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Jews in the medieval world

中世紀(jì)世界的猶太人

? ? ? ? ? 在羅馬皇帝君士坦丁大帝（Constantine the Great，306-37年）統(tǒng)治時(shí)期，基督教是拜占庭帝國(guó)的官方宗教，這是大多數(shù)歷史學(xué)家界定中世紀(jì)猶太人的兩個(gè)便捷起點(diǎn)之一。中世紀(jì)猶太歷史的另一個(gè)關(guān)鍵日期是637年，這一年，薩珊人屈服于歐麥爾·本·赫塔卜的阿拉伯穆斯林 (Arab Muslims)軍隊(duì)，他們對(duì)巴勒斯坦和巴比倫的征服影響了猶太教的兩個(gè)主要集聚中心。從這些決定性的日期開(kāi)始，西歐、拜占庭、地中海、北非、中東和阿拉伯半島的猶太人的命運(yùn)將與基督教或穆斯林君主密不可分，并持續(xù)受其影響。

The adoption of Christianity as the official religion during the reign of the Roman emperor Constantine the Great (r. 306–37) serves most historians as one of two convenient starting points for the Jewish Middle Ages. The other crucial date in medieval Jewish history is 637, the year when the Sassanians succumbed to the Arabo-Muslim armies of Umar ibn al-Khattab, whose conquest of Palestine and Babylonia affected the two major centers of Jewish learning. From these fateful dates the lives and history of the Jews of western Europe, Byzantium, the Mediterranean, North Africa, the Middle East, and the Arabian Peninsula would be inextricably linked to and informed by their Christian or Muslim sovereigns.

? ? ? ? ? 中世紀(jì)猶太人在他們的散居國(guó)家創(chuàng)造了一個(gè)可觀、獨(dú)特的猶太社區(qū)。充滿活力的猶太社區(qū)存在其間，其中包括巴黎、納巴達(dá)、阿基坦、倫敦、約克、諾維奇、格拉納達(dá)、科爾多瓦、君士坦丁堡、?Aydhab（阿拉伯語(yǔ)：?????? ，又名Aidab）、大馬士革和巴格達(dá)等城市。這些中世紀(jì)猶太人在“圣殿燭臺(tái)”下生活、工作和死亡，燭臺(tái)代表著耶路撒冷的第一圣殿，在耶穌基督誕生前960年，所羅門王在他父親大衛(wèi)王選定的地點(diǎn)上建造了第一圣殿。燭臺(tái)作為猶太人的圣殿、學(xué)問(wèn)和希望的象征，在猶太人的旗幟和橫幅上飄揚(yáng)，這是對(duì)帶有基督教十字架或穆斯林新月標(biāo)志的旗幟的區(qū)分。猶太人在基督教和穆斯林的土地上算是少數(shù)文明。然而，猶太人的成就在欣欣向榮但又岌岌可危的猶太社區(qū)中非常重要。猶太醫(yī)生、科學(xué)家、藝術(shù)家、哲學(xué)家、商人、銀行家和金融交易員對(duì)基督教和穆斯林文化做出了重大貢獻(xiàn)。同時(shí)，猶太文化也受到基督教和伊斯蘭教的影響，散居地的存在迫使猶太人進(jìn)行重大的宗教和文化改革。

Jews created an estimable, distinct Jewish society and culture in their medieval Diaspora countries. Vibrant Jewish communities existed in this medieval geography that encompassed such cities as Paris, Narbonne, Aquitaine, London, York, Norwich, Granada, Córdoba, Constantinople, Aydhab, Damascus, and Baghdad. These medieval Jewish communities lived, worked, and died under the symbol of the branched candelabrum that represented the First Temple in Jerusalem that, 960 years before the birth of Jesus Christ, King Solomon built on the site his father, King David, had selected. The candelabrum as Jewish symbol of the Temple, of learning, and of hope flew on Jewish flags and banners alongside though subsidiary to the flags with the sign of the Christian cross or the Muslim crescent. Jews were a minority civilization in both Christian and Muslim lands. Nevertheless, Jewish achievements were important in thriving yet imperiled Jewish communities. Jewish physicians, scientists, artists, philosophers, merchants, bankers, and traders made significant contributions to the larger Christian and Muslim cultures. At the same time, Jewish culture was influenced by Christianity and Islam, and Diaspora existence compelled the Jews to undertake significant religious and cultural reforms.

猶太教的轉(zhuǎn)型? ? ? ? ??

? ? ? ? ? 中世紀(jì)猶太教與古代猶太教有一些重要的區(qū)別。在中世紀(jì)之前，猶太人學(xué)習(xí)和文化的兩個(gè)地理軸是巴勒斯坦和巴比倫。羅馬帝國(guó)在四世紀(jì)皈依基督教后，君士坦丁出臺(tái)了一系列限制猶太人公民和政治自由的法律，這些法律在他的繼任者查士丁尼一世和狄?jiàn)W多西一世時(shí)期得到了加強(qiáng)。因此，中世紀(jì)猶太人的分布特點(diǎn)是在散居地有多個(gè)中心，其中一些中心，如阿拔斯王朝（伊拉克的巴格達(dá)）、法國(guó)的里昂和德國(guó)的沃爾姆斯，作為當(dāng)時(shí)猶太人學(xué)術(shù)研究的主要中心，享譽(yù)盛名。

A number of important features distinguish medieval from ancient Judaism. Prior to the Jewish Middle Ages the two geographical axes of Jewish learning and culture were Palestine and Babylonia. After the conversion of the Roman Empire to Christianity in the fourth century, Constantine introduced a series of laws restricting the civil and political liberties of the Jews, which would be augmented under his successors, Justinian I and Theodosian I. Persecution and oppression prompted many Jews to disperse farther afield into the Mediterranean, Europe, North Africa, and the Arabian Peninsula. As a result, the Jewish Middle Ages is characterized by multiple centers in the Diaspora, some of which, such as Baghdad in Abbasid Iraq, Lyon in France, and Worms in Germany, enjoyed momentary acclaim as major foci of Jewish scholarship.

? ? ? ? ? 猶太人的宗教生活也不得不適應(yīng)后來(lái)的兩個(gè)宗教對(duì)手基督教和伊斯蘭教這一現(xiàn)實(shí)。雖然猶太教與希臘哲學(xué)和異教之間的明顯差異，使約瑟夫這樣的第一世紀(jì)希臘猶太人能夠令人信服地論證猶太教的立場(chǎng)，但與基督教和伊斯蘭教一神論的神學(xué)爭(zhēng)論則更為困難，猶太人需要將主要是口頭傳播形式的宗教和法律文化轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)槲谋臼降臅?shū)面文化。甚至在帝國(guó)基督教化之前出現(xiàn)的一個(gè)關(guān)鍵問(wèn)題——如何確保口頭法律的生存和完整性。210年，圣人猶大·哈-納西（Judah ha Nasi）首次將口述法律寫(xiě)成了一部名為《米書(shū)拿》（又譯為密西拿或米示拿或密釋納）的法律典籍。傳播口頭法律的圣人被稱為Tannaim（“教師”），與后來(lái)的Amoraim（“解釋者”）不同（Tannaim是未編纂的口頭傳統(tǒng)的直接傳播者。Amoraim對(duì)最初編纂的口述法進(jìn)行了闡述和澄清），這些圣人對(duì)《米書(shū)拿》的評(píng)論和修正被稱為Gemara（《革馬拉》，猶太教經(jīng)典，是《塔木德》的一部份。主要的內(nèi)容是在于解釋《米書(shū)拿》中猶太口傳律法的意義），一直到五世紀(jì)末和六世紀(jì)初拜占庭對(duì)猶太人的迫害，都以口頭傳播的形式存在。Amoraim（指以色列和巴比倫的學(xué)者，他們繼承了 tannaim并在（巴比倫）savoraim和geonim之前）圣人萊夫·阿什（卒于427年）和他的弟子也寫(xiě)下《革馬拉》，以保存這一口頭法律的來(lái)源。隨后，猶太圣人制作了兩個(gè)版本的《塔木德》，即《米書(shū)拿》和《革馬拉》的合并文本，即約350年在巴勒斯坦編纂的《耶路撒冷塔木德》和約550年編纂的《巴比倫（Bavli）塔木德》，盡管直到8世紀(jì)初還在修改。

Jewish religious life also had to adapt to the new realities of its two “offspring” religious rivals of Christianity and Islam. While the obvious differences between Judaism and Hellenistic philosophy and paganism allowed a first-century Greek Jew such as Josephus to argue the Jewish position convincingly, the theological dispute vis-à-vis Christian and Islamic monotheism was more difficult and would require the transformation of a mainly oral religious and legal culture into a textual, written one. A key concern that emerged even before the Christianization of the empire was to ensure the survival and integrity of the oral law. In 210 the sage Judah ha Nasi wrote down the oral law for the first time in the form of a legal code called the Mishnah. The sages who transmitted the oral law were known as the Tannaim (“teachers”), in contradistinction to the subsequent Amoraim (“interpreters”), sages whose commentaries on and amendments to the Mishnah, called the Gemara, continued to be transmitted orally until the Byzantine persecutions of the Jews in the late fifth and early sixth centuries. The Amoraim sage Rav Ashi (d. 427) and his disciples began to write down the Gemara as well in order to preserve this source of oral law. Subsequently, Jewish sages produced two versions of the Talmud, the combined texts of the Mishnah and the Gemara, the Jerusalem Talmud, redacted circa 350 in Palestine, and the Babylonian (Bavli) Talmud, compiled circa 550, although amendments were made until the early eighth century.

Geonim（Gaonic）時(shí)期，8至11世紀(jì)

? ? ? ? ? 在耶路撒冷和巴比倫的猶太學(xué)院的Geonim（“genius”; sing.: gaon）學(xué)者的影響下，《塔木德》及其研究迅速超出了巴比倫和巴勒斯坦的范圍，傳到了埃及和北非其他地區(qū)、意大利、伊比利亞半島、法國(guó)和德國(guó)。Geonim對(duì)猶太歷史的貢獻(xiàn)怎么強(qiáng)調(diào)都不過(guò)分。他們成功地使《塔木德》具有法律效力和經(jīng)典性，并在全世界猶太群體中傳播，為《塔木德》研究的制度化和猶太教在散居地的生存鋪平了道路，而巴勒斯坦和巴比倫學(xué)院的聲譽(yù)早已衰落。由于Geonim的努力，《塔木德》成為與《圣經(jīng)》并列的主要研究對(duì)象，各地的猶太人都聚集在巴勒斯坦，特別是巴比倫，在那里學(xué)習(xí)。這里必須提到757-761年在巴比倫擔(dān)任學(xué)院院長(zhǎng)的耶胡達(dá)·本-納赫曼，以及他為使《巴比倫塔木德》被全世界猶太人普遍接受為主要法律權(quán)威而做出的不懈努力。由于他的努力，《巴比倫塔木德》也成為中世紀(jì)拉比眾多評(píng)論的主題，特別是法國(guó)的所羅門·本·依撒克·哈泰扎法提（Rabbi Solomon ben Isaac，1040-1105）和主要是阿什肯納茲猶太人（指的是源于中世紀(jì)德國(guó)萊茵蘭一帶的猶太人后裔）統(tǒng)稱為Tosefot（是中世紀(jì)對(duì)塔木德的評(píng)論。它們采用批判性和解釋性注解的形式，幾乎在所有塔木德版本中都印在外頁(yè)邊距和拉什注釋旁）的評(píng)論。

The Talmud and its study quickly spread beyond the confines of Babylonia and Palestine into Egypt and the rest of North Africa, Italy, the Iberian Peninsula, France, and Germany under the influence of the geonim (“genius”; sing.: gaon) scholars of the Jewish academies at Jerusalem and Babylonia. The contribution of the geonim to Jewish history cannot be overstated. Their success in according legal validity and canonicity to the Talmud and in disseminating it throughout world Jewry paved the way for the institutionalization of Talmud study and the survival of Judaism across the Diaspora long after the reputation of the Palestinian and Babylonian academies had waned. Because of the efforts of the geonim, the Talmud became a major object of study alongside the written Bible, and Jews from all over converged upon Palestine and especially Babylonia to study under them. Special mention must be made of Yehuda ben Nachman, who served as gaon of the academy in Babylonia in 757–761, and his relentless mission to make the Babylonian Talmud universally accepted as the chief legal authority for world Jewry. Thanks to his efforts the Babylonian Talmud also became the subject of numerous commentaries by medieval rabbis, notably by Rashi (Rabbi Solomon ben Isaac, 1040–1105) of France and the generation of mostly Ashkenazic rabbis collectively known as the Tosefot.

? ? ? ? ? 為了保證《塔木德》對(duì)散居在世界各地猶太群體的約束，教士們還頒布了takkanot（“法令”），這些法令滿足了當(dāng)時(shí)的需求。學(xué)院同時(shí)也是最高法院，進(jìn)一步確保了《塔木德》作為法律準(zhǔn)則的普遍應(yīng)用。他們還主持一年兩次的“集會(huì)”，散居各地的猶太人會(huì)聚集在一起，聽(tīng)教長(zhǎng)講授猶太法，并回答從世界各地寄來(lái)的問(wèn)題。這些教義和法學(xué)回答同樣也被傳播到世界各地的猶太社區(qū)。1040年，阿拔斯王朝正式廢除了geonim，但Geonim的遺產(chǎn)依然存在。此時(shí)，伊拉克、西班牙、法國(guó)和德國(guó)有影響力的塔木德學(xué)院的地位已經(jīng)超過(guò)了耶路撒冷和巴比倫的學(xué)院。

To guarantee the relevance of the Talmud for the Jewish Diaspora, the geonim also issued takkanot (“ordinances”), which responded directly to contemporary needs. Their academies doubled as supreme courts, further ensuring the application of the Talmud as the code of law universally. They also hosted biannual kallot (“assemblies”) in which Diaspora Jews would gather to listen to the geonim lecture on Jewish law and respond to questions sent to them from around the world. These teachings and juridical responsa were likewise disseminated to Jewish communities worldwide. The legacy of the geonim survived its official abolition by the Abbasids in 1040. By this time influential Talmudic academies in Iraq, Spain, France, and Germany had already surpassed those of Jerusalem and Babylonia in prominence.

? ? ? ? ? 遵循《塔木德》使指導(dǎo)散居各地的猶太人生活的宗教實(shí)踐、信仰、法律和習(xí)俗變得空前統(tǒng)一。然而，即使是《塔木德》也承認(rèn)，只要不直接違反《圣經(jīng)》或《塔木德》的法律，一個(gè)社區(qū)前幾代人接受的地方習(xí)俗（minhag）就具有法律效力。當(dāng)?shù)亓?xí)俗的差異可以解釋為什么從九世紀(jì)起定居在法國(guó)北部和萊茵地區(qū)的中東猶太人中出現(xiàn)了阿什肯納茲猶太教。例如，阿什肯納茲猶太人在逾越節(jié)期間禁止吃各種食物，如豆類和大米，而西班牙和葡萄牙的塞法迪猶太人以及中東的米茲拉希猶太人則允許吃這些食物。

Following the Talmud lent an unprecedented uniformity to the religious practices, beliefs, laws, and customs that guided Jewish life throughout the Diaspora. At the same time, however, even the Talmud recognized the legal validity of a local custom (minhag) accepted by previous generations of a community as long as it did not directly contravene a biblical or Talmudic law. Differences in local custom would account for the emergence of Ashekenazic Judaism among the Middle Eastern Jews who settled in northern France and the Rhineland from the ninth century. For instance, Ashkenazic Jews prohibit eating of a variety of foods during Passover, such as legumes and rice, which Sephardic Jews of Spain and Portugal and the Mizrahic Jews of the Middle East allow.

? ? ? ? ? 基督教和穆斯林世界容忍、保護(hù)、迫害和屠殺猶太人。中世紀(jì)的猶太人是理性的樂(lè)觀主義者，以便在限制性的法律、殘酷的攻擊和艱苦條件下生存和發(fā)展。猶太人和基督教的關(guān)系與猶太人和伊斯蘭教的關(guān)系不同。

The Christian and Muslim worlds tolerated, protected, persecuted, and massacred Jews. Medieval Jews were rational optimists in order to survive and thrive under restrictive laws, brutal attacks, and grueling hardships. Jewish and Christian relations differed from Jewish and Islamic associations.

西歐的猶太人

? ? ? ? ? 猶太人在西歐的生活因國(guó)家而異，并受制于世俗與教會(huì)勢(shì)力的奇思妙想以及個(gè)人和政治的權(quán)宜之計(jì)。因此，很難斷言猶太人在中世紀(jì)早期的任何時(shí)候都在西方拉丁世界繁榮發(fā)展或受到迫害，因?yàn)樗麄兊牡匚蝗Q于與個(gè)別基督教當(dāng)局談判的憲章。然而，總的來(lái)說(shuō)，與中世紀(jì)后期相比，這一時(shí)期的特點(diǎn)是相對(duì)寬容。12世紀(jì)末和13世紀(jì)初是整個(gè)西歐猶太人與基督教關(guān)系的一個(gè)轉(zhuǎn)折點(diǎn)，這是一個(gè)決定性的過(guò)渡，從普遍接受到實(shí)施各種世俗和教規(guī)法律，嚴(yán)格限制猶太人參與公民和經(jīng)濟(jì)生活，并共同努力使猶太社區(qū)皈依基督教。從這時(shí)起，猶太人越來(lái)越多地因其宗教信仰而被鄙視，因其在貿(mào)易和金融方面的成功而被怨恨，并且更經(jīng)常地受到迫害而不是歡迎。

Life for the Jews in western Europe differed from country to country and was subject to the whims and personal and political expediency of the secular and ecclesiastical powers. As a result it is difficult to say categorically that Jews thrived or were persecuted in the Latin West at any given time in the early Middle Ages, since their status depended upon the charters negotiated with individual Christian authorities. However, in general the period was characterized by relative tolerance in comparison to the later Middle Ages. The late 12th and early 13th centuries mark a turning point in Jewish-Christian relations across western Europe, a decisive transition from general acceptance to the imposition of various secular and canon laws that severely restricted Jewish participation in civil and economic life and a concerted effort to convert Jewish communities to Christianity. From this time onward Jews increasingly were despised for their religious beliefs, resented for their successes in trade and finance, and more routinely persecuted than welcomed.

猶太人在意大利的定居情況

? ? ? ? ? 猶太人在意大利半島定居的歷史悠久且持續(xù)。一些最早的記錄可以追溯到羅馬共和國(guó)時(shí)期（公元前六世紀(jì)），其中提到了講希臘語(yǔ)的猶太商人和奴隸，他們?cè)谂c希臘人的貿(mào)易和軍事接觸加強(qiáng)的過(guò)程中在羅馬定居。到凱撒大帝（公元前49-44年）時(shí)期，羅馬猶太人在他們自己的統(tǒng)治者（稱為gerousiarxoi）的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下建立了一個(gè)強(qiáng)大的、高度組織化的社區(qū)。許多猶太教會(huì)堂的存在也得到了證實(shí)，每個(gè)猶太教會(huì)堂都由一個(gè)等級(jí)結(jié)構(gòu)來(lái)管理，包括一個(gè)大主教會(huì)堂、一個(gè)牧師會(huì)堂和其他較小的猶太教會(huì)堂官員。在羅馬帝國(guó)時(shí)代，猶太人的命運(yùn)在羅馬和意大利其他地區(qū)起伏不定；猶太人享受著部分皇帝的保護(hù)，但在其他皇帝手下卻遭受迫害和驅(qū)逐。公元66年和132年，猶太人對(duì)羅馬人發(fā)動(dòng)了悲壯的起義，前者導(dǎo)致了耶路撒冷第二圣殿的毀滅，導(dǎo)致了大量的猶太教徒被轉(zhuǎn)移到羅馬和意大利其他地區(qū)，成為奴隸勞工。

The Jews have a long and continuous history of settlement in the Italian Peninsula. Some of the earliest records dating from the time of the Roman Republic (sixth century B.C.E.) mention Greek-speaking Jewish merchants and slaves who settled in Rome during the process of intensified trade and military contacts with the Greeks. By the time of Julius Caesar (r. 49–44 B.C.E.), the Roman Jews had established a strong and highly organized community under the leadership of their own ruler, called the gerousiarxoi. The presence of numerous synagogues is also attested, each governed by a hierarchical structure of an archisynagogue, patersynagogue, and other lesser synagogue officials. The fate of the Jews fluctuated in Rome and the rest of Italy during the epoch of the Roman Empire; Jews enjoyed the protection of some emperors, yet suffered persecution and expulsion under others. The spectacular Jewish revolts against the Romans in 66 and 132 C.E., the former of which led to the destruction of the Second Temple of Jerusalem, resulted in the massive transfer of Judean Jews into Rome and the rest of Italy as slave laborers.

? ? ? ? ? 從君士坦丁皇帝在313年承認(rèn)基督教為帝國(guó)的官方宗教到476年西羅馬滅亡，猶太人的地位繼續(xù)在迫害和寬容之間波動(dòng)，由個(gè)別皇帝和首領(lǐng)的政策決定。在這一時(shí)期，猶太人通過(guò)支持允許他們和平生活的外邦人統(tǒng)治者，在決定他們的命運(yùn)方面發(fā)揮了積極作用。他們?cè)谡麄€(gè)半島建立了重要的社區(qū)，北部在羅馬、熱那亞和米蘭，南部在巴勒莫、墨西拿、那不勒斯、阿格里真托和撒丁島。

Between Emperor Constantine’s recognition of Christianity as an official religion of the empire in 313 and the fall of Rome in 476, the Jewish status continued to fluctuate between persecution and tolerance, determined by the policies of individual emperors and patriarchs. During this period the Jews played an active role in determining their fate by supporting the gentile rulers who allowed them to live in peace. They built important communities throughout the peninsula, in Rome, Genoa, and Milan in the north and in Palermo, Messina, Naples, Agrigentum, and Sardinia in the south.

? ? ? ? ? 公元439年，狄?jiàn)W多西二世制定了《狄?jiàn)W多西法典》，根據(jù)該法典，猶太人或撒瑪利亞人（起源于古代以色列人的民族宗教團(tuán)體）不能獲得任何允許其對(duì)基督徒行使權(quán)力的榮譽(yù)職位。猶太人還被禁止建造新的猶太教堂。因此，當(dāng)西羅馬在476年落入東哥特人之手時(shí)，猶太士兵在那不勒斯及其他地方拿起武器，保衛(wèi)東哥特人和羅馬教皇對(duì)抗拜占庭軍隊(duì)。532/4年，查士丁尼為拜占庭帝國(guó)制定的法典《民法大全》批準(zhǔn)了狄?jiàn)W多西二世制定的壓迫性反猶太法律，并引入了他自己的許多其他法律。此外，查士丁尼在531年發(fā)布的Novellae（“新律”）禁止所有“異端”，包括那些遵循“猶太迷信”的人在法庭上指證正統(tǒng)的基督徒，禁止在猶太禮儀中使用希伯來(lái)語(yǔ)，并譴責(zé)《米書(shū)拿》（口頭法律）（Marcus 7）。由于在東羅馬帝國(guó)實(shí)施了這些限制，猶太人并不希望意大利恢復(fù)帝國(guó)統(tǒng)治，事實(shí)上，他們?cè)诶募{的拜占庭統(tǒng)治期間（552-751年）一直遭受迫害。

In 439 Theodosius II had established the Theodosian Code in the Eastern Empire, according to which no Jew or Samaritan could attain any offices of honor that would allow him to exercise authority over Christians. Jews were also banned from building new synagogues. Thus, when Rome fell to the Ostragoths in 476, Jewish soldiers took up arms in Naples and elsewhere in defense of the Ostragoths and the Roman pope against the Byantine army. In 532/4 Justinian’s legal code for the Byzantine Empire, the Body of Civil Law, ratified the oppressive anti-Jewish laws instituted by Theodosius II and introduced many others of his own. Additionally, Justinian’s Novellae (“new things”), issued in 531, forbade all “heretics,” including those who followed the “Jewish superstition,” to testify against orthodox Christians in court, suppressed the use of Hebrew in the Jewish liturgy, and censured the Mishnah (oral law) (Marcus 7). Because of the enforcement of these restrictions in the Eastern Roman Empire, Jews had no desire for Italy to be restored to imperial rule, and, indeed, they suffered persecution for the duration of the Byzantine exarchate in Ravenna (552–751).

? ? ? ? ? ?倫巴第人的情況明顯改善，他們從拜占庭人手中征服了意大利半島的大部分地區(qū)，并于6世紀(jì)70年代末完成。倫巴第人的一些部落是異教徒，而另一些部落則信奉阿里烏基督教。即使在他們于七世紀(jì)集體皈依天主教后，倫巴第人以及羅馬教皇對(duì)猶太人采取了寬容、寬大和保護(hù)的政策。除了1171年將猶太人從博洛尼亞短暫驅(qū)逐，以及教皇英諾森三世（1198-1216）和隨后的教皇實(shí)施的反猶太主義改革之外，意大利的猶太人享有很長(zhǎng)一段時(shí)間的繁榮。猶太人在諾曼人統(tǒng)治下的意大利南部和西西里島尤其繁榮，第四次拉特朗公會(huì)議（1215年）的法令在那里被忽視，他們繼續(xù)被當(dāng)作與基督徒平等的公民對(duì)待，在公民地位或職業(yè)方面沒(méi)有任何限制，并對(duì)其內(nèi)部事務(wù)行使充分的自治權(quán)。

The situation improved significantly under the Lombards, whose conquest of most of the Italian Peninsula from the Byzantines was completed by the end of the 570s. Some of the Lombardian tribes were pagan, while others practiced Arian Christianity. Even after their conversion en masse to Catholic Christianity in the seventh century, the Lombards as well as the Roman popes followed a policy of tolerance, leniency, and protection toward the Jews. Apart from a brief expulsion of Jews from Bologna in 1171 and the anti-Jewish reforms imposed by Pope Innocent III (1198–1216) and subsequent popes, the Italian Jews enjoyed a lengthy period of prosperity in their homeland. Jews particularly flourished under Norman rule in southern Italy and Sicily, where the papal decrees of Lateran IV (1215) were ignored, and they continuted to be treated as equal citizens alongside Christians, suffering no restrictions in terms of civil position or vocation and exercising full autonomy over their internal affairs.

? ? ? ? ? 猶太人在國(guó)際貿(mào)易和金融領(lǐng)域的專長(zhǎng)使這些職業(yè)的從業(yè)者對(duì)威尼斯、比薩、佛羅倫薩和熱那亞等意大利國(guó)家的富足特別重要，這些國(guó)家的經(jīng)濟(jì)主要基于貿(mào)易。這些國(guó)家精明務(wù)實(shí)的統(tǒng)治者意識(shí)到，為了在經(jīng)濟(jì)上與拜占庭人、穆斯林和蒙古人競(jìng)爭(zhēng)，甚至在他們自己之間競(jìng)爭(zhēng)，有必要將他們的商業(yè)利益置于教會(huì)的精神利益之上。因此，猶太銀行家們?cè)谝獯罄鞯亟y行，從事放貸和其他金融交易，為猶太人和外邦人的客戶提供服務(wù)，并沒(méi)有遇到什么困難。猶太金融勢(shì)力的政治和社會(huì)意義在15世紀(jì)末托斯卡納的案例中尤其能說(shuō)明問(wèn)題。比薩的銀行業(yè)巨頭耶希爾通過(guò)談判，成功地將1492年從西班牙流亡的猶太人吸收到了托斯卡納。新的托斯卡納移民在經(jīng)濟(jì)上蓬勃發(fā)展，與定居在熱那亞和羅馬的猶太人形成鮮明對(duì)比——他們?cè)谀抢镌馐芰私?jīng)濟(jì)困難和宗教迫害。

Jewish expertise in the realms of international trade and finance made the practitioners of these professions especially important to the affluence of Italian states such as Venice, Pisa, Florence, and Genoa, whose economies were based mainly upon trade. The savvy and pragmatic rulers of these states realized that in order to compete economically with the Byzantines, Muslims, and Mongols and even among themselves, it was necessary to place their commercial interests before the spiritual interests of the church. Jewish bankers thus experienced little difficulty in establishing banks throughout Italy and engaging in moneylending and other financial transactions serving Jewish and gentile clientele. The political and social significance of Jewish financial power is particularly illustrative in the case of late 15th-century Tuscany. The banking magnate Jehiel of Pisa negotiated the successful absorption into Tuscany of Jews exiled from Spain in 1492. The new Tuscan émigrés thrived economically, in contrast to Jews who settled in Genoa and Rome, where they suffered economic hardship and religious persecution.

意大利的猶太文化

? ? ? ? ? 猶太人的文化、宗教和經(jīng)濟(jì)繁榮的跡象體現(xiàn)在猶太人對(duì)藝術(shù)、宗教和科學(xué)的貢獻(xiàn)上。雖然意大利的猶太圣人總體上從未達(dá)到法國(guó)、德國(guó)和西班牙同行的地位，但意大利確實(shí)產(chǎn)生了一些著名的拉比，并在羅馬和Pesano建立了重要的塔木德學(xué)院。Kalonymous和Anav這兩個(gè)意大利著名的猶太部族，在九世紀(jì)創(chuàng)建羅馬的塔木德學(xué)院時(shí)發(fā)揮了很大的影響。十二世紀(jì)的拉比名人包括Nathan ben Jehiel Kalonymous，他的塔木德詞典《The Arukh》成為塔木德研究的參考書(shū)。長(zhǎng)老以賽亞·迪·特拉尼（1232-79）是一位受人尊敬的塔木德權(quán)威，他寫(xiě)了許多著名的法學(xué)答辯書(shū)。他建立了一個(gè)名副其實(shí)且令人可敬的塔木德學(xué)者王朝，其影響一直持續(xù)到17世紀(jì)。還有一些值得注意的女性塔木德學(xué)者，包括Paola Anav dei Mansi（1292年），她來(lái)自杰出的Anav拉比和醫(yī)生家族，因其作為抄寫(xiě)員的書(shū)法和對(duì)圣經(jīng)和塔木德的了解而獲得聲譽(yù)。

The signs of Jewish cultural, religious, and economic prosperity were seen in the contributions of Jews to the arts, religion, and the sciences. While the Italian Jewish sages on the whole never attained the stature of their French, German, and Spanish counterparts, Italy did produce a few rabbis of note and established important Talmudic academies in Rome and Pesano. The Kalonymous and the Anav, two prominent Italian clans, were influential in founding the Talmudic academy of Rome in the ninth century. Twelfth-century rabbinic luminaries include Nathan ben Jehiel Kalonymous, whose Talmudic lexicon, the Arukh, became a reference in Talmud study. Isaiah di Trani the Elder (1232–79) was an esteemed Talmudic authority who wrote many celebrated juridical responsa. He founded a veritable dynasty of venerable Talmudic scholars whose influence continued into the 17th century. There were also a few women Talmudic scholars of note, including Paola Anav dei Mansi (d. 1292), who hailed from a distinguished Anav family of rabbis and physicians and who achieved renown for her calligraphy as a scribe and her knowledge of the Bible and Talmud.

? ? ? ? ? 維羅納的希勒爾·班·薩繆爾（1295年去世）將許多醫(yī)學(xué)文獻(xiàn)從阿拉伯語(yǔ)翻譯成希伯來(lái)語(yǔ)。13世紀(jì)末，塞繆爾·本·朱達(dá)·伊本·蒂本（卒于1230年）將西班牙哲學(xué)家和拉比摩西·本·邁蒙（1204年）的《困惑者指南》（Heb. Moreh nebukim, Ar. Dalalat al-hairin）的希伯來(lái)語(yǔ)翻譯到意大利，在意大利猶太人中引起了轟動(dòng)。來(lái)自羅馬和西班牙的有影響力的拉比傳播了邁蒙尼德（摩西·本·邁蒙）和猶太教與亞里士多德哲學(xué)的自由主義思想。

Hillel of Verona (d. 1295) translated many medical texts into Hebrew from Arabic. The arrival in Italy of Samuel ibn Tibbon’s (d. 1230) Hebrew translation of the Spanish philosopher and rabbi Moses Maimonides’ (1204) Guide for the Perplexed (Heb. Moreh nebukim, Ar. Dalalat al-hairin) in the late 13th century caused a sensation among Italian Jews. Influential rabbis from Rome and Spain spread Maimonides’ liberal ideas reconciling Judaism with Aristotelian philosophy.

? ? ? ? ? ?西西里島的腓特烈二世皇帝（1212-50年）雇用了許多猶太人，包括托斯卡納的西班牙人猶大·科恩和普羅旺斯的雅各布·本·阿巴·馬里·本·辛姆森·安納托利，來(lái)翻譯阿拉伯哲學(xué)和科學(xué)論著?？贫鳌布{托利和其他猶太譯者在西西里進(jìn)行的翻譯，在向西方拉丁語(yǔ)國(guó)家傳播阿拉伯科學(xué)知識(shí)方面發(fā)揮了與西班牙托萊多學(xué)校一樣突出的作用。猶太文學(xué)家并沒(méi)有被固定在14世紀(jì)意大利活躍的文學(xué)舞臺(tái)上。羅馬的伊曼紐爾·本·所羅門·本·杰庫(kù)錫爾，一位有成就的希伯來(lái)詩(shī)人，也是但丁·阿利吉耶里的密友，在用意大利語(yǔ)創(chuàng)作詩(shī)歌時(shí)受到他的影響。另一個(gè)文化借鑒的標(biāo)志是15世紀(jì)的詩(shī)人、物理學(xué)家摩西·本-艾薩克·迪創(chuàng)作的《mikdash me'at》，這是一首仿照但丁《神曲》創(chuàng)作的希伯來(lái)語(yǔ)詩(shī)。15世紀(jì)末的意大利猶太哲學(xué)家，如Elija Delmadego和約翰南·阿勒曼諾（Johanen Alemanno）深受喬瓦尼·皮科·德拉·米蘭多拉（Pico della Mirandola）的人文主義啟發(fā)，并在意大利猶太人中傳播其思想。

Emperor Frederick II of Sicily (1212–50) employed many Jews, including the Spanishborn Judah Cohen of Tuscany and Jacob Anatolio of Provence, to translate Arabic philosophical and scientific treatises. The translations undertaken in Sicily by Cohen, Anatolio, and other Jewish translators played as prominent a role as those carried out in the school of Toledo, Spain, in the dissemination of Arabic scientific knowledge to the Latin West. Jewish men of letters were not immured to the vibrant literary scene of 14th-century Italy. Immanuel b. Solomon of Rome, an accomplished Hebrew poet, was also a close friend of Dante Alighieri and was influenced by him in his composition of poetry in Italian. Another sign of cultural borrowing is seen in the 15th-century poet-physician Moses b. Isaac Rieti’s composition of the Mikdash meat, a Hebrew poem modeled upon Dante’s Divine Comedy. Late 15th-century Italian Jewish philosophers such as Elija Delmadego and Johanen Alemanno were deeply inspired by the humanism of Pico della Mirandola and spread his thought among Italian Jews.

教廷、修士和猶太人

? ? ? ? ? 教皇對(duì)猶太人在基督教世界中的地位以及基督教與猶太人的關(guān)系制定政策的歷史由來(lái)已久。雖然教皇的法律對(duì)西方拉丁世界的居民具有普遍約束力，但有兩位教皇特別值得一提，因?yàn)樗麄兊姆蓪?duì)中世紀(jì)歐洲猶太人的生活產(chǎn)生了截然不同的廣泛影響。教皇格里高利大帝（590-604年），這位杰出的教會(huì)改革者，深受圣奧古斯丁著作的影響，特別是《上帝之城》（De civitatis Dei）。格里高利開(kāi)創(chuàng)了一個(gè)重要的先例，他批準(zhǔn)使用武力使異教徒皈依基督教，并為此召集世俗當(dāng)局。在他的任期內(nèi)，異端在意大利北部、伊斯特拉和非洲被根除，異教在高盧被根除。另一方面，他在對(duì)待猶太人方面表現(xiàn)出堪稱典范的寬容。這種寬容的神學(xué)論證可以在《上帝之城》中找到。圣奧古斯?。ㄗ溆?30年）認(rèn)為，猶太人應(yīng)該屈服于基督徒，但還是應(yīng)該容忍和保護(hù)他們作為基督教戰(zhàn)勝舊法的活證人。格里高利在許多教皇的書(shū)信中闡述了他的觀點(diǎn)。他明確譴責(zé)強(qiáng)迫猶太人皈依的行為，并維護(hù)他們的公民自由和宗教自由。同時(shí)，他警告猶太人不要超越賦予他們的權(quán)利的界限。他對(duì)奧古斯丁學(xué)說(shuō)中的猶太人見(jiàn)證的主張，直到12世紀(jì)末和13世紀(jì)，仍然是界定基督教對(duì)猶太人的理論立場(chǎng)的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。

The papacy had a long history of dictating policies regulating the status of Jews within Christendom and Christian-Jewish relations. While papal law was universally binding upon the inhabitants of the Latin West, two popes in particular merit special mention due to the contrasting and widespread implications of their laws for the lives of medieval European Jewry. Pope Gregory the Great (r. 590–604), the eminent reformer of the church, was deeply influenced by Saint Augustine’s writings, particularly The City of God (De civitatis Dei). Gregory set an important precedent in approving the use of force to convert pagans to Christianity and in summoning the secular authorities to this end. During his mandate heresy was rooted out of northern Italy, Istria, and Africa, and paganism was eradicated from Gaul. On the other hand, he showed exemplary tolerance in his treatment of the Jews. The theological jus-tification for this tolerance is to be found in The City of God. Saint Augustine (d. 430) had argued that the Jews should be subjugated to Christians but nevertheless tolerated and protected in their capacity as living witnesses to the triumph of Christianity over the old law. Gregory expounded his ideas in numerous papal epistles. He explicitly condemned the forced conversion of Jews and upheld their civil liberties and religious freedoms. At the same time, he warned the Jews against exceeding the limits of the rights accorded to them. His advocation of the Augustinian doctrine of Jewish witness remained the norm in defining the Christian doctrinal position vis-à-vis the Jews until the late 12th and 13th centuries.

? ? ? ? ? 英諾森三世的教皇時(shí)代最能體現(xiàn)教會(huì)對(duì)猶太人政策的這種消極變化。英諾森三世在1215年召開(kāi)了第四次拉特朗公會(huì)議，討論異端問(wèn)題，并為第三次十字軍東征籌集資金。值得注意的是，一個(gè)來(lái)自法國(guó)南部的猶太代表團(tuán)被派往那里，試圖勸說(shuō)教皇代表不要發(fā)布任何專門的反猶太法令。他們的努力被證明是徒勞的，因?yàn)榈谒拇卫乩使珪?huì)議確實(shí)頒布了一些壓迫性的法令，其中最臭名昭著的是要求猶太人和穆斯林通過(guò)在衣服上佩戴醒目的彩色徽章來(lái)區(qū)分自己，猶太人為黃色，穆斯林為粉色。雖然在某些情況下，猶太社區(qū)（或至少是最著名的成員）確實(shí)可以避免佩戴黃色徽章或類似的明顯標(biāo)志，如“猶太帽”（Jewish hat），但這種傳統(tǒng)在西歐許多地方一直延續(xù)到現(xiàn)代早期。

The papacy of Innocent III best exemplifies this negative change in church policy toward the Jews. Innocent III had convoked the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215 to discuss the problem of heresy and to raise funds to finance the Third Crusade. It is interesting to note the presence of a Jewish delegation from southern France who had been dispatched there in order to try to dissuade the papal delegates from issuing any specifically anti-Jewish edicts. Their efforts proved to be in vain since Lateran IV did, in fact, promulgate a number of oppressive edicts, most infamously the requirement that Jews and Muslims distinguish themselves by wearing prominent colored badges on their clothing, yellow for Jews, pink for Muslims. While it is true that at certain times and under certain circumstances Jewish communities—or at least the most prominent members—could avoid wearing the yellow badge or similar distinctive signs such as the “Jewish hat” (Judenhut), the tradition survived in many parts of western Europe into the early modern period.

? ? ? ? ? ?第四次拉特朗公會(huì)議批準(zhǔn)了分別于1216年和1217年成立的多米尼加和方濟(jì)各會(huì)的新修會(huì)，這也對(duì)猶太人產(chǎn)生了嚴(yán)重的影響。修士們被授權(quán)不僅在基督教信徒中布道，而且在凱撒人等異端分子以及居住在基督教世界的猶太人和穆斯林中布道。猶太人必須以沉默和尊重的態(tài)度聆聽(tīng)這些布道。修士們發(fā)展了一種神學(xué)思路，侵蝕了格里高利一世所堅(jiān)定捍衛(wèi)的奧古斯丁式的猶太人見(jiàn)證學(xué)說(shuō)。為了促進(jìn)他們的改宗和皈依目標(biāo)，修士們研究了希伯來(lái)語(yǔ)和阿拉伯語(yǔ)。他們聲稱，他們發(fā)現(xiàn)了塔木德傳統(tǒng)和猶太教的反基督教論戰(zhàn)文本，如Toledot Yeshu（《耶穌一生》），這是一本六世紀(jì)的反福音書(shū)（諧仿耶穌生世的猶太亞拉姆文文獻(xiàn)，是從反基督教觀點(diǎn)出發(fā)的猶太版本的耶穌生平，它也被基督徒稱作反福音），將耶穌描繪成一個(gè)私生子、假先知和異端，為他們提供了確鑿的“證據(jù)”，證明猶太人已經(jīng)偏離了他們作為真實(shí)圣經(jīng)敘述的證人的角色，墮入異端。修士們利用他們新獲得的圣經(jīng)后拉比文本的知識(shí)，與猶太拉比進(jìn)行公開(kāi)爭(zhēng)論，以證明基督教的真理，反對(duì)拉比猶太教的謬論。

Lateran IV’s approval of the new orders of the Dominican and Franciscan Friars, founded in 1216 and 1217, respectively, also had serious consequences for the Jews: The friars were given a mandate to preach not only among the Christian faithful but also among heretics such as the Cathars as well as Jews and Muslims residing in Christendom. Jews were obliged to listen to these sermons with silence and respect. The friars developed a theological line of thought that eroded the Augustinian doctrine of Jewish witness so staunchly defended by Gregory the Great. To further their goals of proselytization and conversion, the friars studied Hebrew and Arabic. They claimed that their discovery of the Talmudic tradition and of Jewish anti-Christian polemical texts such as Toledot Yeshu, a sixth-century parody of the Gospels that depicts Jesus as a bastard, false prophet, and heretic, provided them with conclusive “proof” that the Jews had strayed from their role as witnesses to the authentic biblical account and degenerated into heresy. The friars used their newly acquired knowledge of the postbiblical rabbinical texts to engage the Jewish rabbis in public disputations that were meant to prove the truth of Christianity over and against the falsehood of rabbinic Judaism.

《Handbook To Life in The Medieval World》（2008）

By Madeleine Pelner Cosman and Linda Gale Jones??

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