A bar of faith and hope

一個(gè)信念和希望的酒吧（這里bar也許不是酒吧的意思，但是看英英釋義想不出其他的詞）

By the 18th century the first stirrings of a more systematic approach to public health began to appear. Larger cities established public bodies charged with determining when and how to conduct quarantines in response to outbreaks of diseases like smallpox. Many set up hospitals to care for the ill. But it was the beginning of industrialisation, and the associated growth of cities, that proved the most consequential health development of the century.

到了18世紀(jì)，一種更系統(tǒng)的公共衛(wèi)生方法開(kāi)始出現(xiàn)。大城市設(shè)立了公共機(jī)構(gòu)，負(fù)責(zé)確定何時(shí)以及如何對(duì)天花等疾病的爆發(fā)進(jìn)行隔離。許多人建立了醫(yī)院來(lái)照顧病人。但事實(shí)證明，本世紀(jì)最重要的健康發(fā)展，是工業(yè)化的開(kāi)始和隨之而來(lái)的城市增長(zhǎng)。

詞匯

Smallpox/天花

London’s population roughly doubled in the 18th century, to about 1m inhabitants. It then rose nearly sevenfold in the 19th. That of New York City grew from about 30,000 people to 3.5m between 1790 and 1900. Manufacturing centres across Europe and North America transformed from modest villages to swelling metropolises in the space of a lifetime.

倫敦的人口在18世紀(jì)大約翻了一番，達(dá)到約100萬(wàn)。19世紀(jì)，這一數(shù)字增長(zhǎng)了近7倍。紐約市的人口從1790年的3萬(wàn)增長(zhǎng)到1900年的350萬(wàn)。歐洲和北美的制造業(yè)中心，在一眨眼的時(shí)間里，就從不起眼的村莊變成了蓬勃發(fā)展的大都市。

詞匯

Sevenfold/七倍的；七重的

Swelling/腫脹，腫塊；膨脹

Metropolis/大都市；首府；重要中心

The consequences for public health were devastating. Factories pumped smoke into the air. Sewers emptied waste into rivers and lakes used for drinking water. Epidemics of water-borne diseases like cholera and typhoid killed thousands of people. As a result, death rates in cities were substantially higher than those in rural areas. They were also higher than the urban birth rate. In the early 19th century, as many as half of the children born to the working class in London died by the age of five. Only the steady flow of people migrating from the countryside kept cities from shrinking.

（而工業(yè)化）對(duì)公眾健康的影響是毀滅性的。工廠向空氣中排放煙霧。下水道把廢物排入用于飲用的河流和湖泊?；魜y和傷寒等由水傳播的疾病導(dǎo)致成千上萬(wàn)人死亡。因此，城市的死亡率大大高于農(nóng)村地區(qū)。（死亡率）也高于城市人口的出生率。19世紀(jì)初，倫敦工人階級(jí)出生的孩子中，有多達(dá)一半在五歲前就夭折了。只有農(nóng)村穩(wěn)定的人口流動(dòng)才使城市免于萎縮。

詞匯

Sewer/下水道；陰溝

Cholera/霍亂

Typhoid/傷寒

The hardship of city life during the first century of industrialisation fed the deep discontent with capitalism brewing among the working classes. Friedrich Engels, in his writing on “The Condition of the Working Class in England” (1845), made much of the state of sanitation in the districts occupied by poor labourers, like St Giles in London, where “heaps of garbage and ashes lie in all directions, and the foul liquids emptied before the doors gather in stinking pools.”

工業(yè)化的第一個(gè)世紀(jì)，城市生活的艱辛助長(zhǎng)了工人階級(jí)對(duì)資本主義醞釀的深深的不滿。弗里德里?！ざ鞲袼乖谒麑?xiě)在“英國(guó)工人階級(jí)的狀況”(1845)的國(guó)家的衛(wèi)生區(qū)被貧窮勞動(dòng)者,像在倫敦圣吉爾斯,“成堆的垃圾和灰燼鋪的一地都是,污濁的液體倒在門(mén)口聚集成臭氣熏天的池?！?/p>

詞匯

Brewing/釀造；醞釀；計(jì)劃

Heap/堆；許多；累積

Stinking/發(fā)惡臭的

But dirt posed a greater threat to the sustainability of capitalist growth than socialist thinkers did. High urban mortality rates placed a ceiling on the extent to which early industrial societies could urbanise, of about 30%—or roughly the share of the population of the Netherlands considered urban in the 18th century. The deadliness of industrial cities became a bottleneck to modern economic growth.

但污染對(duì)資本主義增長(zhǎng)的可持續(xù)性構(gòu)成的威脅，比社會(huì)主義思想家們所認(rèn)為的要大。高的城市死亡率為早期工業(yè)社會(huì)城市化的程度設(shè)定了上限，約為30%——大約相當(dāng)于18世紀(jì)荷蘭被認(rèn)為是城市人口的比例。工業(yè)城市的致死率成為現(xiàn)代經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)的瓶頸。

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Such terrible conditions slowly moved people to demand action. Nascent studies on chronic infectious disease made clear that cities themselves were deleterious to health, though the best minds of the day could not be certain precisely why. This was no small problem. The rapid pace of change within cities, and the sheer number of sources of nastiness which might contribute to ill health, made the problem of spurious correlation nearly insurmountable.

如此惡劣的環(huán)境慢慢地促使人們要求采取行動(dòng)。對(duì)慢性傳染病的初步研究表明，城市本身對(duì)健康有害，盡管當(dāng)時(shí)最聰明的人也不能確切地確定原因。這不是一個(gè)小問(wèn)題。城市內(nèi)部變化的速度之快，以及可能導(dǎo)致健康不健康的污穢來(lái)源之多，使得虛假關(guān)聯(lián)的問(wèn)題幾乎無(wú)法克服。

詞匯

Nascent/新興的，初期的

Deleterious/有毒的，有害的

Nastiness/不潔，污穢

Spurious/假的；偽造的；欺騙的

Some 18th-century scholars speculated that ailments might pass from person to person through the movement of unknown microscopic particles. In the absence of the equipment and know-how needed to detect such particles, empirically serious scholars dismissed the notion in favour of the idea that miasma, or foul air, was the cause of infectious disease. The theory found further favour with businessmen who disliked the trade-interrupting effects of quarantines and reformers keen to clean up the cities.

一些18世紀(jì)的學(xué)者推測(cè)，疾病可能通過(guò)未知的微小顆粒在人與人之間傳播。在缺乏檢測(cè)這些粒子所需的設(shè)備和專業(yè)知識(shí)的情況下，嚴(yán)肅的經(jīng)驗(yàn)學(xué)者們摒棄了這種觀點(diǎn)，轉(zhuǎn)而支持瘴氣或污濁的空氣是傳染病的原因的觀點(diǎn)。這一理論得到了不喜歡隔離造成的貿(mào)易中斷的商人和熱衷于清理城市的改革者的進(jìn)一步支持。

詞匯

Ailment/小病；不安

Empirically/以經(jīng)驗(yàn)為主地

Miasma/瘴氣；臭氣；不良影響

In the 19th century scores of public-minded individuals began pitching schemes to clean up cities. Edwin Chadwick, a British lawyer who contributed to the reform of the English Poor Laws, oversaw the drafting of a scathing report on sanitary conditions in Britain, published in 1842, which documented that the average age of death for tradesmen in London was just 22, and for labourers just 16. Chadwick cited miasma as the chief contributor to infectious illness and called for large-scale public investments in drainage and sewage systems. Similar figures across the industrialising world sought to build support for policies to clean up deadly cities. Dickens was one of them.

在19世紀(jì)，許多有公德心的人開(kāi)始兜售清潔城市的計(jì)劃。英國(guó)律師埃德溫?查德威克(Edwin Chadwick)為英國(guó)窮人法的改革做出了貢獻(xiàn)，他監(jiān)督起草了一份關(guān)于英國(guó)衛(wèi)生狀況的措辭嚴(yán)厲的報(bào)告，該報(bào)告于1842年發(fā)表，記錄了倫敦商人的平均死亡年齡只有22歲，勞工的平均死亡年齡只有16歲。查德威克指出瘴氣是導(dǎo)致傳染病的主要原因，并呼吁對(duì)排水和污水系統(tǒng)進(jìn)行大規(guī)模的公共投資。在整個(gè)工業(yè)化世界，類似的數(shù)據(jù)試圖為清理致命城市的政策尋求支持。狄更斯就是其中之一。

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It was not easy. Despite reports such as Chadwick’s, scientific understanding remained scant. In 1849 The Economist declared that:

這并不容易。盡管有諸如查德威克的報(bào)告，科學(xué)的理解仍然很少。在《經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)人》子刊物《1849》，記錄道：

The belief in contagion, like the belief in astrology and witchcraft, seems destined to die out; and as we have got rid of all regulations for consulting the starts or attending to omens before we begin any undertakings, and of all the laws against feeding evil spirits and punishing witches, so we shall no doubt in time get rid of the quarantine regulations that were established from the old belief in contagion.

對(duì)傳染病的信念，就像對(duì)占星術(shù)和巫術(shù)的信念一樣，似乎注定要消亡;我們開(kāi)辟任何新的事業(yè)已經(jīng)擺脫了挑選黃道吉日或是祈求一些征兆；或是對(duì)投喂惡靈，鞭撻女巫的的法則置之于外。毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)，我們已經(jīng)處于擺脫關(guān)于傳染病的種種“規(guī)則”時(shí)期，那種先前基于傳染病時(shí)期的老舊信念。

詞匯

Contagion/傳染病

Astrology/占星術(shù)；占星學(xué)

Witchcraft/ ?巫術(shù)；魔法

die out/滅絕；消失

omen/?預(yù)兆；征兆

So too did stubborn citizens grow weary of the lecturing of muckraking do-gooders. By 1854, outbreaks of infectious disease had killed thousands of Londoners of all classes, and yet an editorial in The Times huffed, “We prefer to take our chance of cholera and the rest rather than be bullied into health.”

同樣，頑固的公民也對(duì)那些揭露黑暗面的行善者的說(shuō)教感到厭倦。到1854年，傳染病的爆發(fā)奪去了成千上萬(wàn)的倫敦人的生命，而《泰晤士報(bào)》的一篇社論憤怒地寫(xiě)道，“我們寧愿冒霍亂和其他疾病的險(xiǎn)，也不愿被逼走向健康?！?/p>

詞匯

Weary/疲倦的；厭煩的

Muckraking/收集并揭發(fā)名人丑聞

Huff/ ?生氣地說(shuō)

Instead the concept of a collective responsibility to invest in public goods had to be cultivated. As Johan Goudsblom, a Dutch sociologist, noted: “Increasingly, it dawned upon the rich that they could not ignore the plight of the poor; the proximity of gold coast and slum was too close.” Governments at all levels began to take on direct responsibility for tidying up large cities. Removal of household waste, cleaning of streets, provision of fresh running water and universal connection to sewage slowly became the norm.

相反，必須培養(yǎng)投資于公共產(chǎn)品的集體責(zé)任的概念。正如荷蘭社會(huì)學(xué)家約翰?古茲布盧姆(Johan Goudsblom)指出的那樣:“富人越來(lái)越意識(shí)到，他們不能忽視窮人的困境;黃金海岸和貧民窟太近了。“各級(jí)政府開(kāi)始直接擔(dān)負(fù)起清理大城市的責(zé)任。清除生活垃圾、清潔街道、提供新鮮自來(lái)水和普及污水處理逐漸成為一種規(guī)范。

詞匯

Plight/困境；境況

Sewage/污水；下水道

The effects of this sanitary revolution were dramatic. Though data from the late 18th and early 19th centuries are patchy and flawed, the broad picture is clear. Across industrialising cities, mortality rates, for the young especially, held steady at high levels or climbed slightly in the early 19th century, as rapid urbanisation unfolded, despite a dramatic decline in smallpox mortality over this period associated with the rise of inoculation. From around 1840, however, a trend toward declining mortality rates began to take hold. Life expectancy at birth rose about 6 years, on average, across large British cities from 1838 to the end of the century. In Paris it rose by about ten years over this period; in Stockholm by roughly 20. In America the crude death rate per 1,000 people rose in New York City from about 25 in the early 1800s to roughly 35 in 1850, before falling to near 20 by the end of the century. Trends in other large American cities were similar.

這次衛(wèi)生革命的影響是巨大的。盡管18世紀(jì)末和19世紀(jì)初的數(shù)據(jù)是零碎的、有缺陷的，但總體情況是清楚的。在工業(yè)化的城市中，死亡率，尤其是年輕人，在19世紀(jì)早期，隨著快速城市化的展開(kāi)，保持在高水平，或略有上升，盡管在這一時(shí)期，隨著接種的增加，天花死亡率急劇下降。然而，從1840年左右開(kāi)始，死亡率開(kāi)始下降。從1838年到本世紀(jì)末，英國(guó)各大城市的平均預(yù)期壽命增加了約6歲。在巴黎，這一時(shí)期上升了10年;在斯德哥爾摩大約是20。在美國(guó)，紐約市每千人的粗死亡率從19世紀(jì)初的約25人上升到1850年的約35人，到本世紀(jì)末降至近20人。美國(guó)其他大城市的趨勢(shì)也類似。

詞匯

Sanitary/衛(wèi)生的

Mortality/死亡率

Inoculation/ ?[醫(yī)] 接種