上一章

土地財(cái)產(chǎn)

? ? ? ? ? 盡管現(xiàn)代房屋和土地購(gòu)買合同以及公寓或辦公室的租賃合同保留了可追溯到威廉國(guó)王的土地使用權(quán)制度的古老語言，但詞義已經(jīng)發(fā)生了變化。在中世紀(jì)的術(shù)語中，土地財(cái)產(chǎn)并不一定意味著像現(xiàn)代說法那樣，在草場(chǎng)上有一棟氣派的房子，有圍墻的花園和有門的車道，而是指所有權(quán)的分類和地位。土地財(cái)產(chǎn)是一種以時(shí)間衡量的占有權(quán)益。

Though modern purchase contracts for houses and land and rental contracts for apartments and offices retain archaic language traceable back to King William’s land tenure system, word meanings have changed. A land estate in medieval terminology did not necessarily mean a vast ostentatious house set on grassy fields with walled gardens and a gated driveway, as in modern parlance, but rather the classification and status of ownership. An estate in land was a possessory interest measured by time.

? ? ? ? ? 土地上的兩個(gè)主要財(cái)產(chǎn)是自由保有財(cái)產(chǎn)和非自由保有財(cái)產(chǎn)。非永佃權(quán)包括租金、租約和農(nóng)奴從領(lǐng)主那里擁有土地和房屋的保有權(quán)。非永久業(yè)權(quán)沒有扣押權(quán)，即對(duì)永久業(yè)權(quán)和土地的占有權(quán)利。自由保有財(cái)產(chǎn)有扣押權(quán)，通常通過扣押的儀式傳遞，在這種情況下，賣方將象征性的土塊傳遞給買方，無論是否有書面契約。租戶占有土地上的永久產(chǎn)權(quán)地產(chǎn)后，就承擔(dān)了所有的權(quán)利和責(zé)任。

The two major estates in land were the freehold estate and the nonfreehold estate. Nonfreeholds included rents, leases, and villeinage. The nonfreehold had no seizin, meaning the right of possession of a freehold estate and land. Freehold estates had seizin, usually transmitted by the ceremonial livery of seizin, in which a seller transmitted to the buyer a symbolic clod of earth with or without a written deed. The tenant taking possession of a freehold estate in land assumed all rights and responsibilities of tenure.

? ? ? ? ? 自由保有的土地財(cái)產(chǎn)是非常復(fù)雜的。一個(gè)基本類型的永久產(chǎn)權(quán)是簡(jiǎn)單收費(fèi)，這是最高和最好的所有權(quán)和占有權(quán)，無限期地持續(xù)下去，可以無限期地遺贈(zèng)給繼承人和受讓人。在兩種類型的簡(jiǎn)單費(fèi)用地產(chǎn)中，絕對(duì)費(fèi)用地產(chǎn)是更確定、更好、永久的所有權(quán)及占有方式。然而，單價(jià)可轉(zhuǎn)讓遺產(chǎn)是一種只有在某些事件發(fā)生時(shí)才會(huì)中斷的土地遺產(chǎn)。它是一種附帶條件的土地轉(zhuǎn)讓。這種可轉(zhuǎn)讓土地所有權(quán)可以像絕對(duì)土地所有權(quán)一樣永遠(yuǎn)存在，但它可能因某種特定情況而被取消，例如建造一個(gè)被禁止的酒館或與一個(gè)受限制的人結(jié)婚。如果該事件導(dǎo)致自動(dòng)歸還給設(shè)保人或繼承人，則被稱為可確定的簡(jiǎn)單收費(fèi)。保有權(quán)可能是在隨后的條件下的簡(jiǎn)單收費(fèi)，導(dǎo)致所有權(quán)非自動(dòng)回歸給設(shè)保人或繼承人?；蛘呖梢允鞘苤朴趫?zhí)行利益的簡(jiǎn)單收費(fèi)，導(dǎo)致剩余部分歸第三人所有。

Freehold land estates were tremendously complex. A basic type of freehold was the fee simple, the highest and best right of ownership and possession, lasting indefinitely, which could be willed to heirs and grantees infinitely. Of two types of fee simple estates, the fee simple absolute was the more certain, better, perpetual ownership and possession. However, a fee simple defeasible was an estate in land cut short only when and if certain events occurred. It was a land transfer with conditions attached. This fee simple defeasible could last forever as if it were a fee simple absolute, but it might be obliterated by a specific circumstance, such as building a forbidden tavern or marrying a prohibited person. If that event caused an automatic reversion to the grantor or heir, it was called a fee simple determinable. The tenure might be fee simple upon condition subsequent, causing a nonautomatic reversion of possession to grantor or heirs. Or it could be a fee simple subject to an executory interest, causing a remainder to go to a third person.

? ? ? ? ? 其他費(fèi)用包括尾款。在普通法中，為了使土地的使用權(quán)只能在家族中繼承，長(zhǎng)子之間相互繼承，每個(gè)人只得到相當(dāng)于終身遺產(chǎn)的財(cái)產(chǎn)。遺囑中的“和他或她的繼承人”這句話規(guī)定了尾隨繼承的程序。終身財(cái)產(chǎn)的期限是以一個(gè)人的生命來衡量的，提供所有權(quán)的所有權(quán)利和特權(quán)，除了通過出售或死亡時(shí)的轉(zhuǎn)讓。衡量生命的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)可能是擁有土地的人，也可能是另一個(gè)人，即 “pour autre vie”（指以終身財(cái)產(chǎn)形式存在的專有永久業(yè)權(quán)權(quán)益的期限）。在授予承租人終身占有土地的終身遺產(chǎn)后，財(cái)產(chǎn)歸捐贈(zèng)人或另一個(gè)指定的人。

Other fees included the fee tail. In common law in order to keep land in tenure heritable only in the family, eldest sons inherited from one another, each receiving only the equivalent of a life estate. The process of inheritance by fee tail was created in a will by the words “and the heirs of his or her body.” Duration of a life estate was measured by a person’s life, providing all rights and privileges of ownership except for transfer by sale or transfer at death. The measuring life might be the person possessing the land or yet another person, pour autre vie. After a life estate granting possession of land for the tenant’s life, the property reverted to the donor or to another named person.

? ? ? ? ? 國(guó)王、王子或貴族的年幼子女，沒有長(zhǎng)子的可繼承土地特權(quán)，需要某種形式的賺錢職業(yè)。這種有利可圖的財(cái)產(chǎn)、任命或收入被稱為“封祿”（封地，封地是君主將封地讓給他的小兒子，而長(zhǎng)子在父親去世后成為國(guó)王，歷史上，它被用來阻止國(guó)王的小兒子們的叛亂，否則他們將沒有繼承權(quán)，從而避免平均分配導(dǎo)致君主政體惡化）（法語，apaner，“賦予生存手段”）。

Younger children of a king, prince, or nobleman, having no heritable land privileges of the firstborn, needed some form of moneymaking profession. Such a lucrative estate, appointment, or income was called an apanage (French, apaner, “to endow with means of subsistence”).

Tallage和什一稅

（Tallage或talliage（來自法國(guó) tailler，即從整體中切出的一部分）最初可能表示任何稅收，但在英國(guó)和法國(guó)變成了土地使用稅或土地保有權(quán)稅。后來在英格蘭，它進(jìn)一步僅限于王室對(duì)城市、行政區(qū)和皇家領(lǐng)地的評(píng)估；實(shí)際上，Tallage是一種土地稅。什一奉獻(xiàn)（或什一稅、什一捐），常用于指猶太教和基督宗教的宗教奉獻(xiàn)，歐洲封建社會(huì)時(shí)代用來指教會(huì)向成年教徒征收的宗教稅）

? ? ? ? ? 稅金是封建附庸向其領(lǐng)主繳納的一種稅金，其計(jì)算方法各不相同，以所持土地的數(shù)量為基礎(chǔ)。各種各樣的稅金包括在基督教慶祝天使長(zhǎng)圣米迦勒的節(jié)日時(shí)支付的米迦勒節(jié)稅金，通常在9月29日。在新領(lǐng)主到來時(shí)支付的是“入城費(fèi)”。Heriot是一種死亡附加費(fèi)，通常由鄉(xiāng)民向領(lǐng)主支付最好的動(dòng)物或最好的作物部分來支付。它最初被稱為hergeat（盎格魯撒克遜語heregeatwa，“軍隊(duì)裝備”），是封建租界中附庸死亡時(shí)歸還給領(lǐng)主的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)裝備、馬、盔甲和武器（起源于領(lǐng)主借給農(nóng)奴一匹馬、盔甲或武器來戰(zhàn)斗的傳統(tǒng)，這樣當(dāng)農(nóng)奴死后，領(lǐng)主就可以合法地收回他的財(cái)產(chǎn)）。

Tallage was a tax that feudal dependents paid to their overlords, variously computed and based on the amount of land held. Numerous varieties of tallage included the Michaelmas tallage paid at the time of the Christian feast celebrating Saint Michael the archangel, usually on September 29. Incoming tallage was paid at the arrival of a new lord. Heriot was a death tallage, paid usually by the best animal or the finest part of the crop that the villein paid to the overlord. Originally it was called hergeat (Anglo Saxon heregeatwa, “army gear”), the war gear, horse, armor, and weapons returned to the overlord at the death of a lord in feudal tenancy.

? ? ? ? ? “Merchet”（該術(shù)語的詞源可能不是在任何特別涉及女仆或女兒的詞的詞根中尋找，而是在涉及血液、購(gòu)買、救贖或選舉權(quán)或?yàn)槠渲Ц兜膬r(jià)格，或特定類型的稅收、罰款、進(jìn)口稅或勒索費(fèi)用）是一種婚姻稅，是鄉(xiāng)民為其女兒在莊園外結(jié)婚而向莊園主支付的稅款?！癛elief”是接管新土地時(shí)支付的稅款?！癢ood penny”是對(duì)收集用作木柴和建筑的枯木的權(quán)利的稅收。

Merchet was a marriage tallage or tax that a villein paid as to the manor lord for the villein’s daughter to marry outside the manor. Relief was the tax paid when taking over a new landholding. Wood penny was the tax for the right to gather dead wood used for firewood and for building.

? ? ? ? ? 教會(huì)也同樣征稅，收取什一稅，相當(dāng)于農(nóng)作物或動(dòng)產(chǎn)、可移動(dòng)財(cái)產(chǎn)和財(cái)富價(jià)值的十分之一，包括資本、家畜和任何可轉(zhuǎn)讓的財(cái)產(chǎn)，動(dòng)產(chǎn)是指與房地產(chǎn)相反的東西。教會(huì)還征收其他稅款，如教友死亡時(shí)要支付的停尸費(fèi)。

The church taxed similarly, collecting a tithe, an amount equal to one-tenth of the value of crop or chattels, movable possessions, and wealth, including capital, cattle, and anything negotiable that was owned. Chattels were the opposite of real estate. The church also imposed other taxes such as mortuary to be paid at the death of a parishioner.

大學(xué)和經(jīng)院哲學(xué)

? ? ? ? ? 大學(xué)在12和13世紀(jì)開始發(fā)展，成為獨(dú)立的機(jī)構(gòu)，學(xué)生和教授通過醫(yī)學(xué)、神學(xué)和法學(xué)系聯(lián)系起來。這些研究生學(xué)習(xí)遵循七種文科的課程，這些科目解放了人們的思想和行動(dòng)。三門文科是指語法、修辭和邏輯，四門文科是指天文學(xué)、音樂、幾何學(xué)和算術(shù)。到了1200年，薩萊諾的醫(yī)學(xué)舉世聞名，博洛尼亞的法學(xué)和巴黎大學(xué)的神學(xué)也是如此。

Universities began to develop in the 12th and 13th centuries as independent corporations with students and professors organized under faculties of medicine, theology, and law. These graduate studies followed the curriculum of the seven liberal arts, the subjects that liberated the mind to think and act. The three liberal arts of the trivium were grammar, rhetoric, and logic. The four liberal arts of the quadrivium consisted of astronomy, music, geometry, and arithmetic. By the year 1200 the faculty of medicine at Salerno was world famous and so were the faculty of law at Bologna and the faculty of theology at the University of Paris.

? ? ? ? ?在11和12世紀(jì)，學(xué)術(shù)派試圖將古典推理，特別是亞里士多德的邏輯和哲學(xué)，應(yīng)用于基督教教義和禮儀。意大利作家圣安塞姆（Saint Anselm，卒于1109年）寫了一篇名為《為什么上帝成為一個(gè)人》（Cur Deus homo）的論文，以解釋耶穌基督的救贖方法背后的邏輯。著名教士皮埃爾·阿伯拉爾（1079-1142）寫了《贊成與反對(duì)》（Sic et non），證明了著名教會(huì)學(xué)者，希波的圣奧古斯?。?54-430）著作中的不一致和對(duì)立面。

In the 11th and 12th centuries Scholasticism attempted to apply classical reasoning, particularly Aristotelian logic and philosophy, to Christian dogma and liturgy. The Italian writer Saint Anselm (d. 1109) wrote the treatise called Why God Became Man, Cur Deus homo, to explain the logic behind Jesus Christ’s method of salvation. The famous cleric Peter Abelard (1079–1142) wrote his Pro and con, sic et non, demonstrating the inconsistencies and antitheses of the writings of the famous doctors of the church, particularly Saint Augustine of Hippo (354–430).

法人團(tuán)體，稅收和國(guó)王的“兩個(gè)身體”

? ? ? ? ? 早在12世紀(jì)，大學(xué)和商業(yè)企業(yè)就設(shè)立了法人團(tuán)體。法人團(tuán)體是一個(gè)神秘的實(shí)體，雖然普通人是其組成部分，但法人團(tuán)體是（現(xiàn)代公司也是）永久的和不朽的。法人團(tuán)體將所有權(quán)和管理權(quán)分開，即使所有者和管理者是同一個(gè)人。法人團(tuán)體限制了投資人的責(zé)任和損失的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)。而公司股份通?？梢栽诮裉煳覀兎Q之為公開市場(chǎng)的地方購(gòu)買。中世紀(jì)的世俗人士或教會(huì)人士（或現(xiàn)代的醫(yī)生、律師、工程師或獨(dú)資公司的建筑師），盡管是一個(gè)普通的、脆弱的、易受傷害的凡人，卻被賦予了不朽公司的法律地位。法人團(tuán)體與國(guó)王、學(xué)院和天使共享神秘的現(xiàn)實(shí)。

Corporations were created for universities as early at the 12th century as well as for business enterprises. A corporation was a mystical entity. Although mortal human beings were its constituents, a corporation was (and the modern corporation is) perpetual and immortal. A corporation separated ownership from management, even when owner and manager were one and the same person. A corporation limited liability and limited risk of loss for those who invested in it. Corporate shares were customarily available for purchase on what today we call an open market. A medieval secular person or ecclesiastical person (or modern physician, lawyer, engineer, or architect in a sole corporation), though an ordinary, fragile, vulnerable mortal, was endowed with the legal status of an immortal corporation. Corporations shared mystic realities with kings, colleges, and angels.

? ? ? ? ? 法人團(tuán)體模仿了國(guó)王的王權(quán)。中世紀(jì)的法律文件在提到國(guó)王的頭及王冠與國(guó)王的領(lǐng)域及王冠時(shí)，并沒有將王冠定義為君主的禿頭或毛發(fā)，也沒有將領(lǐng)域描述為單純的耕地和海岸線，這都是多余的。王冠是對(duì)政治體和國(guó)王有兩個(gè)身體的法律虛構(gòu)的一種形而上的提及。神秘的形而上學(xué)思想是在伊麗莎白一世女王統(tǒng)治時(shí)期（1533-1603年）為爭(zhēng)奪珍貴的土地而發(fā)生的爭(zhēng)吵中進(jìn)入法庭的，盡管這些思想要早幾百年。蘭開斯特王朝的國(guó)王曾將巨大的、有價(jià)值的蘭開斯特公國(guó)作為私有財(cái)產(chǎn)，而不是王室的財(cái)產(chǎn)。正如兒童在合法的嬰兒期過后，在達(dá)到成年年齡之前不能簽訂合同一樣，國(guó)王愛德華六世（1547-53年）在還是一個(gè)少年時(shí)，就租賃了蘭開斯特公國(guó)的某些土地。這些租約在法律上有效嗎？

The corporation emulated the king’s Crown or kingship. Medieval legal documents referring to the king’s head and Crown and the king’s realm and Crown were not redundantly defining Crown as the monarch’s bald or hairy cranium, nor describing the realm as mere acreage and coastlines. Crown was a metaphysical reference to the body politic and to the legal fiction that the king had two bodies. Mystical metaphysical ideas entered the law courts during a vituperative squabble over precious land during Queen Elizabeth I’s reign (r. 1533–1603), though the ideas were hundreds of years older. Lancastrian kings had owned the huge, valuable duchy of Lancaster as private property, not property of the Crown. Just as children could not enter contracts until they reached the age of majority after legal infancy, so King Edward VI (r. 1547–53) when still a teenager had leased certain lands within the Duchy of Lancaster. Were those leases legally valid?

? ? ? ? ? 王室律師表示，普通法不允許國(guó)王作為國(guó)王的行為因其年幼或未成年而被否定。國(guó)王有兩個(gè)身體，一個(gè)自然身體和一個(gè)政治身體。他的自然身體終究會(huì)消亡，受制于自然或意外的所有弱點(diǎn)、幼年和老年的低能，以及死亡的自然缺陷。但國(guó)王的政治體是一個(gè)無形的永恒的機(jī)構(gòu)，包括政策和政府，指導(dǎo)人民和管理公共福利。這個(gè)政治體完全沒有幼年、老年、不完美和自然缺陷。

Crown lawyers stated that common law allowed no act of the king as king to be defeated by his infancy or nonage. The king had two bodies, a body natural and a body politic. His natural body was mortal, subject to all infirmities of nature or accident, imbecility of infancy and old age, and natural defects of mortality. But the king’s body politic was an invisible eternal body consisting of policy and government, directing people and managing public welfare. This body politic was completely free of infancy, old age, imperfections, and natural defects.

? ? ? ? ? 國(guó)王的政治體不能因其自然體的殘疾而使他的言辭失效，也不能使他的意愿受挫。國(guó)王的兩個(gè)身體完全相互作用，形成一個(gè)不可分割的單位。但政治體比自然體更全面、更廣泛，因?yàn)樗藴p少和消除脆弱的人性中的不完美的力量。這種神秘、神奇的二元性定義了一個(gè)國(guó)王和其他機(jī)構(gòu)，其可見的凡人品質(zhì)需要不朽的壽命：大學(xué)、修道院和商業(yè)公司。

The king’s body politic could not have his word invalidated or his will frustrated by disability in his natural body. The king’s two bodies fully interacted with each other, forming an indivisible unit. But the body politic was more comprehensive and extensive than the natural body because it encompassed the forces for reducing and removing the imperfections of fragile human nature. This mystical, magical duality defined a king and other institutions whose visible mortal quality required immortal longevity: a university, a monastery, and a commercial corporation.

? ? ? ? ? 甚至稅收也有雙重性質(zhì)。在早期的中世紀(jì)，公共稅收是非同尋常的，它涉及到一些封建事件，如幫助贖回領(lǐng)主，給他的長(zhǎng)子授勛，為他的長(zhǎng)女籌集嫁妝，或在公共緊急情況下保衛(wèi)王國(guó)，這是一種必要的原因。和現(xiàn)在一樣，通過一種對(duì)缺錢的政治實(shí)體常見的神秘操縱，虛構(gòu)的不尋常成為公開的普通。在歐洲大陸的許多地方，公共稅收成為年度稅收的同義詞。最初，稅收是與一個(gè)不可重復(fù)的事件相聯(lián)系的，如領(lǐng)主的長(zhǎng)女結(jié)婚，而現(xiàn)在它與日歷和凡人的時(shí)間相聯(lián)系。原本對(duì)某一場(chǎng)合的需要，通過法律上的虛構(gòu)，變成了永久的需要。因此，法國(guó)國(guó)王每年都要求征收稅款，即公共必需品稅。

Even taxes had a double nature. Public taxation in the earlier Middle Ages was extraordinary, not ordinary, and involved such feudal incidents as aids for ransoming a lord, knighting his eldest son, amassing a dowry for his eldest daughter, or defending the realm in case of public emergency, a causus necessitatis. By a mystical manipulation common to political entities starved for money, then as now, the fictitious extraordinary became the openly ordinary. Public taxation in many parts of continental Europe became synonymous with annual taxation. While originally taxation was linked to an unrepeatable event, such as the marriage of the overlord’s eldest daughter, now it was connected to the calendar and mortal time. The original necessity for an occasion became by legal fiction a perpetual necessity. Therefore, the king of France demanded annually a tallage, the tax for public necessity.

? ? ? ? ? 該法人團(tuán)體源自亞里士多德的理論，即雖然個(gè)人發(fā)生了變化，但永久的身份卻持續(xù)存在。個(gè)人死亡，但公共體并沒有死亡。個(gè)人的公共需求得到滿足，但公共需求是永恒的。一所大學(xué)或一個(gè)公司是一群人在一個(gè)神秘的團(tuán)體中的集合。個(gè)別教授和學(xué)生生活、學(xué)習(xí)和死亡。因此，合法的公司（法人團(tuán)體）在結(jié)構(gòu)上與基督教的天使相比較。

The corporation derived from the Aristotelian theory that though individuals changed, perpetual identities endured. Individual people died, but the people did not die. Individual public needs were satisfied, but public need was perpetual. A university or a corporation was a collection of men united in one mystical body. Individual professors and students lived, studied, and died. Legal corporations therefore compared structurally with Christian angels.

議會(huì)、等級(jí)

? ? ? ? ? 幾乎每個(gè)歐洲地區(qū)的大型代表機(jī)構(gòu)中，等級(jí)制度很常見。每個(gè)君主都有一個(gè)顧問，或者更多的是幾類顧問。在英國(guó)，他們被稱為議會(huì)（parliaments或States）（來自拉丁語parliamentum，“talking”）。在德國(guó)，有代表性的參事機(jī)構(gòu)是diets；在西班牙，參事機(jī)構(gòu)是cortes；而在法國(guó)，參事機(jī)構(gòu)是generales。在法國(guó)，傳統(tǒng)的三個(gè)階層是神職人員、貴族和城鎮(zhèn)居民。在英國(guó)，三個(gè)階層是神職人員、男爵和騎士，以及平民，后來，這些人被稱為“靈職議員”、“俗職議員”和“下議院”。在蘇格蘭，教士是第一階層；佃主（或封臣）是第二階層；鎮(zhèn)民是第三階層。莊園（土地）的權(quán)力往往需要確認(rèn)和保證，例如，英格蘭的貴族和教會(huì)人士以及倫敦的公民在1215年迫使約翰國(guó)王簽署《大憲章》，重申他們的權(quán)利和自由。

Hierarchies were common in the large representative bodies in almost every European territory. Every monarch had a counsel or more usually classes of counsels. In England they were called parliaments (from Latin parliamentum, “talking”) and estates. In Germany representative counsels were the diets; in Spain the counselors were cortes; and in France, estates generales. In France the customary three estates were the clergy, the nobles, and the townsmen. In England the three estates were clergy, barons and knights, and the commons. Later these were called the Lords Spiritual, Lords Temporal, and Commons. In Scotland the prelates were the first estate; feudal chief tenants, the second estate; and townsmen, the third estate. The power of estates often needed confirmation and guarantee. England’s noblemen and churchmen and the citizenry of London, for instance, in 1215 compelled King John to sign the Magna Carta to reaffirm their rights and freedoms.

婦女的社會(huì)角色

? ? ? ? ? 雖然現(xiàn)在歐洲的女性人數(shù)多于男性，但情況并非總是如此。對(duì)中世紀(jì)男女比例的分析表明，在中世紀(jì)早期，對(duì)于所有準(zhǔn)備好的適婚男性來說，女性人數(shù)太少。一直到15世紀(jì)，女性都比男性少。女性的預(yù)期壽命似乎也比男性短。雖然古病理學(xué)記錄不完善，但對(duì)中世紀(jì)婦女墳?zāi)沟陌l(fā)掘表明，平均而言，婦女比情況類似的男子死得早。即使在古典時(shí)期后期，婦女對(duì)“房屋、爐灶和田地”的照顧，正如塔西佗所說，留給她們的休閑時(shí)間很少。中世紀(jì)早期婦女的預(yù)期壽命短得令人沮喪。顯然，亞里士多德關(guān)于男人比女人長(zhǎng)壽的觀點(diǎn)直到11世紀(jì)左右仍是正確的。通過回顧12世紀(jì)以前的法律，可以最好地理解中世紀(jì)早期和晚期對(duì)婦女的“評(píng)價(jià)”之間的差異，這些法律保護(hù)婦女的價(jià)值，實(shí)際上是用金錢來衡量一個(gè)女人的生命價(jià)值。

While today in Europe women outnumber men, it was not always so. Analyses of medieval ratios of women to men demonstrate that in the early medieval period there were too few women to go around for all the ready, marriageable men. Women were fewer than men right through the 15th century. Women also seem to have had a shorter life expectancy than men. While the paleopathology record is unclear, excavations of medieval women’s graves suggest that on average women died earlier than similarly situated men. Even in the late classical period, women’s care of the “house, hearth, and fields,” as Tacitus phrased it, left them little time for leisure. The life expectancy for the early medieval woman was dismally short. Apparently, Aristotle’s idea that men live longer than women held true until somewhere around the 11th century. Differences between the earlier and later medieval “valuation” of women can best be understood by reviewing pre–12thcentury laws that protected women’s value and actually celebrated a woman’s worth with a monetary price on her life.

? ? ? ? ? 早期日耳曼部落，即薩利安法蘭克人（從509年起，法蘭克人分為3個(gè)部族；薩利安人(Salian)、里普利安人(Ripuarian)和卡蒂人(Chatti）或黑森人（Hessian））的法律規(guī)定，如果一個(gè)人被殺，兇手必須向死者家屬支付一種特殊的罰款，稱為賠償金 (Weregild)（“人價(jià)”或 “人金”）。謀殺一個(gè)男人的賠償金 (Weregild)是200索利都斯（拉丁語：Solidus，復(fù)數(shù)：solidi），無論其年齡大小。如果被害人是一個(gè)女孩，她還沒有到可以懷孕的年齡，賠償金 (Weregild)仍然是200索利都斯。但在婦女開始工作和生育后，她的賠償金 (Weregild)會(huì)增加兩倍，達(dá)到600索利都斯，并一直保持到老年。殺害孕婦的懲罰是700索利都斯。非常年老的婦女的賠償金 (Weregild)會(huì)恢復(fù)到正常男性200索利都斯的費(fèi)用。在生育和工作期間，婦女的“價(jià)值”高于同年齡和社會(huì)地位的男子。在工作或生育期間，每個(gè)普通婦女都享有與國(guó)王的伴侶和基督教主教相同的保護(hù)與貨幣價(jià)值。

Laws of an early Germanic tribe, the Salian Franks, required that if a person were killed, the killer had to pay to the bereaved family a special fine called Weregild (“man money” or “people-gold”). The Weregild for the murder of a man was 200 solidi, whatever his age. If the murder victim was a girl who was not old enough to conceive children, the Weregild was still 200 solidi. But after the woman began to work and to bear children, her Weregild tripled to 600 solidi and there remained until old age. The penalty for killing a pregnant woman was 700 solidi. A very old woman’s Weregild reverted to the normal male charge of 200 solidi. During her childbearing and working years a woman was “worth” more than a man of the same age and social rank. During her working and childbearing years every ordinary woman enjoyed the same protection, the same monetary value, accorded the king’s companions and Christian bishops.

? ? ? ? ? 另一個(gè)日耳曼部落，阿勒曼尼人（或譯為阿拉曼人（Alamanni、Allemanni或Alemanni）），非常珍視婦女的工作和生育能力，法律特別保護(hù)了婦女從懷孕到入土為安。如果一個(gè)男人襲擊了一個(gè)孕婦，導(dǎo)致她損失了一個(gè)胎兒，且孩子是男孩，對(duì)這一應(yīng)受譴責(zé)的行為的罰款是12索利都斯；若是女孩，則是24索利都斯。女嬰的賠償金比男嬰的賠償金要嚴(yán)重一倍。傷害婦女的罰款是傷害男人的罰款的兩倍。即使是盜挖婦女的墳?zāi)挂惨颖读P款。也許婦女在下葬時(shí)，會(huì)帶著丈夫送給她們的首飾（結(jié)婚時(shí)的禮物）。這樣的結(jié)婚禮物是丈夫送給妻子的嫁妝，稱為Morgengabe，是新婚之夜后的第二天早上新郎送給新娘的禮物。

Another Germanic tribe, the Alamans, so cherished women for their work and their childbearing that laws specially protected women from womb to tomb. If a man attacked a pregnant woman, causing her to abort a fetus, the fine for that reprehensible act would be 12 solidi if the child were male and 24 solidi if female. The loss of a baby girl was twice as grave as the loss of a baby boy. Fines for any injury to women were double those for injury to men. Fines doubled even for robbing the grave of a woman. Perhaps women were buried with jewelry their husbands gave them as gifts at marriage. Such a marriage gift was a dowry given by a husband to a wife, called the Morgengabe, the gift of a new day, the gift of a morning, the valuables the new husband gave to his wife on the morning after their first night in bed.

? ? ? ? ? 這些法律和習(xí)俗表明了“貨物市場(chǎng)”的運(yùn)作情況。在中世紀(jì)早期，婦女被高度重視，因?yàn)樗齻兪窍∪钡摹柏浳铩?。然而，?2世紀(jì)后不久，女性的數(shù)量開始超過男性。這種人口狀況一直持續(xù)到今天。為什么呢？也許是由于參加十字軍東征和其他沖突，男性人口相對(duì)于女性而言有所減少。亦或許是城鎮(zhèn)生活的秩序和騎士精神的準(zhǔn)則使生存的危險(xiǎn)性降低?；蛘呤怯行У某擎?zhèn)和國(guó)家政府可以給予更多的保護(hù)，以制止大部分的強(qiáng)奸和綁架。沒有受某些形式的暴力的婦女活得更長(zhǎng)。記錄顯示，例如在15世紀(jì)的紐倫堡，每1000名男子對(duì)應(yīng)1207名婦女。在巴塞爾，每1000名男子對(duì)應(yīng)1246名婦女。本來很樂意做妻子的婦女卻沒有男人可以結(jié)婚。當(dāng)時(shí)婦女的選擇是修道院或手工業(yè)。當(dāng)婦女越來越多時(shí)，她們就變得不那么珍貴，不那么有價(jià)值。當(dāng)婦女成為“多數(shù)群體”時(shí)，她們就成為一種政治威脅。

Such laws and customs suggest the workings of a marketplace. Women were valued highly in the early Middle Ages because they were scarce. Nevertheless, shortly after the 12th century women began to outnumber men. That demographic circumstance persists to this day. Why? Perhaps it was the male population that decreased with respect to women due to participation in the Crusades and other conflicts. Perhaps the order of town life and codes of chivalry made existence less perilous. Perhaps effective town and state government could give greater protection and personal security against rape and abduction. Women free of certain forms of violence lived longer. Records show that in 15th-century Nuremberg, for instance, there were 1,207 women for every 1,000 men. In Basle 1,246 women existed for every 1,000 men. Women who might have been happy to be wives had no available men to marry. Women’s choices then were a convent or a craft. When women were more plentiful, they became less precious and less valuable. When women became the majority, they became a political threat.

城? ? ?市

? ? ? ? ? 城市生活是人們自愿聚集在一起和平交換商品和服務(wù)的結(jié)果。為了實(shí)現(xiàn)這種和平的物物交換，城市居民花錢修建圍墻來保護(hù)自己的房屋和市政建筑，花錢組建民兵來抵御入侵者，花錢修建自來水系統(tǒng)等便利日常生活的設(shè)施。城市居民維持著一個(gè)代議制政府，效忠于封建領(lǐng)主、教會(huì)宗主、國(guó)王或皇帝。城市向領(lǐng)主納貢并效忠。戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)期間，城市提供騎士、武裝戰(zhàn)士、物資和金錢。統(tǒng)治者將城市視為財(cái)富和繁榮的源泉，并在自由的憲章中確保市民的權(quán)利。在國(guó)王和貴族之間的紛爭(zhēng)中，國(guó)王通常試圖與城市結(jié)盟。

City life was the result of voluntary clustering of people for the peaceful exchange of goods and services. To achieve such peaceful exchange of value for value, city dwellers paid for walls to surround their houses and municipal buildings, for a militia to fight against invaders, and for amenities that eased their daily living such as piped water systems. City dwellers maintained a representative government that owed allegiance to either a feudal overlord, ecclesiastical suzerain, king, or emperor. The city paid tribute and owed allegiance to its lord. During wars the city provided knights, armed warriors, material, and money. Rulers favored cities as sources of wealth and prosperity and confirmed the city’s civil rights in liberal charters. In the tumultuous disputes between kings and noblemen, kings usually attempted to create alliances with cities.

? ? ? ? ?中世紀(jì)的城市是簡(jiǎn)·雅各布斯（Jane Jacobs）所說的“有組織的復(fù)雜性問題”的典范，它同時(shí)處理大量問題，這些問題相互關(guān)聯(lián)，成為一個(gè)有機(jī)整體。城市的發(fā)展和經(jīng)濟(jì)的擴(kuò)張或收縮通常不是通過具體的計(jì)劃，而是通過人們?cè)跒樽陨砝孀龀鰶Q策時(shí)建立的信任網(wǎng)絡(luò)。倫敦的市政供水系統(tǒng)是從亞當(dāng)·斯密到弗里德里?！す说裙诺浣?jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家所說的自發(fā)秩序的典范。城市是人類行為的結(jié)果，而不一定是人類的設(shè)計(jì)。

Medieval cities exemplified what Jane Jacobs called “problems of organized complexity” that dealt simultaneously with huge numbers of problems resolved and interrelated into an organic whole. Cities evolved, and their economies expanded and contracted not usually by specific plans but by networks of trust established when individual people made decisions while working in their own self-interest. The municipal water system of London exemplified what classical economists from Adam Smith to Friedrich Hayek called spontaneous order. Cities were the result of human actions, not necessarily human designs.

? ? ? ? ? 大多數(shù)人認(rèn)為，城市的發(fā)展源于鄉(xiāng)村生活的擴(kuò)展。因果關(guān)系可能恰恰相反。在社會(huì)發(fā)展史上，城市的發(fā)展可能先于而不是后于鄉(xiāng)村的發(fā)展。畜牧業(yè)和農(nóng)業(yè)很可能是從最早的舊石器時(shí)代貿(mào)易營(yíng)地的大型定居點(diǎn)發(fā)展起來的。這些最早城市貿(mào)易的加強(qiáng)刺激了居民對(duì)食物的需求，從而導(dǎo)致了農(nóng)業(yè)的產(chǎn)生和畜牧業(yè)的發(fā)展。

Most people assume that cities developed from an expansion of rural country life. The flow of cause and effect may be precisely opposite. In the history of social development cities probably preceded, not followed, rural development. Animal husbandry and agriculture most likely developed from the earliest urban settlements that were Paleolithic trading encampments. Intensification of trade in those earliest cities stimulated food requirements for the inhabitants that caused the inventions of agriculture and developments of animal husbandry

商? ? ?人

? ? ? ? ? 從事城市間或國(guó)際貿(mào)易的商人需要知識(shí)、耐心、貨幣兌換手冊(cè)與信譽(yù)。15世紀(jì)的那不勒斯商人貝內(nèi)德托·科特魯格利（Benedetto Cotrugli）指出了商人尊嚴(yán)的四個(gè)來源。一個(gè)世紀(jì)后，他在1573年于威尼斯出版的《論商人與完美商人》（《Della Mercatura e del Mercante perfetto》）一書中列舉了這四個(gè)方面。首先，商業(yè)促進(jìn)了公共福利、舒適度和共和國(guó)的發(fā)展。其次，商人對(duì)私有財(cái)產(chǎn)和貨物進(jìn)行榮譽(yù)管理。節(jié)約、節(jié)制、穩(wěn)健、正直的商人為自己和家庭增加財(cái)富，在購(gòu)買動(dòng)產(chǎn)和不動(dòng)產(chǎn)、房屋、家具、裝飾品和服裝時(shí)刺激其他行業(yè)，并通過與更高的社會(huì)階層通婚來提升自己的地位。永遠(yuǎn)不從事貿(mào)易的家庭是可悲的。

Merchants dealing in intercity or interstate commerce required knowledge, patience, manuals of monetary exchange, and trust. The 15th-century merchant Benedetto Cotrugli of Napoli identified four sources for merchant dignity. He enumerated them in his encomium to his profession, On Commerce and the Perfect Merchant (Dell mercantura et del mercante perfetto), published a century later in Venice in 1573. First, commerce advanced public welfare, comfort, and the health of republics. Second, merchants honorably managed private property and goods. Sparing, temperate, solid, and upright, the merchant increased wealth for self and family, stimulating other industry as he bought movable and immovable property, houses, furniture, ornaments, and clothing and elevated his condition through intermarriage with higher social ranks. Sad was the house that never engaged in trade.

? ? ? ? ? 第三，商人經(jīng)營(yíng)金銀、貨幣和貴重物品，需要誠(chéng)信，并與工匠、紳士、學(xué)者、領(lǐng)主、王公貴族和各種等級(jí)的教士打交道。最后，商人的商譽(yù)和無懈可擊的聲望不僅具有道德價(jià)值，還具有談判價(jià)值。任何國(guó)王、王子或其他有地位的人都不會(huì)像一個(gè)好商人那樣享有如此寶貴的聲譽(yù)和良好的信用。雖然王子的名聲可能很大，但卻沒有實(shí)際用途，而商人的聲譽(yù)卻可以隨時(shí)兌現(xiàn)。商人簡(jiǎn)單明了的收據(jù)無需證人即可生效，而統(tǒng)治者和其他人沒有證人和法律證明是不會(huì)被相信的。

Third, merchants dealt in silver, gold, money, and valuables that required integrity and interacted with artisans, gentlemen, scholars, lords, princes, and prelates of every rank. Last, merchant goodwill and impeccable reputation had negotiable as well as ethical value. No king, prince, or other man of rank enjoyed such valuable reputation and fine credit as a good merchant. While a prince’s fame might be great, it had no practical use, whereas a merchant’s reputation served readily for cash. A merchant’s simple, plain receipt was valid without a witness, whereas rulers and others were not believed without witnesses and legal attestations.

? ? ? ? ? 驕傲、有文化、負(fù)責(zé)任是中世紀(jì)理想商人的特點(diǎn)。1299年，倫敦，一個(gè)由法國(guó)和英國(guó)商人組成的兄弟會(huì)成立了Pui協(xié)會(huì)（“puy”一詞源自拉丁文podium，意思是“站立的地方”，可能指的是一個(gè)升高的平臺(tái)，競(jìng)賽者可以在該平臺(tái)上發(fā)表作品，也可以讓評(píng)委聆聽他們的作品），以慈善為目的，并培養(yǎng)音樂和詩(shī)歌。后來，德國(guó)的名歌手 (Meistersinger)，包括鞋匠漢斯·薩克斯（Hans Sachs，德國(guó)歌手，詩(shī)人，劇作家和鞋匠），舉辦了精心制作的歌曲比賽。

Proud, literate, responsible civility characterized the ideal medieval merchant. In 1299 a brotherhood of French and English traders in London created the Society of Pui for charitable purposes as well as the cultivation of music and poetry. Later the Meistersingers in Germany, including the magisterial shoemaker Hans Sachs, held elaborate song contests.

倫敦的大管道

? ? ? ? ? 水是城市生活成功的關(guān)鍵。在倫敦，大管道將水輸送到倫敦市中心。正如1345年的一項(xiàng)法令所規(guī)定，富人和中產(chǎn)階級(jí)可以獲得水來制作食物，窮人則可以飲用。在倫敦名為奇普塞德（Cheapside（ chepe這個(gè)詞表示它是一個(gè)交易場(chǎng)所））的主要食品市場(chǎng)附近，大管道的巨大噴泉和引水渠為食品生產(chǎn)商提供了一個(gè)聚會(huì)場(chǎng)所、一個(gè)商品銷售地點(diǎn)和一個(gè)重要的水源。廚師和面包師從多條水管中為他們的沸騰鍋和面團(tuán)槽取水，酒館或釀酒師為釀造麥酒和麥芽取水。漁夫和魚販們清洗他們從泰晤士河捕獲的新鮮魚類，并對(duì)從北海和波羅的海進(jìn)口的鹽漬魚類進(jìn)行脫鹽處理。屠夫和家禽飼養(yǎng)者抽取了數(shù)加侖的水，用于清洗肉類上的血液和內(nèi)臟，為在市場(chǎng)上銷售做好準(zhǔn)備。

Water was critical to successful life in the city. In London the Great Conduit carried water to the center of London so that, as a 1345 ordinance stated, the rich and middling might obtain water for preparing food and the poor might drink. Within the main London food market neighborhood called Chepe, the huge water fountain and pipes of the Great Conduit of Chepe provided a meeting place for food craftsmen, a selling site for commodities, and an important water source. From multiple pipes cooks and bakers drew water for their boiling pots and their dough troughs, and taveners and brewers fetched water for making ale and malt. Fishermen and fishmongers washed their freshly caught Thames fish and desalted their salt-preserved imported fish from the North Sea and the Baltic. Butchers and poulterers drew gallons of water for washing blood and viscera from their meats, readying them for market sale.

? ? ? ? ? ?管道將水輸送到市民的廚房中，人們可以更方便地烹飪和飲用。倫敦的管道系統(tǒng)非常復(fù)雜，除了主噴泉和管道外，還有東和西市場(chǎng)的附屬分支，以及為城市大片區(qū)域、居民區(qū)和特定家庭服務(wù)的延伸管道。倫敦的管道水是通過地表和地下水道從河流、溪流和小水渠引來的。這些水道本身就是捕魚、釀造啤酒、清洗家禽和魚類以及碾磨谷物的重要水源。倫敦的河流和較小的水域?qū)Τ鞘械氖晨蛠碚f是必不可少的，它們不僅可以運(yùn)送食品和商人進(jìn)出城市，還可以為磨坊和機(jī)械設(shè)備提供動(dòng)力。住戶們也直接從河岸和溪邊為廚房取水。

Citizens carried conduit water to their kitchens for cooking and drinking. London’s complex conduit system had additions to the main fountains and pipes via subsidiary branches in the markets of East Chepe and West Chepe and extensions serving large sectors of the city, neighborhood wards, and particular households. London’s conduit water was diverted by means of surface and underground aqueducts from rivers, streams, and brooks. These watercourses themselves were important resources for catching fish, making beer, cleaning fowl and fish, and milling grain. For transporting food produce and merchants to and from the city as well as providing a power source for mills and mechanical devices, London’s rivers and smaller waters were essential to the city’s victualers. Householders also drew water for their kitchens directly from riverbank and brook side.

《供水條例》

? ? ? ? ? 自然流水的多種用途加上管道系統(tǒng)的人工疏導(dǎo)，使得防止水污染對(duì)城市利益至關(guān)重要。中世紀(jì)倫敦的食物和健康離不開水。臭氣熏天、惡臭難聞、污染嚴(yán)重的水引起了人們的恐慌、騷動(dòng)及對(duì)保護(hù)城市水源立法工作的開端。針對(duì)用水弊端的有效法律包括：控制用水量、向食品生產(chǎn)商征收用水特權(quán)費(fèi)、規(guī)定服務(wù)和改善的資金來源，以及明確清理水道的責(zé)任。市政當(dāng)局任命的管道管理員負(fù)責(zé)防止水資源浪費(fèi)，向用戶收取費(fèi)用，檢查、清潔、修理、維護(hù)和保護(hù)整個(gè)管道系統(tǒng)。管道管理員的賬簿詳細(xì)記錄了從特定戶主和食品生產(chǎn)商那里收取的管道使用費(fèi)，公開列出了欠費(fèi)者名單，并列舉了沒收的非法壺、盆和桶，這些都是通過現(xiàn)金抵押贖回的。水管工作人員賺取日薪，外加酒水津貼或中午解酒的酒水津貼（或稱“午宴”）。員工們修理破損的水管，延長(zhǎng)輸水管道，并檢查輸水系統(tǒng)中是否有毒物（esclandre de poyson）。公共供水系統(tǒng)的主要漏洞之一是蓄意中斷、破壞或投毒。真實(shí)或想象中的毒害以及克服毒害的狂熱迷信方法導(dǎo)致杰弗里·喬叟在《坎特伯雷故事集》中的赦免者將豬骨作為能夠凈化毒水的圣物兜售。

Multiple uses of naturally flowing waters plus their artificial channeling in the conduit system made prevention of water fouling vital for city interests. No single element was as indispensable as water to medieval London’s food and health. Stinking, reeking, polluted waters caused consternation, agitation, and legislation. Against water malpractices effective laws-controlled water usage, extracted fees from food craftsmen for water privileges, prescribed financing of services and improvements, and defined responsibility for cleaning waterways. Municipally appointed keepers of the conduit were charged with preventing water waste, collecting fees from users, and checking, cleaning, repairing, maintaining, and protecting the whole plumbing system. Account books of conduit keepers detailed monies collected for conduit use from specific householders and food craftsmen, publicly listed dues-defaulting people, and enumerated confiscated illegal pots, tubs, and buckets redeemed by cash pledge. Conduit personnel earned daily wages augmented by stipends for drink or with wines for a noon quench, or nuncheon. Employees repaired broken pipes, extended water conduits, and investigated the system for poison, esclandre de poyson. A major vulnerability of a public water system was intentional interruption, sabotage, or poisoning. Real or imagined poisonings and the grand superstitious methods to overcome them led Chaucer’s Pardoner in the Canterbury Tales to peddle pig’s bones as saint’s relics capable of curing poisoned waters.

水資源浪費(fèi)

? ? ? ? ? 釀酒師、酒館老板、麥芽制造商和其他食品飲料生產(chǎn)商的瀆職行為造成了水資源的過度使用與浪費(fèi)，導(dǎo)致水資源短缺。到了1357年，浪費(fèi)現(xiàn)象已經(jīng)非常嚴(yán)重，以至于管道附近的住戶在法庭上控訴釀酒師，因?yàn)樗麄冇芯薮蟮倪\(yùn)水桶，被之為“Tynes”。作為對(duì)過度取水的懲罰，任何釀酒師如果被發(fā)現(xiàn)向運(yùn)水桶中注水，就會(huì)被管道管理員沒收容器。單靠這種懲罰并不能阻止水的浪費(fèi)。后來的缺水問題再次牽連到釀酒師和酒館老板，他們被禁止用管道水釀造麥酒或麥芽。違反這一規(guī)定的人將失去他們的大容量酒杯和運(yùn)水桶，支付罰款，并有可能被關(guān)進(jìn)監(jiān)獄。初犯者罰40便士，第二和第三次犯法者罰錢并沒收水容器，第四次犯法者則要坐牢。

Perfidies of brewers, taverners, malt makers, and other food and drink craftsmen caused inordinate use and wastage of water, resulting in shortages. By 1357 wastage was so serious that householders from the conduit neighborhood complained in court against brewers because of their giant water-carrying tubs called tynes. As sanction against overdrawing water, any brewer caught filling a tyne lost his vessel to the conduit keeper. Alone, this punishment failed to deter water loss. Later water shortages again implicated brewers and taverners, who were forbidden to make ale or malt with conduit water. Violators of that rule lost their multigallon tankards and tynes, paid fines, and risked jail. Forty pence was penalty for the first offense, money plus the water receptacles for second and third offenses, and for a fourth misdeed, prison.

通過私人行動(dòng)解決水資源問題

? ? ? ? ? 私營(yíng)企業(yè)和市政當(dāng)局合作，共同解決水源問題。弗利特街的市民們不愿意再忍受管道和水管破裂時(shí)房屋與地窖被淹、貨物被毀的情況，他們自費(fèi)建造了一個(gè)保護(hù)性的通風(fēng)口或閣樓，用于防止公共渡槽的溢流。他們承諾，如果這種新的設(shè)計(jì)以任何方式損害了管道或危及城市福利，他們將把所有管道恢復(fù)到原來的位置。在理查德二世（1377-99）統(tǒng)治時(shí)期，22位市民在一份日期為1388年的拉丁文文件中承諾支付在酒商約翰·沃爾沃斯 (John Walworth)?擁有的房屋和酒館對(duì)面的引水道上修建保護(hù)性的通風(fēng)口（或閣樓）的費(fèi)用，以防止倫敦引水道因管道破損而導(dǎo)致洪水泛濫，造成他們的房屋、地窖、圍墻、貨物和物品的遺失、腐爛和損壞。

Private enterprise and municipal initiative collaborated in remedying water distresses. Fleet Street citizens, for instance, no longer willing to endure their houses and cellars flooded and their goods ruined when conduit pipes and water mains broke, built at their own cost an aventum, a protective vent or penthouse for the overflow of the public aqueduct. They promised to restore all pipes to their original positions if this new expediency in any way violated the welfare of the conduit or city. In a Latin document dated 1388 under the reign of Richard II (r. 1377–99), 22 citizens pledged to pay for the penthouse over the aqueduct opposite the house and tavern owned by John Walworthe, vintner, to prevent flooding via the London aqueduct due to broken pipes causing losses, rotting and damaging their houses, cellars, party walls, goods, and wares.

? ? ? ? ? 其他擁有商業(yè)或住宅用地和公寓的倫敦市民則自費(fèi)修理管道。富裕的倫敦人認(rèn)識(shí)到副管道對(duì)自家廚房的實(shí)用性，因此個(gè)人出資建造副管道，并提供擔(dān)保以防主管道受到損害。私人出于個(gè)人利益和愛國(guó)主義而贊助和支付的水利工程，并承諾在公共利益受到損害時(shí)要向市政當(dāng)局賠償。泰晤士河、弗利特河和泰伯恩河是英國(guó)15條河流中的三條，這些河流由公共和私人出資治理，以防止人們的粗心大意、淤塞、沉積、人工筑墻、改道、筑壩和城市建筑的掩埋。

Other London citizens holding lands and tenements for business or dwelling repaired problems at their own expense. Wealthy Londoners, recognizing utility for their own kitchens of a subsidiary conduit, personally funded its building, giving surety against infringement upon the main pipes. Water projects sponsored and paid for by private individuals for personal gain and for patriotism always provided for restitution to the municipality in case of damage to the public good. The Thames, Fleet, and Tyburn were three among 15 English rivers treated with public and private initiatives against human carelessness, silting, sedimentation, artificial wallings, diversions, dammings, and burials beneath urban construction.

《Handbook To Life in The Medieval World》（2008）

By Madeleine Pelner Cosman and Linda Gale Jones??

未完待續(xù)！