，因為在亞歷山大的時代，阿克琉斯和帕特克洛斯被認為享有荷馬本人從未提及的愛情關(guān)系?！?/p>

Hephaestion and Alexander grew up in a time where, according to Thomas R. Martin, homosexual affairs were seen as abnormal by majority Greek standards of their time. But Andrew Chugg, Robin Lane Fox and others show different views. According to Eva Cantarella, for instance, male bisexuality was widely permitted and ruled by law, and generally not frowned upon by the public to the extent to which it remained within the preset limits. The Greeks used to approach the relationships between men in a very different way from how they will be dealt with today (with exceptions of course). For the Greeks "homosexuality was not an exclusive choice. Loving another man was not an option out of the norm, different, somehow deviant. It was just a part of life experience; it was the show of an either sentimental or sexual drive that, over a lifetime, alternated and was associated (sometimes at the very same time) with love for a woman". The pattern that same-sex love affairs followed, however, was not the same in every city-state. Some Roman and later writers, taking the Athenian pattern as their example, have tended to assume either that Alexander and Hephaestion had a sexual relationship which belonged to their adolescence, after which they left it behind, or that one of them was older, the lover (erastes) and the other was the beloved (eromenos) despite there being scarcely any direct evidence that Alexander and Hephaestion had a sexual relationship at all.

依據(jù)托馬斯·R·馬丁的說法，在當(dāng)時的情況下，也就是赫菲斯蒂安和亞歷山大成長的年代，同性戀情在大部分希臘人眼中是不正常的。安德魯·查格、羅賓·萊恩·?？怂沟热擞胁煌挠^點。比如，依據(jù)伊娃·坎特拉雷的說法，男性雙性戀是符合規(guī)范并被法律允許的，并且一般不會受到公眾反對，因為這屬于預(yù)設(shè)范圍內(nèi)的事情。過去的希臘人用一種完全不同的方式處理男人之間的關(guān)系，這與他們現(xiàn)在的處理方法有很大不同（當(dāng)然也有例外）。對于希臘人來說“同性戀不是唯一的選擇。愛上另一個男人不是一種不尋?；虿煌谒说倪x擇。這只是生活經(jīng)歷的一部分；這是一種情感和性沖動的表現(xiàn)，在人一生中交替出現(xiàn)，有時與對一個女人的愛聯(lián)系在一起（可能是同一時間）。”然而在每個城邦同性戀情的模式都不盡相同。后來的一些羅馬作家，往往以雅典模式為例，假定亞歷山大和赫菲斯蒂安的性關(guān)系只存在于青春期，在此之后，年長者作為愛者，年輕者作為被愛者，盡管如此，并沒有直接的確切證據(jù)說明亞歷山大和赫菲斯蒂安存在過一段性關(guān)系。

The former assumption has persisted to the present day, with writers of fiction such as Mary Renault and the film director Oliver Stone among its proponents, as well as modern historians such as Paul Cartledge, who says: "Rumour had it—and rumour was for once surely correct—that he [Hephaestion] and Alexander had once been more than just good friends." Aelian takes the latter view when he uses just such an expression when describing the visit to Troy: "Alexander laid a garland on Achilles' tomb and Hephaestion on Patroclus', indicating that he was Alexander's eromenos, as Patroclus was of Achilles."

前一種假設(shè)一直持續(xù)到今天，作家瑪麗·雷諾和導(dǎo)演奧利弗·斯通都是支持者，以及一些現(xiàn)代歷史學(xué)家比如保羅·卡特里奇等認為：“有傳聞?wù)f——至少這一次傳聞是正確的——他（赫菲斯蒂安）和亞歷山大絕不僅僅是最好的朋友?！卑＠锇苍诿枋鎏芈逡恋陌菰L時采用了后一種觀點：“亞歷山大在阿克琉斯的墓上放了一個花環(huán)，而赫菲斯蒂安的花環(huán)放在了帕特克洛斯墓上；這表明他是亞歷山大的被愛者，就像帕特克洛斯是阿克琉斯的被愛一樣?！保ㄗg注：這個觀點有一定問題，因為被愛者普遍是年紀較小的一方，而帕特克洛斯年長于阿克琉斯，但這個愛與被愛的關(guān)系從古希臘爭論到了今天都沒有定論。）

However, what was the case in Athens was not necessarily the case in Macedon. As Robin Lane Fox says, "... descendants of the Dorians were considered and even expected to be openly homosexual, especially among their ruling class, and the Macedonian kings had long insisted on their pure Dorian ancestry." This was no fashionable affectation; this was something that belonged at the heart of what it was to be Dorian, and therefore Macedonian, and had more in common with the Theban Sacred Band than with Athens. In light of this, it is not surprising that there are many indications that their sexual relationship was indeed lifelong. Lucian, writing in his book On Slips of the Tongue describes an occasion when Hephaestion's conversation one morning implied that he had been in Alexander's tent all night, and Plutarch describes the intimacy between them when he tells how Hephaestion was in the habit of reading Alexander's letters with him, and of a time when he showed that the contents of a letter were to be kept secret by touching his ring to Hephaestion's lips. Diogenes of Sinope, in a letter written to Alexander when he was a grown man, accuses Alexander of being "... ruled by Hephaestion's thighs."

然而，雅典模式并不一定代表了馬其頓的情況。正如羅賓·萊恩·福克斯所說：“……多里安人的后裔被認為是公開的同性戀者，尤其是統(tǒng)治階級，而馬其頓國王長期宣稱自己是純正的多里安后裔。”這不是一種假裝的時尚行為；而是屬于多里安人的核心部分，因此，馬其頓人相較于雅典和底比斯圣邦有著更多的共同點。鑒于這個原因，并不奇怪會有許多跡象表明兩人的性關(guān)系是終身存在的。琉善（注：希臘修辭學(xué)家和諷刺詩人）在他的《對話集》一書中描述過，赫菲斯蒂安在一次談話中暗示他整晚都待在亞歷山大的帳篷里，普魯塔克（注：希臘歷史家）在書中描述赫菲斯蒂安是如何養(yǎng)成和亞歷山大一起閱讀亞歷山大信件的習(xí)慣的，他寫道，亞歷山大需要赫菲斯蒂安對信件內(nèi)容保密時會讓他親吻自己的戒指。錫諾普的第歐尼根在一封寫給成年后的亞歷山大的信中，指責(zé)亞歷山大是“……被赫菲斯蒂安大腿控制了?！?/p>

No other circumstance shows better the nature and length of their relationship than Alexander's overwhelming grief at Hephaestion's death. As Andrew Chugg says, "... it is surely incredible that Alexander's reaction to Hephaestion's death could indicate anything other than the closest relationship imaginable." The many and varied ways, both spontaneous and planned, by which Alexander poured out his grief are detailed below. In the context of the nature of their relationship however, one stands out as remarkable. Arrian says that Alexander "... flung himself on the body of his friend and lay there nearly all day long in tears, and refused to be parted from him until he was dragged away by force by his Companions."

再沒有任何情況能說明他們之間深厚而長遠的感情了，當(dāng)赫菲斯蒂安死的時候，亞歷山大被劇烈的悲痛擊敗了。正如安德魯·查格所言：“……亞歷山大在赫菲斯蒂安死亡后的反應(yīng)令人不敢相信，除了可以想象的最親密關(guān)系外還能是什么呢？”亞歷山大用了各種各樣的方式表現(xiàn)他的悲傷，有些是自發(fā)的，有些是有計劃性的。然而，在他們的關(guān)系上一種實質(zhì)的行為引人注意。阿里安說：“……亞歷山大躺在赫菲斯蒂安尸首上，整天躺在那里幾乎不停的流淚，他拒絕離開赫菲斯蒂安，直到其他同伴把他強行拖走?！?/p>

Such an all-encompassing love often leaves little room for other affections. Hephaestion was the best friend of Alexander, his king and his commanding officer, so it is not surprising that we only hear of several other close friendships or attachments in his life. There is no evidence, however, that he was anything but popular and well liked among the group of Alexander's close friends and Companions who had grown up together, and worked well together for so many years. It is possible that he was closest to Perdiccas, because it was with Perdiccas that he went on the mission to take Peuceolatis and bridge the Indus. By that time, as Alexander's effective second-in-command, he could doubtless have chosen any officer he cared to name. They accomplished everything they set out to do with great success, which indicates that the two of them worked well together, and that Hephaestion found the irrepressible Perdiccas a congenial companion. It is notable that their two cavalry regiments in particular were selected by Alexander for the dangerous crossing of the river Hydaspes before the battle with the Indian king, Porus. On that occasion superb teamwork would have been of paramount importance.

這樣一種無所不包的愛往往給其他感情留下了很少的一點空間。赫菲斯蒂安是亞歷山大最好的朋友、君王、指揮官，因此也不并奇怪在赫菲斯蒂安的一生中只聽聞有很少的幾個密友或隨從。然而沒有任何證據(jù)表明，赫菲斯蒂安在亞歷山大的伙伴和密友中很受歡迎，即使他們一起長大，一起工作了那么多年。有可能他和佩爾狄卡斯的關(guān)系比較親近，因為在攻打Peuceolatis和在印度河架橋時，赫菲斯蒂安都是和佩爾狄卡斯一起率軍。那個時候，作為亞歷山大的實權(quán)二把手，毫無疑問他可以自由選擇自己喜歡的軍官合作。他們成功的完成了所有任務(wù)，這表明他們合作的很好，并且赫菲斯蒂安發(fā)現(xiàn)不屈的佩爾狄卡斯是個意氣相投的好伙伴。值得注意的是，在橫渡危險的希達斯皮斯河和印度國王波羅斯戰(zhàn)斗之前，亞歷山大選擇的是他們兩率領(lǐng)的騎兵團。在這種危急關(guān)頭，高效的團隊合作至關(guān)重要。

It would be wrong to imply that Hephaestion was universally liked or admired however. Outside the close-knit coterie of the Macedonian high command he had his enemies. This is clear from Arrian's comment about Alexander's grief: "All writers have agreed that it was great, but personal prejudice, for or against both Hephaestion and Alexander himself, has coloured the accounts of how he expressed it."

然而，有暗示說明赫菲斯蒂安不被普遍喜愛或被欣賞。在馬其頓高級將領(lǐng)的親密小圈子外他也有敵人。這一點可以清楚地從阿里安記載的亞歷山大的悲傷中看出：“所有作家都認為這是偉大的，但有很多偏見，關(guān)于赫菲斯蒂安和亞歷山大的關(guān)系以及對于他本人的，都對描述他這個人產(chǎn)生了不可避免的影響。”

Yet given the factions and jealousies that arise in any court and that Hephaestion was supremely close to the greatest monarch the western world had yet seen, it is remarkable how little enmity he inspired. Arrian mentions a quarrel with Alexander's secretary Eumenes but, because of a missing page in the text, the greater part of the detail is missing, leaving only the conclusion that something persuaded Hephaestion, though against his will, to make up the quarrel. However, Plutarch, who wrote about Eumenes in his series of Parallel Lives, mentions that it was about lodgings and a flute-player, so perhaps this was an instance of some deeper antagonism breaking out into a quarrel over a triviality. What that antagonism might have been, it is not possible to know, but someone with the closeness to the king of a secretary might well have felt some jealousy for Hephaestion's even greater closeness.

不過考慮到宮廷各派系之間的內(nèi)訌和猜忌，相比赫菲斯蒂安和這位西方世界所見的最偉大的君主之間無上的親密關(guān)系，他所激發(fā)的非凡敵意顯得微不足道。阿里安提到過一次和亞歷山大的私人秘書歐邁尼斯之間的一次爭吵，但由于文本中缺失的一頁，大部分細節(jié)都缺失了，只留下了一個結(jié)果，有人勸服了赫菲斯蒂安，盡管違背了他自身的意愿，但這次爭吵最終達成了和解。然而普魯塔克在他的《并行線》一書中寫歐邁尼斯時，提到這就像一個歸宿和吹笛手之間的一種深層對抗，在一次瑣碎的爭吵中爆發(fā)出的矛盾。（注：西方文化中吹笛人有引誘者的衍生義，但lodgings蘊含的深層含義我真的不知道。）這種敵對從何而起，不可能知道，但一個和國王關(guān)系密切的人很明顯會對赫菲斯蒂安擁有的更親密關(guān)系感到嫉妒。

In only one instance is Hephaestion known to have quarrelled with a fellow officer and that was with Craterus. In this instance it is easier to see that resentment might have been felt on both sides, for Craterus was one of those officers who vehemently disliked Alexander's policy of integrating Greek and Persian, whereas Hephaestion was very much in favour. Plutarch tells the story: "For this reason a feeling of hostility grew and festered between the two and they often came into open conflict. Once on the expedition to India they actually drew their swords and came to blows ...". Alexander, who also valued Craterus highly as a most competent officer, was forced to intervene and had stern words for both. It is a measure of how high feelings were running over this contentious issue that such a thing should have happened and also an indication of how closely Hephaestion identified Alexander's wishes with his own. Hephaestion gave perhaps the ultimate proof of this in the summer of 324 BC, when he accepted as his wife Drypetis, daughter of Darius and sister to Alexander's own second wife Stateira. Of his short married life nothing is known, except that at the time of Alexander's own death, eight months after Hephaestion's, Drypetis was still mourning the husband to whom she had been married for only four months.

只有一個可知的例子說明赫菲斯蒂安和同事之間發(fā)生過爭吵，是和克拉特魯斯。在這個事件中很容易看出雙方都有怨恨情緒，克拉特魯斯是強烈反對亞歷山大那些整合希臘人和波斯人政策的軍官之一，而赫菲斯蒂安則很贊成這些政策。普羅塔克講述了這個故事：“出于這個原因，敵對的感覺在兩人之間變得越來越明顯，他們經(jīng)常陷入公開的沖突中。在一次前往印度的探險中，他們甚至拔劍相對……”克拉特魯斯作為一名最能干的高級軍官，備受亞歷山大看重，因此，亞歷山大被迫介入此事進行干預(yù)調(diào)停，并給與了雙方嚴肅的斥責(zé)。在一件本來就有爭議的事情上，有一個跡象可以衡量赫菲斯蒂安是如何通過自己的方式去實現(xiàn)亞歷山大的夢想的。公元前324年夏天，赫菲斯蒂安證明了這一點，他娶了身為大流士的女兒和亞歷山大第二任妻子斯塔蒂拉的妹妹的德莉比娣絲。后人對赫菲斯蒂安短暫的婚姻生活一無所知，只除了一件事，在他死后八個月，亞歷山大追隨他而去之后，德莉比娣絲依舊在哀悼自己剛結(jié)婚四個月的丈夫。

For Alexander to marry a daughter of Darius made good political sense, allying himself firmly with the Persian ruling class, but for Hephaestion to marry her sister shows the high esteem in which Alexander held him, bringing him into the royal family itself. They became brothers-in-law, and yet there was more to it than that. Alexander, says Arrian "... wanted to be uncle to Hephaestion's children ...". Thus it is possible to imagine Alexander and Hephaestion hoping that their respective offspring might unite their lines and that, ultimately, the crown of Macedon and Persia might be worn by one who was a descendant of them both.

對于亞歷山大來說，和大流士的女兒結(jié)婚具有很好地政治意義，意味著他將堅定地和波斯統(tǒng)治階層聯(lián)系在一起，但對于赫菲斯蒂安來說，和斯塔蒂拉的妹妹結(jié)婚則是一種表示對亞歷山大崇高敬意的方式，亞歷山大用這個方法將赫菲斯蒂安帶入了皇室家族。他們成為了真正的非血緣兄弟，當(dāng)然不只有這個意義。阿里安說亞歷山大“……想成為赫菲斯蒂安孩子的叔叔?！币虼宋覀兛梢韵胍?，亞歷山大和赫菲斯蒂安希望他們的后代可以分別統(tǒng)治他們的軍團，最終，馬其頓和波斯的王冠將會戴在同時流有兩個人血脈的后代頭上。（注：意思是他們是為了創(chuàng)造出一個擁有雙方血脈的孩子統(tǒng)治這片疆域。）